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About Google Book Search Google’s mission is to organize the world’s information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world’s books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web atthtto: //books.gqoogle.com/ ὩΣ -“. ἊΣ re ae Digitized by Google ἐς of BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA. EDITED BY GEORGE LONG, M.A. FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND THE REV. A. J. MACLEANHE, M.A. TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. VOL. IV. e ote Py = “fe oe Φ HERO {Ὁ ΤΌ, “Ὁ ate 4 .3 5 ““, 44 oo @ δ. 7 ese 9 4 4 ,. 2,24,9 , dled oe, WITH As 2} COMMENTARY BY THE REV. J. W. BLAKESLEY, B.D. LONDON: WHITTAKER AND CO. AVE MARIA LANE; GEORGE BELL, FLEET STREET. 1854. ) HERODOTUS, WITH A COMMENTARY JOSEPH WILLIAMS BLAKESLEY, B.D. LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF TRINI{Y COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,~ ὁ. ᾿ oie » e . 8.5 oe LONDON: WHITTAKER AND CO. AVE MARIA LANE; GEORGE BELL, FLEET STREET. 1854. we LONDON : GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, ST. JOHN'S BQUARR. 4 e e e e e e eee ae Pe e Cd e o ὃ e Φ oe Ce ee @. & © ee e e° 4 eo %e « ae e - eos Se e eo “ge fe 9 . e o@ e e ee e ἩΡΟΔΟΊΤΟΥ ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩΝ ΠΕΜΠΤΗ. ΤΕΡΨΙΧΟΡΗ. ΟΙ δὲ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τῶν Περσέων καταλειφθέντες ὑπὸ 1 Δαρείου, τῶν 6 Μογάβαζος ᾽ ἦρχε, πρώτους μὲν Περινθίους in πότύα ε / > , ς , ’ to take Ἐλλησποντίων, οὐ βουλομένους ὑπηκόους εἶναι Δαρείου, κατ- DI, εστρέψαντο, περιεφθέντας πρότερον καὶ ὑπὸ Παιόνων τρηχέως. ΚΝ οἱ γὰρ ὧν ἀπὸ Στρυμόνος Παίονες, χρήσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ στρα- "υδετοὰ by τεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Περινθίους καὶ ἣν μὲν ἀντικατιζόμενοι ἐπικαλέσων- of the ταί σφεας οἱ Περώθιοι ὀνομαστὶ Ρωσάντεν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπιχειρέειν, ἣν δὲ μὴ ἐπιβώσωνται, μὴ ἐπυχειρέειν *, ἐποίευν οἱ Παίονες ταῦτα' ἀντικατιζομένων δὲ τῶν Περινθίων ἐν τῷ προαστηΐῳ, ἐνθαῦτα μουνομαχίη τριφασίη ἐκ προκλήσιός σφι ὀγένετο' καὶ γὰρ ἄνδρα ἀνδρὶ, καὶ ἵππον ἵππῳ συνέβαλον, καὶ κύνα κυνί’ νικώντων δὲ τὰ δύο τῶν Περινθίων, ὡς ἐπαιώνιξον κεχαρηκότες, συνεβάλοντο οἱ Παίονες τὸ χρηστήριον αὐτὸ τοῦτο εἶναι" καὶ εἶπάν κου παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι “viv ἂν εἴη ὁ χρησμὸς ἐπιτελεόμενος ἡμῖν" νῦν ἡμέτερον τὸ ἔργον" οὕτω τοῖσι Περινθίοισε παιωνίσασι ἐπι- left out by the transcriber, owing to his 1 καταλειφθέντες. The narrative is re- sumed from iv. 143. 2 Μεγάβαζος. One MS (3) has Meyd- Bu{os. See the note 367 on iv. 143. 3 ἣν δὲ μὴ ἐπιβώσωνται, μὴ ἐπιχει- ρέειν. These words are omitted in one MS (8S). The presumption is that the omission arises from a whole line being VOL. II. eye falling upon the second ἐπιχειρέειν instead of the first. But it is possible that there is here a real variation ; for the sense will be a perfectly complete one without the words, although the construc- tion will not be so symmetrical. See note 531 on ii. 173. B 2 He then attacks Thrace, and reduces the parts near the sea (§ 10). 3 Magnitude of the Thra- cian race. Their cus- toms are the same, ex- cept in the case of the Geta, Trau- 2 HERODOTUS χειρέουσι οἱ Παίονες, καὶ πολλῷ ‘ τε ἐκράτησαν Kat ἔλιπόν σφεων ὀλύγους. Τὰ μὲν δὴ ἀπὸ Παιόνων πρότερον γενόμενα ὧδε ἐγένετο" τότε δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίης γινομένων τῶν Περιν- θίων, οἱ Πέρσαι τε καὶ ὁ Μεγάβαζος ἐπεκράτησαν πλήθεϊ. ὡς δὲ ἐχειρώθη" ἡ Πέρινθος, ἤλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν ὁ Μεγάβαζος διὰ τῆς Θρηΐκης, πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ πᾶν ἔθνος τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων ἡμερούμενος βασιλέϊ' ταῦτα γάρ οἱ ἐντέταλτο ἐκ Δαρείον, Θρηΐκην καταστρέφεσθαι. ° Opnixov δὲ ἔθνος μέγιστόν ἐστι, μετά ye ᾿Ινδοὺς, πάντων ἀνθρώπων" εἰ δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἑνὸς ἄρχοιτο ἢ φρονέοι κατὰ τωὐτὸ, ἄμαχόν T ἂν εἴη καὶ πολλῷ κράτιστον πάντων ἐθνέων, κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμήν “ ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο ἄπορόν σφι καὶ ἀμήχανον μή κοτε ἐγγένη- ται, εἰσὶ 8" κατὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέες. οὐνόματα δὲ πολλὰ ἔχουσι κατὰ χώρας ὅκαστοι' νόμοισι δὲ οὗτοι παραπλησίοισε πάντες χρέωνται κατὰ πάντα, πλὴν Γετέων καὶ Τραυσῶν" καὶ τῶν κατ- ὕπερθε Κρηστωναίων" οἰκεόντων. Τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν Γέται οἱ 4 πολλῷ. The majority οὗ the MSS, which Gaisford follows, have πολλὸν, and in § 102, below, ali have πολλὸν ἑσσώ- θησαν. But the more general form is πολλῷ, and this is probably latent here under πολλῶν, the reading of S. 5 ἀχειρώθη. One manuscript (ΕἾ has ἐπεχειρώθη, which would be a fitting word if Perinthus was an addition to former conquests; and this was probably the case, although Perinthus was the first city attacked subsequently to the return of Darius (§ 1). 6 κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμήν. THUCYDIDES, whose close connexion with gave him a right to form a judgment, takes a very different view of the sia ἡ βασι- λεία μεγίστη ἐγένετο ζρημά τῶν προσόδῳ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ" loxds δὲ μάχης καὶ στρατοῦ πλήθει ake δευτέρα μετὰ τὴν Σκυθῶν (ii. 97). But the notion of Thrace formed by Herodotus was one of a more extensive territory. 7 εἰσὶ δὴ, “they are, after all.” See note 6 on i. I. 8 Τραυσῶν. If these are the inhabitants of the valley of the 7rauos, the informa- tion relative to them would probably be derived from the Hellenic town Dicea. See vii. 109, below. 4 Κρηστωναίων. These persons appear to be the inhabitants of the town Cre- ston, mentioned by Herodotus (above, i. 57) as inhabited by ““ Tyrrhenes,” in- land of whom were some ‘ Pelasgians,”’ apparently the same people that are here coupled with the Trausi and Getre. Whe- ther these are to be regarded as Thracians or Pelasgians, it would seem that they are a very anomalous people, retaining cus- toms of an oriental c which, in the belief of the writer, are peculiar to themselves. It will be observed that he gives them no name (either here or in i. 57), and the account of their customs may very well have passed through two or three hands before it reached him. Creston is simply described by SrerHa- Nus BYZANTINUS as a Thracian town, and its local deity appears to have been exactly identical (even as regards his sacred symbol, the wolf) with the Roman Mars. Lycoruron speaks of τὸν Κρη- στώνης θεὸν Kavdaioyv ἣ Μάμερτον, ὁπλίτην λύκον (937). And that Thra- cians, Crestonians, Pelasgians, and Tyr- rhenes belonged to the same race, that is, were different waves of the great human flood which set westward from Asia and poured down into the Italian and Hellenic peninsulas, seems evident from the cir- cumstance of their all being mixed up together in the peninsula of Mount Athos, where they formed a bilingual population. (See THucyp1pes quoted in note 186 on i. 57.) The two languages were no doubt TERPSICHORE. V. 2—6. 3 ἀθανατίζοντες ποιεῦσι, εἴρηταί μοι. Τραυσοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα εἰ, and tho πάντα κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι," Θρῃξὶ ἐπιτελέουσι, κατὰ δὲ ἐὐιυν ᾿ τὸν γινόμενόν σφε καὶ ἀπογινόμενον ποιεῦσι τοιάδε: τὸν μὲν ee τὰ γενόμενον περιϊξόμενοι οἱ προσήκοντες ὀλοφύρονται, ὅσα μεν δεῖ rove ἐπεί te ἀγένετο ἀναπλῆσαι κακὰ, ἀνηγεόμενοι τὰ ἀνθρωπήϊα πάντα πάθεα' τὸν δ᾽ ἀπογενόμενον παίζοντές τε καὶ ἡδόμενοι γῇ κρύπτουσι, ἐπιλέγοντες ὅσων κακῶν ἐξαπαλλαχθεὶς ἔστε ἐν πάσῃ εὐδαιμονίῃ", Οἱ δὲ κατύπερθε Κρηστωναίων 1") ποιεῦσι τοιάδε" ἔχει γυναῖκας ὅκαστος πολλάς" ἐπεὰν ὧν τις αὐτῶν ἀπο- θάνῃ, κρίσις γίνεται μεγάλη τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ φίλων σπουδαὶ ἐσχυραὶ περὶ τοῦδε, ἥτις αὐτέων ἐφιλέετο μάλεστα ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀνδρός" ἢ δ᾽ ἂν κριθῇ καὶ τιμηθῇ, ἐγκωμιασθεῖσα ὑπό τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ ᾿ γυναικῶν σφάξεται ἐς τὸν τάφον ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰκηϊοτάτου ἑωυτῆς, σφαχθεῖσα δὲ συνθάπτεταε τῷ ἀνδρί αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι συμφορὴν μεγάλην ποιεῦνται" ὄνειδος γάρ σφι τοῦτο μέγιστον γίνεται. Τῶν δὲ δὴ ἄλλων Θρηΐκων ἐστὶ ὅδε. ὁ νόμος: πωλεῦσι τὰ 6 τέκνα ἐπ᾽ ἐξαγωγῇ" τὰς δὲ παρθένους οὐ φυλάσσουσι ἀλλ᾽ ἐῶσι Gener οἷσι αὐταὶ βούλονταε ἀνδράσι μίσγεσθαι, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἰσχυρῶς the rece. φυλάσσουσι: καὶ ὠνέονται τὰς γυναῖκας παρὰ τῶν γονέων χρη- the Pelasgian (i. 6. the common parent of Greek and Latin) and the Greek of com- merce, arising from the mixture of Chal- cidian settlers. The conjecture of Niebuhr (who would read Κροτῶνα instead of Kpn- στῶνα in i. 57) seems quite irreconcileahle with this passage. At the same time Dro- Nysius oF HaLicARNassus found Kpo- τωνιᾶται there... 10 ἄλλοισι. omit this word. 1) τὸν μὲν γενόμενον... .. ἂν πάσῃ εὑδαιμονίῃ.ᾳ ἘΒΙΡΙΡΕΒ, in his play of Cresphontes, had a sentiment of this kind :— ἔδει γὰρ ἡμᾶς σύλλογον ποιουμένους τὸν φύντα θρηνεῖν, εἰς ὅσ᾽ ἔρχεται κακά" τὸν δ᾽ αὖ θανόντα καὶ πόνων πεπαυμένον χαίροντας εὐφημοῦντας ἐκπέμπειν δόμων. ϑΤΒΑΒΟ (zi. c. 12, p. 444), who quotes the three last of these lines, seems to attribute the practice described in them to Asiatic barbarians. But Euripides would be likely to hear of such habits at the Macedonian court ; and in that case they would more probably be fathered on the race with The manuscripts ὃ and V whom the Macedonians had most to do, i.e. Kuropean Thracians. Doubtless the religious ideas connected with such a prac- tice would come from the east; and in the time of Strabo instances of the practice itself might be known in Asia. 12 of δὲ κατύπερθε Κρηστωναίων. STE- PHANUS BYZANTINUS (v. Γετία) states it to be a custom of the Getans: ἐπισφάζειν τὴν γυναῖκα τῷ ἀνδρί. The Hindu habit of suttee will occur to every reader. The practice of immolating wives at the fune- ral of their husbands was surpassed in barbarity by a custom which prevailed in Poland before it was Christianized, and of which Ditmar, who was bishop of Merseburg in the year 1008, speaks as ex- isting in the generation before him. ‘ Una- qureque mulier post viri exequias sui igne cremati decollata subsequitur : et si mere- trix inveniebatur, in genitali suo, turpi et miserabili poend, circumcidebatur, idque (si sic dici licet) preeputium in foribus suspenditur.” (Chronic. viii. init., cited by Perizonius on lian, V. H. vii. 18.) See note 205 on iv. 73. Bz 7 Their chiefs worship Hermes be- sides the popular dei- ties, Ares, 8 Dionysus, and Arle- mts. Mode of burial. 4 HERODOTUS μάτων μεγάλων: καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐστίχθαι εὐγενὲς κέκριται", τὸ δ᾽ ἄστικτον ἀγεννές" ἀργὸν εἶναι κάλλιστον “", γῆς δὲ ἐργάτην, ἀτε- μότατον: τὸ ζῇν ἀπὸ πολέμου καὶ ληϊστύος κάλλιστον" οὗτοι μέν σφεων οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι νόμοι εἰσί. Θεοὺς δὲ σέβονται μούνους τούσδε" “Apea καὶ Διόνυσον καὶ "Αρτεμιν "> οἱ δὲ βασιλέες αὐτῶν, πάρεξ τῶν ἄλλων πολιητέων, σέβονται “Ἑρμῆν μάλιστα θεῶν" καὶ ὀμνύουσι μοῦνον τοῦτον, καὶ λέγουσι γεγονέναι ἀπὸ “Ἑρμέω ἑωυτούς δ. Ταφαὶ δὲ τοῖσι εὐδαίμοσι αὐτῶν εἰσὶ aide τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας προτιθέασι τὸν νεκρὸν, καὶ παντοῖα σφάξαντες ipnia εὐωχέονται, προκλαύσαντες πρῶτον ἔπειτα δὲ θάπτουσι κατα- καύσαντες, ἢ ἄλλως " γῇ κρύψαντες" χῶμα δὲ χέαντες, ἀγῶνα τιθεῖσι παντοῖον, ἐν τῷ τὰ μέγιστα ἄεθλα τίθεται κατὰ λόγον povvopayins'*. ταφαὶ μὲν δὴ Θρηΐκων εἰσὶ αὗται. Τὸ δὲ πρὸς βορέω τῆς χώρης ἔτι ταύτης " οὐδεὶς ἔχει φράσαι τὸ ἀτρεκὲς, οἵτινές εἶσι ἀνθρώπων οἱ οἰκέοντες αὐτήν ἀλλὰ τὰ πέρην ἤδη τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐρῆμος χώρη φαίνεται ἐοῦσα καὶ ἄπειρος. μούνους δὲ δύναμαι πυθέσθαι οἰκέοντας πέρην τοῦ Ἴστρον ἀνθρώ- 3 +d μὲν ἐστίχθαι εὐγενὲς κέκριται. This apparently has reference to a custom of tatowing; in which case nobility would of course be denoted by peculiar (and pro- bably superabundant) marks,—a practice that might easily be described as in the text, by a Greek trader. 14 ἀργὸν εἶναι κάλλιστον. This maxim, Δ natural one in the case of a warlike race wholly or mainly pastoral, is noticed by Tacrrvs as prevailing among the Ger- mans of his time. (Germ. ὃ 14. 18 “Apea καὶ Διόνυσον καὶ Αρτεμιν. The combination of the deities here mentioned will be easier understood, if we consider that Herodotus is probably following an account received from Hel- lespontine traders, who would compare the Thracian deities with those that they were familiar with in Pontus and Asia. Dionysus therefore is not the rustic deity, the god of the vine-dressers, but the oriental conqueror with his army of bac- chants, prophesying amid the inspiration of his orgies. This Dionysus was, in a Lydian legend (Steps. Byz. v. Md- oTavpa), made the reputed son of Ares, with whom he is associated in the text. 3.0 too the Artemis of the Thracians is mot the huntress goddess, the sister of the Dorian Apollo, but analogous to the cruel Tauric Artemis, the Artemis ὀρθία and ταυροπόλος of Taygetum, and the Artemis Brauronia of Attica. The iden- tity of the first of these with the Latin Bellona and the Hellenic Hnyo is deci- sively proved by the great temple of Enyo at Comana in Cappadocia; the orgies of which were said to be brought by Orestes and his sister Iphigenia from the Tauric Chersonese. (Strano, xii. c. 2. p. 5.) 16 λέγουσι γεγονέναι ἀπὸ ‘Epuéw ἕωυ- τούς. The chieftains were probably the representatives of a race originally dif- ferent from:that of their subjects, and hence had a different tutelary deity. 17 ἄλλως, “simply.” The use of the word is like that in iii. 139, δίδωμι δ᾽ ἄλλως, “ but I offer it as a gift,” ἐ. 6. simply, without conditions. 18 κατὰ λόγον μουνομαχίης, “in the way of single combat.’’ This expression would lead one to believe that the different contests which were rewarded with a prize were conducted on the principle of one ehampion challenging the field; not in the way which would be usual in Greece, by selecting as the victor the best out of 8 number of competitors. 19 τῇς χώρης ἔτι ταύτης, “ still within the limits of this country.” TERPSICHORE. V. 7—10. 5 πους, τοῖσι οὔνομα εἶναι Zuyuvvas”™ ἐσθῆτι δὲ ypewpévous Μηδικῇ" Across β i the Ist τοὺς δὲ ἵππους αὐτῶν εἶναι λασίους ἅπαν τὸ σῶμα ἐπὶ πέντε dwell the δακτύλους τὸ βάθος τῶν τριχῶν, μικροὺς δὲ καὶ σιμοὺς ᾽" καὶ Sigynn with ἀδυνάτους ἄνδρας φέρειν" ζευγνυμένους δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἅρματα, εἶναι ὀξυ- tones, eal τάτους ᾿- ἁρματηλατέειν δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. κατ- ire of ἥκειν δὲ τούτων τοὺς οὔρους ἀγχοῦ ᾿Ενετῶν" τῶν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αδρίῃ" M2 elvas δὲ Μήδων σφέας ἀποίκους λέγουσι. ὅκως δὲ οὗτοι Μήδων ἄποικοι γεγόνασι, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἔχω ἐπιφράσασθαι" γένοιτο δ᾽ ἂν πᾶν ἐν τῷ μακρῷ χρόνῳ. (Συγύννας δ᾽ ὧν καλέουσι Abyves οἱ ἄνω ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίης οἰκέοντες τοὺς καπήλους: Κύπριοι δὲ τὰ δόρατα.) Ὡς δὲ Θρήϊκες λέγουσι, μέλισσαι κατέχουσαε τὰ 10 πέρην τοῦ Ἴστρον εἰσι" καὶ ὑπὸ τουτέων οὐκ εἶναι διελθεῖν τὸ je προσωτέρω. ἐμοὶ μέν νυν, ταῦτα “λέγοντες δοκέουσι λέγειν οὐκ a dk 3 οἰκότα" τὰ γὰρ ζῶα ταῦτα φαίνεται εἶναι δύσρυγα' ἀλλά μοι τὰ County be- ὑπὸ τὴν ἄρκτον ἀοίκητα δοκέει εἶναι διὰ τὰ ψύχεα. ταῦτα μέν Inter. 30 Σιγύννας. Later writers seem to have placed this race further east. Srra- Bo speaks of them as Asiatics (xi. c. 12, p. 444). This is easily to be accounted for. See note 24, below. 21 μικροὺς δὲ καὶ σιμούς. These are the ponies (polnische pferde) which no doubt in the time of Herodotus ran wild in the forests of Hungary and Transyl- vanis. 33 dfurdrovs. Some MSS, including 8, have ὠκυτάτους. 23 κατήκειν δὲ τούτων τοὺς οὔρους ἀγχοῦ *Everay. The Eneti may be re- garded as spreading over Carinthia, or at least conducting the traffic a considerable way inland from the coast. See note 320, a, on iii. 115. There appears to have been 8 line of communication between the Adriatic and the Euxine by the medium of some entrepét on the Danube, perhaps not far above the point to which vessels from the Euxine might ascend. There is & vague and exaggerated description in the Aristotelian treatise rep) θαυμασίων ἀκου- σμάτων, which indicates the existence of commercial intercourse by this route. From Delphium, ἃ high peak in the mountains overhanging Istria, it was said that a view might be obtained of the ships sailing into the Euxine. Corcyrean wine jars are said to have been an important article in this traffic (§§ 104, 105). 324 'ἱΜήδων ἄποικοι. The mode in which these races were descended from the Medes is to be explained on the principle stated in the note 336 on i. 94. From i. 196 it will be seen that a practice un- doubtedly Asiatic existed among the Eneti, their neighbours. The custom of suffee too which prevailed among of xar- ύπερθε Κρηστωναίων ,--- distinctly points to an eastern origin of the tribes inhabiting this region. See note 20, above. 28 Σιγύννας δ᾽ ὧν καλέουσι, κιτιλ. This clause has been considered by some as 8 gloss of a scholiast interpolated into the text. This may probably be the case; for although the name σιγύννες, given by the Ligurians to merchants, may bear upon the question of the Median origin of the race, the Cyprian word certainly would not. But on the other hand there are so many parts of the MSS as they exist at present which look like later additions, that it appears unjustifiable to consider the clause as an interpolation in the pro- per sense of the word. It seems possible that the word zigeuner is etymologically connected with Sigynnes. ἃ μέλισσαι κατέχουσαι τὰ πέρην τοῦ Ἴστρου εἰσί. The foundation for this story perhaps is the enormous swarms of gnate which are found in the depths of the un- penetrated forests of Poland and Russia. The mistake may be a similar one to that in iv. 7, where see the note 22. 6 HERODOTUS νυν τῆς χώρης ταύτης πέρι λέγεται' τὰ παραθαλάσσια δ᾽ ὧν αὐτῆς Μεγάβαζος "" Περσέων κατήκοα ἐποίεε. 11 Δαρεῖος δὲ, ὡς διαβὰς τάχιστα τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἀπίκετο ἐς pervs on Sdpdis, éuvijcOn®” τῆς ἐξ ᾿Ιστιαίου τε τοῦ Μιλησίου εὐεργεσίης, at sarah καὶ τῆς παραινέσιος τοῦ Μυτιληναίου Κώεω' μεταπεμψάμενος Histieus δέ σῴεας ἐς Σάρδις, ἐδίδου αὐτοῖσι αἵρεσιν. ὁ μὲν δὴ “Ἱστιαῖος, 15. ee ἅτε τυραννεύων τῆς Μιλήτου τυραννίδος μὲν οὐδεμιῆς προσ- Cots eat éxpnte* airées δὲ Μύρκινον τὴν ᾿Ηδωνίδα, βουλόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ lene, TOMY κτίσαι. οὗτος μὲν δὴ ταύτην αἱρέεται ὁ δὲ Kamps, ola re οὐ τύραννος" δημότης τε ἐὼν, αἰτέει Μυτιλήνης τυραννεῦσαιε.- τελεωθέντων δὲ ἀμφοτέροισι, οὗτοι μὲν κατὰ τὰ εἵλοντο ἐτρά- ποντο. = 12. Δαρεῖον δὲ συνήνεικε, πρῆγμα τοιόνδε ἰδόμενον ἐπιθυμῆσαι του un- ἐντείλασθαι Μεγαβάξῳ, Παίονας ἑλόντα ἀνασπάστους ποιῆσαι “gia blag ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης és τὴν ᾿Ασίην. ἣν Πίγρης " καὶ Μαντύης "" heare of the ἄγ δες Παίονες" of, ἐπεί τε Δαρεῖος διέβη ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, αὐτοὶ of the Btry- ὀβέλοντες Παιόνων τυραννεύειν ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις, ἅμα ἀγό- μενοι ἀδελφεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα" φυλάξαντες δὲ Δαρεῖον προκατιζόμενον ἐς τὸ προάστειον τὸ τῶν Λυδῶν, ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε: σκευάσαντες τὴν ἀδελφεὴν ὡς εἶχον ἄριστα, ἐπ᾽ ὕδωρ ἔπεμπον ἄγγος ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ ἔχουσαν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ βραχίονος ἵππον ἐπέλ- κουσαν καὶ κλώθουσαν λῖνον “. ὡς δὲ παρεξήϊε ἡ γυνὴ, ἐπιμελὲς τῷ Δαρείῳ ἐγένετο: οὔτε γὰρ Περσικὰ ἦν οὔτε Avdva™ τὰ ποιεύ- μενα ἐκ τῆς γυναικὸς, οὔτε πρὸς τῶν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης οὐδαμῶν" 36 Μεγάβαζος. except ploughing. Their dreas (he says) See the note 367 on iv. 143. 37 ἐμνήσθη. See iv. 97 and 137. 38 τυραννίδος οὐδεμιῆς προσέχρῃ(ε. See the note 354 on iv. 138. 39 οὐ τύραννος. He is described in iv. 97 as the στρατηγὸς of the Mytileneans. Apparently the constitution of Mytilene at the time was the one established by Pittacus when dictator (αἰσυμνήτης). Ani- STOTLE, Polit. iii., p. 1285. 80 Πίγρης. One MS has τίγρης, and “8 and V have Μαστίης. 92 καὶ κλώθουσαν λῖνον. Dr. Hunt describes the women of the neighbourhood of Acanthus as very hardy and industrious, and performing all agricultural labours resembles that of the women in the High- lands of Scotland, except as to the head ornaments. They wear short petticoats without trousers, shoes, or stockings; and those who are mothers carry their young children slung in 8 square piece of cloth behind their shoulders while they are working in the fields. In going from place to place they not only carry their infants in this manner, but often have a lofty jar or pitcher upon their heads, and 8 rack and spindle in their hands with which they spin as they walk. He adds that they are Albanian colonists (ap. Wail- pole’s Turkey, p. 227). 33 Avia. The manuscripts S and V have Λυδικά. TERPSICHORE. V. 11---14. 7 ἐπιμελὲς δὲ ὥς ot ἐγένετο, τῶν δορυφόρων τινὰς πέμπει κελεύων φυλάξαι ὅ τι χρήσεται τῷ ἵππῳ ἡ γυνή" οἱ μὲν δὴ ὄπισθεν εἵποντο, ἡ δὲ ἐπεί τε ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν, ἧρσε"" τὸν ἵππον’ ἄρσασα δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄγγος τοῦ ὕδατος ἐμπλησαμένη, τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν “παρεξήϊε φέρουσα τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ ἐπέλκουσα ἐκ τοῦ βραχίονος τὸν ἵππον καὶ στρέφουσα τὸν ἄτρακτον. Θωμάζων δὲ 13 ὁ Δαρεῖος τά τε ἤκουσε ἐκ τῶν κατασκόπων καὶ τὰ αὐτὸς ὥρα, ἄγειν αὐτὴν ἐκέλευε ἑωντῷ ἐς ὄψιν' ὡς δὲ ἄχθη, παρῆσαν καὶ οἱ ἀδελφεοὶ αὐτῆς οὔ κῃ πρόσω σκοπιὴν ἔχοντες τούτων" εἰρωτέωντος δὲ τοῦ Δαρείου ὁποδαπὴ εἴη ; ἔφασαν οἱ νεηνίσκοι εἶναι Παίονες καὶ ἐκείνην εἶναι σφέων adedpeny ὁ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο, τίνες δὲ οἱ Παίονες ἄνθρωποί εἰσι, καὶ κοῦ γῆς οἰκημένοι, καὶ τί κεῖνοι" ἐθέλοντες ἔλθοιεν ἐς Σάρδις ; οἱ δέ οἱ ἔφραζον, ὡς ἔλθοιεν μὲν ἐκείνῳ δώσοντες σφέας αὐτοὺς, εἴη δὲ ἡ Παιονίη ἐπὶ τῷ Στρυμόνι ποταμῷ πεπολισμένη" ὁ δὲ Στρυμὼν οὐ πρόσω τοῦ ᾿Ελλησπόντον' εἴησαν δὲ Τευκρῶν τῶν ἐκ Τροίης ἄποικοι" οἱ μὲν δὴ αὐτὰ Exacta ἔλεγον" ὁ δὲ εἰρώτα εἰ καὶ πᾶσαι εἴησαν αὐτόθι αἱ γυναῖκες οὕτω ἐργτΤιθεν: ; οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἔφασαν προθύμως οὕτω ἔχειν" αὐτοῦ γὰρ ὧν τούτου εἵνεκα καὶ ἐποιέετο. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Δαρεῖος γράφει γράμματα πρὸς Μ eyé Baton, τὸν 14 ἔλιπε ἐν τῇ Θρηΐκῃ στρατηγὸν, ἐντελλόμενος ἐξαναστῆσαι ἐξ He orders Megabazus ἠθέων Παίονας, καὶ map ἑωυτὸν ἀγαγεῖν καὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ τέκνα τε cepa καὶ γυναῖκας αὐτῶν. αὐτίκα δὲ ἱππεὺς éee** Φερὼν τὴν ΑΝ, re Ὁ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον: περαιωθεὶς δὲ διδοῖ τὸ βιβλίον ᾿᾿ 34 χρήσεται. The manuscripts S, V, a, d have χρήσαιτο. See however note on vii. 213, by which the uncertainty of the documentary evidence will appear. 33 ἦρσε. This word, in its ordinary use, is applied to the irrigation of land, the proper phrase for giving water to an animal being ποτίζειν. 36 εἴησαν δὲ Τευκρῶν τῶν ἐκ Τροίης ἄποικοι. ΒΤΒΑΒΟ (ΧΙ. c. 1, p. 95) re- marks on the extensive correspondence of Thracian and Teucrian names. Thus Arisbe, a town mentioned in the Homeric poems in connexion with Practium, Se- stos, and Abydos, and therefore in their neighbourhood, is paralleled by Arisdos, a river in Thrace, a tributary of the Hebrus, on the banks of which are the Cebrenii, a Thracian tribe. The Scai and Xanthiti are two other Thracian tribes, and there is also a river Sceus, and a Σκαιὸν τεῖχος in that country. Rhesus again is a Thra- cian king; while on the other hand at Troy there are the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι, the rivers Xanthus and Rhesus, and the district Cebrenia. All these circumstances con- tribute with the tradition in the text to prove the ethnical identity of Teucrians and Thracians,—which, in the lan of Herodotus’s time, could hardly be de- scribed in other terms than making the one a colony from the other. See note 336 on i. 94. 37 αὐτίκα δὲ ἱππεὺς ἔθεε. This was the ἀγγαρήϊος. See note 348 on iii. 126. 38 +> βιβλίον, ‘the firman,’’ the writ- ten document containing formal instruc- tions for the expedition. The use of the 15 Megahbazus overruns Paonia, and transports some of the λοντας. tribes. 16 Others suc- ceasfully re- sist for the time. Description of a fishing town built in the lake Prasi 8 HERODOTUS Μεγαβάζῳ: ὁ δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος, καὶ λαβὼν ἡγεμόνας ἐκ τῆς Θρηΐκης, ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Παιονίην. Πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ Παίονες τοὺς Πέρσας ἐπὶ σφέας ἰέναι,. ἁλισθέντες ἐξεστρατεύσαντο πρὸς θαλάσσης" δοκέοντες ταύτῃ ἐπιχειρήσειν " τοὺς Πέρσας ἐμβάλ- οἱ μὲν δὴ Παίονες ἦσαν ἑτοῖμοι τὸν Μεγαβάζου στρατὸν ἐπιόντα ἐρύκειν" οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι πυθόμενοι συναλίσθαι τοὺς Παίονας καὶ τὴν πρὸς θαλάσσης ἐσβολὴν φυλάσσοντας, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας, τὴν ἄνω ὁδὸν τράπονται' λαθόντες δὲ τοὺς Παίονας ἐσπιπτουσι ἐς τὰς πόλιας αὐτῶν, ἐούσας ἀνδρῶν ἐρήμους: οἷα δὲ κεινῆσε ἐπι- πεσόντες, εὐπετέως κατέσχον. οἱ δὲ Παίονες ὡς ἐπύθοντο ἐχομένας τὰς πόλιας, αὐτίκα διασκεδασθέντες κατ᾽ ἑωυτοὺς ἕκαστοι ἐτρά- movro, καὶ παρεδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι οὕτω δὴ Παιόνων Σιροπαίονές “' τε καὶ Παιόπλαι καὶ οἱ μέχρι τῆς Πρα- σιάδος λίμνης, ἐξ ἠθέων ἐξαναστάντες, ἤγοντο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον οὗρος καὶ Δόβηρας καὶ ᾿Αγριᾶνας καὶ ᾽Οδο- μάντους καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν λίμνην τὴν Πρασιάδα, οὐκ ἐχειρώθησαν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ Μεγαβάξον. ἐπειρήθη δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ λέμνῃ ἐξαιρέειν, ὧδε κατοικημένους “" ixpia ἐπὶ σταυρῶν ὑψηλῶν ἐζευγμένα ἐν μέσῃ ἕστηκε τῇ λίμνῃ, ἔσοδον ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου στεινὴν ἔχοντα μιῇ γεφύρῃ τοὺς δὲ σταυροὺς τοὺς ὑπεστεῶτας τοῖσι ἰκρίοισι τὸ μέν κου ἀρχαῖον ἔστησαν κοινῇ πάντες οἱ article indicates the technical character of the proceeding, and that this was gene- rally known. It seems not unlikely that much of this technicality was a part of Darius’s system, to check the arbitrary power of the great satraps, and prevent their furthering their own ambitious views under the cover of the king’s authority. It would appear that these rescripts were, in each case, at least bilingual,—one lan- being a dialect of the Assyrian, and the other that of the people among whom the decree was to be put into exe- cution,—that they were both drawn up by officials of the central government, dated from thence, and authenticated by the king’s signet. (See Esther iii. 12, 13; viii. 8—14, compared with Ezra iv. 7.) That they were also letters “ patent,” seems to follow both from the story told in iii. 128, and from the Pseonians being made aware of the intended expedition. 39 δοκέοντες ταύτῃ ἐπιχειρήσειν. The impression of the Ῥιβοῃίδηϑ apparently was, that the attack would be made upon them through the Hellenic maritime states. See § 10, ad finem. “9 Σιροπαίονες. The Pseonians of Siris, 8 town which is called by the author Siris of Pronia (viii. 115), to distinguish it from Siris in Italy, likewise mentioned (viii. 62). 41 robs ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ ἐξαιρέειν, ὧδε κατοικημένους. The MSS have τοὺς ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ κατοικημένους ἐξαιρέειν ὧδε, which Gaisford retains. But if that order be genuine, it would seem that the text here must have undergone a great change, and that the existing description of the habits of the people of the town on the lake, must have been substituted for one of the manner in which Megabazus at- tempted to conquer them. A precisely similar description to that in the text, is given by Hetroporvus of the habits of the population living in the marshes of the Nile. (Xtthiopica, i. 11.) TERPSICHORE. ΤΥ. 15—18. 9 πολιῆται' μετὰ δὲ, νόμῳ χρεώμενοι ἱστᾶσι τοιῷδε: xopltovres ἐξ οὔρεος τῷ οὔνομά ἐστι "Ορβηλος, κατὰ γυναῖκα ἑκάστην ὁ γαμέων τρεῖς σταυροὺς ὑπίστησι' ἄγεται δὲ ἕκαστος συχνὰς γυναῖκας. οἰκεῦσι δὲ τοιοῦτον τρόπον, κρατέων ἕκαστος ἐπὶ τῶν ἰκρίων καλύβης τε ἐν ἡ διαιτᾶται, καὶ θύρης καταπακτῆς διὰ τῶν ἰκρίων κάτω φερούσης ἐς τὴν λίμνην: τὰ δὲ νήπια παιδία δέουσι τοῦ ποδὸς σπάρτῳ, μὴ κατακυλεσθῇ δειμαίνοντες" τοῖσι δὲ ἔπποισει καὶ τοῖσι ὑποζυγίοισι παρέχουσι χόρτον ἐχθῦς ‘* τῶν δὲ πλῆθός ἐστι τοσοῦτον, ὥστε ὅταν τὴν θύρην τὴν καταπακτὴν ἀνακλίνη, κατίεε σχοίνῳ σπυρίδα “" κεινὴν ἐς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ οὐ πολλόν τινα χρόνον ἐπισχὼν, ἀνασπᾷ πλήρεα ἰχθύων. τῶν δὲ ἐχθύων ἐστὶ γένεα δύο, τοὺς καλέουσι πάπρακάς τε καὶ τίλωνας. Παιόνων μὲν δὴ οἱ χειρωθέντες ἤγοντο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. Μεγάβαζος δὲ ὡς ἐχειρώσατο τοὺς Παίονας, πέμπει ἀγγέλους 17 ἐς Μακεδονίην ἄνδρας ἑπτὰ Πέρσας, of per’ αὐτὸν κεῖνον ἦσαν Megabazus ἀμρουάλνονη ἐν τῷ δϑρα ΤΟΝ εὐ ἐπέμποντο δὲ οὗτοι παρ᾽ ᾿Αμύν- «ἱ embassy to τὴν “ αἰτήσοντες γῆν τε καὶ Bbanp Δαρείῳ βασιλέϊ. ἔστι δὲ ἐκ τῆς kg of Πρασιάδος λίμνης συΡΤΟ μος κάρτα ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίην: πρῶτα μὲν which is γὰρ ἔχεται τῆς λίμνης τὸ μέταλλον, ἐξ οὗ ὕστερον τούτων τάλαν- cet tov ἀργυρίου ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ ἡμέρης ἑκάστης ἐφοίτα' μετὰ δὲ τὸ μέ- lake Pie. τάλλον, Avowpov καλεόμενον οὖρος ὑπερβάντα εἶναι ἐν Maxe- ce Sovip”. “) Οἱ ὧν Πέρσαι of πεμφθέντες οὗτοι παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αμύντην ue ὡς ἀπίκοντο, αἴτεον ἐλθόντες és ve τὴν ᾿Αμύντεω Δαρείῳ τ΄ ae Δι βασιλέϊ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ' ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε ἐδίδου, καί σφεας ἐπὶ ceived τῶ 42 τοῖσι δὲ ἵπποισι. .. χόρτον ἰχθῦς. was high up in the mountains, near the Marco Povo asserts the existence of a similar practice on the coast of Hadra- maut. Very small fishes, he says, are caught there during the months of March, April, and May, in enormous quantities. These are dried, laid up, and given to the sheep, oxen, and camels, throughout the year. is no grass there, it being the most arid place in the world (p. 350 5 κατίει σχοίνῳ σπυρίδα. This pro- bably refers to the sande of taking fish by pots of basket-work, which would be unfamiliar to the Greeks of the Helles- pont. + gap’’ The court of Amyn- tas soak be at t ge (or Edessa), which VOL. II. sources of the principal of the streams which fell into the lake at Pella. The kings of Macedonia were buried there as long as the kingdom lasted, even after Pella became the residence. (PLINY, N. HH. iv. 10.) 45 εἶναι ἐν Maxe8orlp. At the time of Scyiax’s work being compiled, the boun- dary of Macedonia was the river Strymon (§ 67, p. 27, Hudson). But considerable changes seem to have taken place at or im- mediately after the invasion under Xerxes. See note on vii. 127. The mine from which the large revenue was derived per- haps passed over to Alexander at that time. but insult- ing the 10 HERODOTUS ξείνια “ xadéer’ παρασκευασάμενος δὲ δεῖπνον μογαλοπρεπὲς, ἐδέκετο τοὺς Πέρσας φιλοφρόνως. ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ δείπνου ἐγένοντο, διαπίνοντες εἶπαν οἱ Πέρσαι trade “ξεῖνε Μακεδὼν, ἡμῖν νόμος ἐστὶ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι, ἐπεὰν δεῖπνον προτιθώμεθα μέγα, τότε καὶ τὰς παλλακὰς καὶ τὰς κουριδίας γυναῖκας “ ἐσάγεσθαι “παρ- éSpous “" σύ νυν, ἐπείπερ προθύμως μὲν ἐδέξαο μεγάλως δὲ ξεινίζεις, διδοῖς τε βασιλέϊ Δαρείῳ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ, ἕπεο νόμῳ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ" εἷπε πρὸς ταῦτα ᾿Αμύντης “ὦ Πέρσαι, νόμος μὲν ἡμῖν γέ ἐστε οὐκ οὗτος, ἀλλὰ κεχωρίσθαι ἄνδρας γυναικῶν" ἐπεί τε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἐόντες δεσπόται προσχρήξετε τουτέων, παρέσται ὑμῖν καὶ ταῦτα." εἴπας τοσαῦτα ὁ ᾿Αμύντης μετεπέμπετο τὰς γυναῖκας" αἱ δ᾽ ἐπεί τε καλεόμεναι ἦλθον, ἐπεξῆς ἀντίαι ἵζοντο τοῖσι Πέρ- σῃσι" ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Πέρσαι ἰδόμενοι γυναῖκας εὐμόρφους, ἔλεγον πρὸς ᾿Αμύντην φάμενοι “ τὸ ποιηθὲν τοῦτο οὐδὲν εἶναε coder κρέσσον γὰρ εἶναι ἀρχῆθεν μὴ ἐλθεῖν τὰς γυναῖκας, ἢ ἐλθούσας καὶ μὴ παριζομένας ἀντίας ἵζεσθαι ἀνγηδόνας σφι ὀφθαλμῶν *-” ἀναγκαζόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμύντης ἐκέλευε παρίξειν: “πειθομενέων δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν, αὐτίκα οἱ Πέρσαι μαστῶν "' τε ἅπτοντο, οἷα πλεύ- vos οἰνωμένοι, καί κου τις καὶ φιλέειν ἐπειρᾶτο' ᾿Αμύντης μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ὁρέων ἀτρέμας εἶχε καί περ δυσφορέων, οἷα ὑπερδειμαίνων τοὺς Πέρσας" ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμύντεω παρεών τε καὶ ὁρέων ταῦτα, ἅτε νέος τε ἐὼν καὶ κακῶν ἀπαθὴς, οὐδαμῶς ἔτι κατέχειν οἷός τε ἦν' ὥστε δὲ βαρέως φέρων εἶπε πρὸς ᾿Αμύντεα τάδε “ σὺ μὲν, ὦ πάτερ, εἶκε τῇ ἡλικίῃ ἀπιών τε avaTraveo, μηδὲ λυπάρεε τῇ 46 ἐπὶ ξείνια. The MSS vary here and elsewhere between the forms ἐπὶ ξείνια and ἐπὶ ξεινίᾳ. Schweighiiuser considers that both are common to Ionic Greek, but that the latter is appropriate to Attic. Such a distinction appears as purely acci- dental as that between the two phrases of ‘asking a person to come and dine’ and ‘asking him to come to dinner.’ ‘7 κουριδίας γυναῖκας. See note 463 on i. 135, and 405 on iv. 1565. 48 ἐσάγεσθαι παρέδρους. See Esther i. 10, I1. 49 ἀλγηδόνας ὀφθαλμῶν. The unfavour- able criticism of Loneinus (De Subl. § 4) upon this expression is well known. But after all it seems not unlikely to be the Greek equivalent of « Persian phrase, in- tended as a high compliment,— and mean- ing something the same as the English expression of ‘‘a dazzling beauty.”” Alex- ander the Great applied the same expres- sion in pleasantry to the Persian ladies (εἰσὶν ἀλγηδόνες ὀμμάτων af Περσίδες, PrurarcH, Alex. § 21); and when it is considered that the sun and moon are the usual objects of comparison with female beauty at the present time in the east, it seems far from improbable that the Per- sians were employing the staple phrases of court gallantry in what they said to Amyntaa. 49 μαστῶν. This is the reading of all the MSS except one (δ), which has μα- σθῶν. See note 516 on iv. 202. TERPSICHORE, V. 19—21. πόσει ἐγὼ δὲ προσμένων αὐτοῦ τῇδε, πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεα παρέξω τοῖσε ξείνοισι." πρὸς ταῦτα συνιεὶς ὁ ᾿Αμύντης ὅτι νεώτερα πρήγματα πρήξειν μέλλει ᾿Αλέξανδρος, λέγει' “ὦ παῖ, σχεδὸν γάρ σεν ἀνακαιομένου συνίημε τοὺς λόγους, ὅτι ἐθέλεις ἐμὲ ἐκπέμψας ποιέειν Te νεώτερον' ἐγὼ ὧν σευ ypnitw μηδὲν νεοχμῶσαε κατ᾽ ἄνδρας τούτους "", ἵνα μὴ ἐξεργάσῃ ἡμέας ". ἀλλὰ ἀνέχευ ὁρέων τὰ ποιεύμενα: ἀμφὶ δὲ ἀπόδῳ τῇ ἐμῇ πείσομαί τοι." ‘Qs δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμύντης χρήσας τούτων οἰχώκεε, λέγει ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας: “ γυναικῶν τουτέων, ὦ ξεῖνοι, πολλή ἐστι ὑμῖν εὐπετείη, καὶ εἰ πάσησι βούλεσθε μίσγεσθαι καὶ ὁκόσῃσι ὧν αὐτέων" τούτου μὲν πέρε αὐτοὶ ἀποσημανέετε' νῦν δὲ, σχεδὸν γὰρ ἤδη τῆς κοίτης ὥρη προσέρχεται ὑμῖν καὶ καλῶς ἔχοντας ὑμέας ὁρέω μέθης, γυναῖκας ταύτας, εἰ ὑμῖν φίλον ἐστὶ, ἄφετε λούσασθαι: λουσαμένας δὲ, ὀπίσω προσδέκεσθε." εἴπας ταῦτα, συνέπαινοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ Πέρσαι, γυναῖκας μὲν ἐξελθούσας ἀπέπεμπε ἐς τὴν γυναικηΐην: αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἴσους τῇσι γυναιξὶ ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρας λειογενείους τῇ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐσθῆτι σκευάσας, καὶ ἐγχει- ρίδια δοὺς, παρῆγε ἔσω. παράγων δὲ τούτους ἔλεγε τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι rade “ ὦ Πέρσαι, οἴκατε πανδαισίῃ τελέῃ εἱστιῆσθαι" τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα ὅσα εἴχομεν, καὶ πρὸς, τὰ οἷά τε ἦν ἐξευρόντας παρέχειν, πάντα ὑμῖν πάρεστι καὶ δὴ καὶ τόδε τὸ πάντων μέγιστον τάς τε ἑωυτῶν μητέρας καὶ τὰς ἀδελφεὰς ἐπιδαψιλευόμεθα " ὑμῖν" ὡς παντελέως μάθητε Tipeopevar πρὸς ἡμέων τῶν πέρ ἐστε ἄξιοι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ βασιλέϊ τῷ πέμψαντι ἀπαγγείλητε, ὡς ἀνὴρ Ελλην Μακεδόνων ὕπαρχος "" εὖ ὑμέας ἐδέξατο καὶ τραπέξῃ καὶ κοίτῃ" are assas- ταῦτα εἴπας ᾿Αλέξανδρος, παρίξει Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ ἄνδρα Μακεδόνα, γὐ ταν αὶ ὡς γυναῖκα τῷ λόγῳ' οἱ δὲ, ἐπεί τέ σφεων οἱ Πέρσαι ψαύειν jeer ἐπειρῶντο, διεργάζοντο αὐτούς. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τούτῳ τῷ μόρῳ 21 διεφθάρησαν, καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἡ θεραπηΐη αὐτῶν" εἵπετο γὰρ δή σφι A their 11 20 51 κατ᾽ ἄνδρας τούτους. See note 515 on iy. 201. 52 ἵνα μὴ ἐξεργάσῃ ἡμέας, “that you be not the destruction of us.” Compare Evarripes, Hippol. 607: ὦ πρός σε γο- γάτων, μηδαμῶς μ᾽ ete . Helen. 1104: Kodpn Διώνης Κύπρι, μή μ᾽ ἐξερ- 58 ᾿ἐπιδαψιλευόμεθα. This word is co- piously illustrated by Hemsterhuis on Lucian’s Dialogues of the Dead, xxx. 2, εὖγε, ὦ Μίνως, ὅτι καὶ ἐπιδαψιλεύῃ τῷ «παραδείγματι. It is applied to a prodigal expenditure over and above what the cir- cumstances of the case require. δά Μακεδόνων ὕπαρχος. The use of the word ὕπαρχος instead of βασιλεὺς is to be remarked. Alexander speaks of his father as the “satrap ᾽᾽ of Macedonia, he having done homage to Darius the “ king.” c2 are slain with them. Alexander gets the matter hushed up. 22 The Mace- donian kings be- long to the Hellenic race. 23 Megabazus, en arriving at Sardis with the Peonians, opens the 12 HERODOTUS καὶ ὀχήματα, καὶ θεράποντες, καὶ ἡ πᾶσα πολλὴ παρασκευή" πάντα δὴ ταῦτα ἅμα πᾶσι κείνοισι ἠφάνιστο. μετὰ δὲ, χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, ζήτησις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων μεγάλη ἐκ τῶν Περ- σέων ἐγίνετο" καί σφεας ᾿Αλέξανδρος κατέλαβε σοφίῃ ", χρήματά τε δοὺς πολλὰ καὶ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἀδελφεὴν, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Γυγαίη; δοὺς δὲ ταῦτα κατέλαβε ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Βουβάρῃ, ἀνδρὶ Πέρσῃ, τῶν διξζημένων τοὺς ἀπολομένους τῶν στρατηγῶν "δ. ὁ μέν νυν τῶν Περσέων τούτων θάνατος οὕτω καταλαμφθεὶς ἐσυγήθη. Ἕλληνας δὲ εἶναι τούτους τοὺς ἀπὸ Περδίκκεω γεγονότας, κατά- περ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, αὐτός τε οὕτω τυγχάνω ἐπιστάμενος (καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι * ἀποδέξω ὥς εἰσι Ελληνες), πρὸς δὲ, καὶ οἱ τὸν ἐν Ολυμπίῃ διέποντες ἀγῶνα ᾿ Ελλήνων οὕτω ἔγνωσαν εἶναι. ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γὰρ ἀεθλεύειν ἑλομένου" καὶ καταβάντος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, οἱ ἀντιθευσόμενοι ᾿Ελλήνων ἐξεῖργόν μιν, φάμενοι οὐ βαρ- βάρων ἀγωνιστέων εἶναι, τὸν ἀγῶνα, ἀλλὰ ᾿Ελλήνων" ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέδεξε ὡς εἴη ᾿Αργεῖος, ἐκρίθη τε εἶναι “Ελλην καὶ ἀγωνιζόμενος στάδιον συνεξέπυπτε τῷ πρώτῳ. Ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω Kn ἐγένετο. Μεγάβαζος δὲ ἄγων τοὺς Παίονας ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον: ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ δια- περαιωθεὶς ἀπίκετο ἐς Σάρδις. ἅτε δὲ τειχέοντος ἤδη “Ἱστιαίου τοῦ Μιλησίου τὴν παρὰ Δαρείου αἰτήσας ἔτυχε δωρεὴν, μισθὸν * φυλακῆς τῆς σχεδίης, ἐόντος δὲ τοῦ χώρου τούτου παρὰ Σ΄ τρυ- 886 κατέλαβε σοφίῃ, “ quashed the inves- tigation by intrigne.’’ So Croesus (i. 46) endeavoured καταλαβεῖν αὐξανομένην τὴν δύναμιν τῶν Περσῶν, to crush the power of the Persians while growing. κατα- λαμβάνειν is to get complete hold over an object, and so have the mastery of it. 58 ray στρατηγῶν. This is the reading of all the MSS, and it is obviously corrupt. Gaisford adopts the emendatien of Valck- naer τῷ στρατηγῷ. But here the article would be out of place. I should rather be inclined to transpose, and read τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν διζημένων τοὺς ἀπολο» μένους. The facts seem to have been that enquiries were instituted in various quarters by the commandants of Persian garrisons, and Bubares (son of Megabazus, vii. 22) was of these the one whose posi- tion brought him into contact with the Macedonian court. The relation in which Alexander stood to the Persian court was in after times a very different one. See viii. 136, and the notes on vi. 44 and vii. 127. 57 ἂν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι. This promise is redeemed in viii. 137, seqq. The Hel- lenic blood of the Macedonian kings was a point sufficiently doubtful to allow Demo- STHENES (in spite of the authority of the Hellanodicee at Olympia) to deny it. He says of Philip: ob μόνον οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν τοῖς “EAAN- σιν ἀλλ᾽... ὀλέθρον Μακεδόνος (Philipp. iii.). But of the liberties taken with historical (not to say mythical) evidence by the orators, see a striking example in the note 213 on i. 63. The judgment of Taucypipes (ii. 99; v. 80) coincides with that of Herodotus. 58 ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γὰρ ἀεθλεύειν ἑλομένου. Some MSS have here βουλομένον γὰρ ᾿Αλεξάνδρον ἀεθλεύειν. ' 5° δωρεὴν μασθόν. The MSS all have TERPSICHORE. V. 22—24. 13 μόνα ποταμὸν, [τῷ οὔνομά ἐστι Μύρκινος “] μαθὼν ὁ Me- ΕἾ ἐξ cg γάβαξος τὸ ποιεύμενον ἐκ τοῦ ‘Ioriaiov, ὡς ἦλθε τάχιστα ἐς rashnens ῳ ἣ ; 5 ; of having τὰς Σάρδις ἄγων τοὺς Παίονας, ἔλεγε Δαρείῳ rade ““ὦ βασιλεῦ, given Myr κοῖόν τι χρῆμα ἐποίησας ἀνδρὶ “Ελληνι δεινῷ τε καὶ σοφῷ δοὺς Histious. ἐὀγκτήσασθαιε πόλιν ἐν Opnixn; ἵνα ἴδη τε ναυπηγήσιμός ἐστι ἄφθονος καὶ πολλοὶ κωπέες δ, καὶ μέταλλα ἀργύρεα' ὅμιλός τε πολλὸς μὲν “Ελλην περιοικέει πολλὸς δὲ βάρβαρος, of προ- στάτεω ἐπιλαβόμενοι, ποιήσουσι τοῦτο τὸ ἂν κεῖνος ἐξηγέηται καὶ ἡμέρης καὶ νυκτός" σύ νυν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα παῦσον ταῦτα ποι- εῦντα, ἵνα μὴ οἰκηΐῳ πολέμῳ συνέχηαι "3" τρόπῳ δὲ ἠπίῳ μεταπεμ- ψάμενος παῦσον: ἐπεὰν δὲ αὐτὸν περιλάβης, ποιέειν ὅκως μηκέτι κεῖνος ἐς “Ελληνας ἀπίξεται." Ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Μεγάβαζος εὐπετέως 94 ἔπειθε Δαρεῖον, ὡς εὖ προορέων τὸ μέλλον γίνεσθαι. μετὰ δὲ, ἄγγελον Darius con- πέμψας ὁ Δαρεῖος ἐς τὴν Μύρκινον ἔλεγε τάδε" “᾿Ιστιαῖε, βασιλεὺς *pprehen- Δαρεῖος τάδε λέγει" ἐγὼ φροντίζων εὑρίσκω ἐμοί τε καὶ τοῖσι ἐμοῖσι summoning πρήγμασι οὐδένα εἶναι σεῦ ἄνδρα εὐνοέστερον' τοῦτο δὲ ov λόγοισι, him, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργοισι οἶδα μαθών. νῦν ὧν, ἐπινοέω γὰρ πρήγματα μεγάλα κατεργάσασθαι, ἀπικνέο μοι πάντως, ἵνα τοι αὐτὰ ὑπερθέωμαι"" τούτοισι τοῖσι ἔπεσι πιστεύσας ὁ ‘Iotiaios, καὶ ἅμα μέγα ποιεύ- μενος βασιλέος σύμβουλος γενέσθαι, ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς Σάρδις" ἀπικομένῳ δέ οἱ ἔλεγε Δαρεῖος τάδε: ““᾿Ἱστιαῖε, ἐγώ σε μετ- επεμψάμην τῶνδε εἵνεκεν" ἐπεί τε τάχιστα ἐνόστησα ἀπὸ Σ᾿ κυθέων μισθὸν δωρεὴν, which Gaisford retains. Schaefer considers μισθὸν to be a gloss of δωρεήν. The reading of Gaisford and the MSS is perhaps defensible on the suppo- sition that μισθὸν is used as an adjective, and that μισθὸν δωρεὴν are equivalent to ἀντάλλαγμα. But by a simple trans- position a plain sense is produced. 60 [τῷ οὔνομά ἐστι Mupxwos]. These words appear to be a marginal note which has crept into the text. Herodotus had just before (§ 11) described the place by calling it Μύρκινον τὴν ᾿Ηδωνίδα. The MSS here vary between Mupxivos, Μύρ- κιος, and Μύρκιννος, although unanimous in § ll. 61 πολλοὶ κωπέες.ς HESYCHIUS: κω- wets’ τὰ εἰς κώπας εὔθετα ξύλα. 62 ἵνα μὴ οἰκηΐῳ πολέμῳ συνέχηαι. The apprehensions of Megabazus seem extraordinary if the resources of Histieeus are to be considered as confined to Mile- tus, but well founded if the conjecture put forward in the note 354 on iv. 138 be adopted, and if he is to be considered as a kind of satrap over all the Ionian cities which still remained unimpaired in their resources, with the solitary exception of Chios. Miletus is presently called rijs Ἰωνίης xpéoxnua,—a phrase which sug- gests something of the nature of a ἦγε- povla (§ 28). See too notes on ὃ 33 and vi. 7. Naxos too, or at least the aristo- cracy (of παχέες) within it, was in a state of alliance with Histiszeus (below, ξ 30); and Naxos could bring 8000 hoplites into the field (§ 31). A man so powerful in resources and in intel- lect seems just to have missed the esta- blishing a dominion which would perhaps have forestalled Alexander. 14 HERODOTUS καὶ σύ μοι ἀγένεο ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν, οὐδέν κω ἄλλο χρῆμα οὕτω ἐν βραχέϊ ἐπεζήτησα ὡς σὲ ἰδέειν τε καὶ ἐς λόγους μοι ἀπικέσθαι" ἀγνωκὼς ὅτι κτημάτων πάντων ἐστὶ τιμιώτατον ἀνὴρ φίλος συνετός τε καὶ εὔνοος' τά τοι ἐγὼ καὶ ἀμφότερα συνειδὼς ἔχω carries ie μαρτυρέειν ἐς πρήγματα τὰ ἐμά. viv ὧν, εὖ γὰρ ἐποίησας Suss, ἀπικόμενος, τάδε τοι ἀγὼ προτείνομαι: Μίλητον μὲν ἔα καὶ τὴν νεόκτιστον ἐν Θρηΐκῃ πόλιν: σὺ δ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἑπόμενος ἐς Σοῦσα, ἔχε 25 τάπερ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔχω, ἐμός τε σύσσιτος ἐὼν καὶ συμβουλος." Ταῦτα after leaving Aaoeios εἴπας, καὶ καταστήσας ᾿Αρταφέρνεα " ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ Otanes ἼΩΝ ὁμοπάτριον ὕπαρχον εἶναι Σαρδίων, ἀπήλαυνε ἐς Σοῦσα, ἅμα bees ee ἀγόμενος Ἱστιαῖον τάνεα δὲ ἀποδέξας στρατηγὸν εἶναε τῶν εν με. «παραθαλασσίων ἀνδρῶν “" τοῦ τὸν πατέρα Σισάμνην βασιλεὺς λων Καμβύσης γενόμενον τῶν βασιληΐων δικαστέων, ὅτε ἐπὶ χρήμασι .. δίκην ἄδικον ἐδίκασε, σφάξας ἀπέδειρε πᾶσαν τὴν ἀνθρωπηΐην' Βιοιγο σπαδίξας δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ δέρμα, ἱμάντας ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἔταμε καὶ ἐνέτεινε ae σὸν; θρόνον ἐς τὸν Ww ἐδίκαζε' ἐντανύσας δὲ ὁ Καμβύσης ἀπέδεξε Otanes. δικαστὴν εἶναι ἀντὶ τοῦ Σ,σάμνεω, τὸν ἀποκτείνας ἀπέδειρε, τὸν παῖδα τοῦ Σισάμνεω, ἐντειλάμενός οἱ μεμνῆσθαι ἐν τῷ κατίζων 26 θρόνῳ δικάζει. Οὗτος ὧν ὁ ᾽Οτάνης 6 ἐγκατιζόμενος ἐς τοῦτον τὸν Bynum θρόνον, τότε διάδοχος γενόμενος Μεγαβάξῳ τῆς στρατηγίης *, 45 ᾿Αρταφέρνεα. Some MSS have the form ᾿Αρταφρένεα both here and in vi. 94, and also in vii. 74. The latter form had 8 recommendation with the Greeks, as it allowed them better scope for an etymo- logy. Aiscny vs avails himself of this in the Perse (769), where he says of the son of Darius’s brother, φρένες γὰρ αὐτοῦ θυμὸν φακοστρόφουν. It is quite clear that all the Persian names whose Greek equivalents end either in pepyns or φρενὴς themselves terminated in frana; which doubtless was significant in Persian, as it appears in the beginnings as well as the ends of names, 6. g. Pharnuchus, Phar- naspee, and Pharnabazus, as well as Tis- saphernes, Intaphernes, Artaphernes, Megaphernes, &c. 64 "Ordvea δὲ ἀποδέξας στρατηγὸν εἶναι τῶν παραθαλασσίων ἀνδρῶν. This Otanes is not to be confused with the father-in- law of Darius, whose father’s name was Pharnaspes according to Herodotus (iii. 68), and Socres (Thukra) according to the Behistun Inscription. 65 διάδοχος γενόμενος Μεγαβάζῳ τῆς στρατηγίης. From this time the old sys- tem of leaving a very large jurisdiction in the hands of one person, which seems to have prevailed in the time of Cyrus (see notes 331 and 350 on ili. 120 and 127), no longer appears to be the policy of the Persian court. Darius has apparently carried out his plan to a considerable extent. His own brother is placed in Sardis as viceroy, but another great officer, with an independent command and a large army, has his head-quarters in the Helles- pont. The satrapy too of which Dascy- leum was the centre has been again filled up by C&bares, son of Megabazus (vi. 33), We hear nothing more of Otanes, the son Qf Pharnaspes, subsequently to the re- storation of Syloson to Samos (iii. 149), except the solitary fact that at some sub- sequent time (ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ) he recolonized Samos, a proceeding involving the possession of considerable power. But Herodotus leaves no hint as to what be- came of him, having apparently now got TERPSICHORE. V. 25—28. Βυζαντίους τε εἷλε καὶ Καλχηδονίους" εἷλε δὲ aoe τὴν Chalcedon, ἐν τῇ Τρωάδι γῇ" εἷλε δὲ Λαμπώνιον' λαβὼν δὲ ape Aco Biwv ΣΝ νέας εἷλε ae τε καὶ Ἴμβρον, ἀμφοτερᾶς ὃ ἔτι τότε ὑπὸ Πελασ- eae ta. γῶν oixeopévas’. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ΔΛήμνιοι καὶ ἐμαχέσαντο εὖ καὶ 27 ἀμυνόμενοι ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐκακώθησαν' τοῖσι δὲ περιεοῦσι αὐτῶν οἱ " ey mele? Πέρσαι ὕπαρχον ἐπιστᾶσι Δυκάρητον, τὸν Μαιανδρίου τοῦ Bacs- bian "τ λεύσαντος Σάμου ἀδελφεόν “. (οὗτος ὁ Αυκάρητος ἄρχων ἐν ἴπῦτοι. Λήμνῳ τελευτᾷ ".) Airla δὲ τούτου Hoe πάντας ἡνδραποδίξετο καὶ κατεστρέφετο, τοὺς μὲν λιποστρατίης ἐπὶ Σ᾿ κύθας αἰτιώμενος, τοὺς δὲ σίνεσθαι τὸν Δαρείου στρατὸν ἀπὸ Σ᾽ κυθέων ὀπίσω ἀπο- κομεξζόμενον" οὗτος μέν νυν τοσαῦτα ἐξεργάσατο στρατηγήσας. Mera. δὲ, οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον ἄνεσις κακῶν hv", καὶ ἤρχετο τὸ δεύτερον ἐκ Νάξου τε καὶ Μιλήτου Ἴωσι γίνεσθαι κακά. τοῦτο ἘΕἸουτιεμίπα μὲν γὰρ ἡ Νάξος εὐδαιμονίῃ τῶν νήσων προέφερε"", τοῦτο δὲ Warce and κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἡ Μέλητος αὐτή τε ἑωυτῆς μάλιστα δὴ ΜΠ τ τότε ἀκμάσασα, καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης ἦν πρόσχημα ᾽"" κατύπερθε δὲ τούτων, ἐπὶ δύο γενεὰς ἀνδρῶν νοσήσασα ἐς τὰ μάλιστα στάσι, ιὅ 28 into a cycle of traditions derived entirely from the intercourse between the Ionians and Hellespontines and the Persian offi- cials with whom they came into contact. Possibly he is the Otanes whose daughter Amestris married Xerxes (vii. 61); and if so, her malice against a son of Darius and his wife (ix. 108. 111) may have been partly hereditary. And considering his great personal power and high connexions, there can be little doubt that the Otanes here spoken of, and the Otanes of v. 116, and of vii. 40, were at least near relatives of his, whether or not identical with one another. 66 tri τότε ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν οἰκεομένας. See note 179 on i. 56. It seems not impos- sible that this remark is added as a sort of salvo for the Lesbians having assisted the Persians in their subjection of Greek islands. In the time of Herodotus to have assisted the barbarian against any portion of the Hellenic race was a foul stain. But it is very doubtful whether this feeling ex- ercised any wide sway before the time ed to Darius’s Scythian expedition. oF of μὲν δὴ Λήμνιοι.. .. τελευτᾷ. Schweighiuser considers that the whole of this passage is an addition by the author to his work subsequently to its completion. But there seems no reason to believe this of more than the last sentence, οὗτος ὁ Auxdpnros ἄρχων ἐν Λήμνῳ τελευτᾷ. No doubt the word τούτου in the next sentence cannot refer to the death of Lycaretus ; and the subject of ἡνδραποδίζετο must be Otanes. But the expression τούτου seems to be a more appropriate mode of refer- ence to the act of appointing Lycaretus satrap of Lemnus than to the series of operations just enumerated. That ap- pointment was only one instance of a policy universally carried out, and conse- quently mention of it naturally led to the statement of what that policy was. 68. Μαιανδρίον τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος Σάμου ἀδελφεόν. See note 392 on iii. 142. 69 ἄνεσις κακῶν ἦν. This is the read- ing of Gaisford, who adopts the conjecture of Reiske, ἄνεσις, for ἄνεος or ἄνεως, which the MSS give. It is to me very unsatisfactory; but I can suggest nothing better. 170 εὐδαιμονίῃ τῶν νήσων προέφερε. See note on § 31. 71 Ἰωνίης πρόσχημα, ‘“‘the head and front of Ionia.”’ For the power of Mile- tus, as a single state, see note 64 on i. 17. For its prodabdle influence at this time as the head of a number of kindred states, note 354 on iv. 138. 16 HERODOTUS Former dis- μέχρι οὗ μιν Πάριοι κατήρτισαν - τούτους γὰρ καταρτιστῆρας 29 sensions of Miletus for two genera- tions how finally com- posed b the Pa, rians, 30 Exiles from Naxos ar- rive at Mile- tus, where ἐκ πάντων ‘EXAjvev εἵλοντο οἱ Μιλήσιοι. Κατήλλαξαν δέ σφεας ὧδε οἱ Πάριοι". ὡς ἀπίκοντο αὐτῶν ἄνδρες οἱ ἄριστοι ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, ὥρεον γὰρ δή σῴφεας δεινῶς οἰκοφθορημένους, ἔφασαν αὐτῶν βούλεσθαι διεξελθεῖν τὴν χώρην" ποιεῦντες δὲ ταῦτα, καὶ διεξιόντες πᾶσαν τὴν Μιλησίην, ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοιεν ἐν ἀνεστηκυΐῃ τῇ χώρῃ ἀγρὸν εὖ ἐξεργασμένον, ἀπεγραφέατο τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ δεσπότεω τοῦ ἀγροῦ" διεξελάσαντες δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν χώρην καὶ σπανίους εὑρόντες τούτους, ὡς τάχιστα κατέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ἁλίην ποιησάμενοι, ἀπέδεξαν τούτους μὲν τὴν πόλιν νέμειν τῶν εὗρον τοὺς ὠγροὺς εὖ ἐξεργασμένους" δοκέειν γὰρ ἔφασαν καὶ τῶν δημοσίων οὕτω δή σφεας ἐπιμελήσεσθαι ὥσπερ τῶν σφετέρων" τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους Μιλησίους τοὺς πρὶν στασιάζοντας τούτων ἔταξαν πείθεσθαι. Πάριοι μέν νυν οὕτω Μιλησίους κατήρτισαν. δὲ ἐκ τουτέων τῶν πολίων ὧδε ἤρχετο κακὰ γίνεσθαι τῇ ᾿Ιωνίῃ. ἐκ Νάξου ἔφυγον ἄνδρες τῶν παχέων ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου 1“ φυγόντες Τότε 73 κατήρτισαν. The meaning of this word has been somewhat mistaken by the commentators. The καταρτιστὴρ is not a person ‘who brings together what is forcibly separated,’ but one ‘ who arranges in order that which is in confusion.’ The great cause of trouble in the ancient states was the question of the assignment of the offices; and the quality of mind which constituted a good καταρτιστὴρ would, in Hellenic apprehension, be what Aristotle calls ‘ distributive justice,’ ἡ διανεμητικὴ δικαιοσύνη. Thus the service of Demonax at Cyrene was shown in his judicious ar- rangement of the citizens in their tribes (iv. 161), for upon this arrangement their share of public offices would mainly de- pend. The misapprehension of the fun- damental idea of καταρτίζειν has led to 8 bad translation of Matth. Evang. iv. 21. The apostles were assisting their father in ‘ stowing,’ not in ‘ mending’ their nets. 73 κατήλλαξαν δέ σφεας ὧδε οἱ Πάριοι. It is curious, and illustrative of the nature of the materials used by Herodotus, that from this account not the least informa- tion can be gained of the nature of the Milesian troubles,—or even of the time when they occurred,—although the poli- tical importance of Miletus then was pro- bably at least equal to that of Athens at the time of the expedition to Sicily. Yet nothing is given of events spreading over two generations, except the story of a piece of shrewd observation on the part of the Parians. It is as if in a modern nar- rative the whole series of events which terminated in the expulsion of the Stuart dynasty from England should remain un- noticed, except for the purpose of in- troducing the mot of Rochester, that ‘Charles II. never said a foolish thing and never did a wise one.’ See note 494 on ii. 160. 14 Epvyov ἄνδρες τῶν παχέων ὑπὸ τοῦ Shuov. This revolution must not be con- founded in any way with that one which terminated in making Lygdamis tyrant of Naxos. (See note 214 on i. 64.) Under no circumstances could Lygdamis have become dynast at Naxos later than B.c. 527: for in that year Pisistratus died, eighteen years before the expulsion of his sons from Athens. (See CLINTON on that year.) And it is an assumption that He- rodotus, in the passage in which he repre- sents him as owing his success to Pisistra- tus (i. 64), means to place the alleged conquest of Naxos in the third period of Pisistratus’s dynasty at Athens. Lygdamis may have become tyrant of Naxos forty or fifty years before the event mentioned in the text; and it is more in accordance with the account of Aristotle, and not less so with that of Herodotus (see note 214 on i. 64), to suppose that he was so at TERPSICHORE. V. 80. 17 δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς Μίλητον. τῆς δὲ Μιλήτου erunyyave ἐπίτροπος Aris ἐὼν ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὁ M δ ταγορξαι; γαμβρός τε ἐὼν καὶ Gey: of Hi ” Ἱστιαίου τοῦ Avaayopew, τὸν ὁ Δαρεῖος ἐν Σούσοισι κατεῖχε" ὃ ὁ Ten vice- yap “Ἱστιαῖος τύραννος ἣν Μιλήτου "", καὶ ἐτύγχανε τοῦτον τὸν “Τ᾽ χρόνον ἐὼν ἐν Σούσοισι ὅτε οἱ Νάξιοι ἦλθον, ξεῖνοι πρὶν ἐόντες τῷ ἹἹστιαίῳ' ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οἱ Νάξιοι ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, ἐδέοντο τοῦ ᾿Αρισταγόρεω, εἴ κως αὐτοῖσι παράσχοι δύναμίν τινα, καὶ κατέλθοιεν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν ὁ δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος ὡς ἣν δι’ ἑωυτοῦ κατέλθωσι ἐς τὴν πόλεν ἄρξει τῆς Νάξου, σκῆψιν δὲ ποιεύμενος τὴν ξεινίην τὴν Ἱστιαίου, τόνδε σφε λόγον προσέφερε' “ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑμῖν οὐ φερέγγυός εἰμι δύναμιν τοσαύτην παρασχεῖν, ὥστε κατάγειν ἀεκόντων τῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐχόντων Ναξίων' πυνθάνομαι He proposes yap sucraxcoxidiny ἀσπίδα Ναξίοισι εἶναι, καὶ πλοῖα μακρὰ Artaphernes πολλά: μηχανήσομαι δὲ πᾶσαν σπουδὴν ποιεύμενον ἐπινοέω ming δὲ τῆδε' ᾿Αρταφέρνης μοι τυγχάνει ἐὼν φίλος" ὁ δὲ Ὑστάσπεω μέν ἐστι πάϊς Δαρείου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέος ἀδελφεὸς, τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιθαλασ- σίων τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ" ἄρχει πάντων, ἔχων στρατιήν τε πολλὴν καὶ πολλὰς νέας" τοῦτον ὧν δοκέω τὸν ἄνδρα ποιήσειν τῶν ἂν χρηΐζωμεν." ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Νάξιοι προσέθεσαν τῷ Ape and and they σταγόρῃ πρήσσειν ἡ δύναιτο ἀρίστα: καὶ ὑπίσχεσθαι δῶρα ἐκέ- find fande, Nevoy καὶ δαπάνην τῇ στρατιῇ, ὡς αὐτοὶ διαλύσοντες" ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχοντες, ὅταν ἐπιφανέωσι ἐς τὴν Νάξον πάντα ποιήσειν τοὺς Ναξίους τὰ ἂν αὐτοὶ κελεύωσι, ὃς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νησιώ- least thirty. In this case, following the ana- logy of the known progress of events in other Hellenic states, we should conceive of the revolution of Lygdamis as one over- throwing an hereditary oligarchy; but of the one which led to mi expulsion of the πάχεες, a8 similar to those of Corcyra and other places in later times, where the con- tending parties were a timocratic aristo- cracy, and a poor, but yet free commonalty. The tyranny of Lygdamis must have fallen before the commencement of the second revolution. 13 τύραννος ἦν Μιλήτου. It seems very strange thet Herodotus, after the account he has given in the last book of the pro- minent part played by Histiseus, should now drily mention this. There would be no inappropriateness, however, if the ac- VOL. II. count of Darius’s expedition to Thrace were an addition to an earlier draft of the work. 16 τῶν δ' ἐπιθαλασσίων τῶν ἂν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ. The province οὗ Otanes (whose head-quar- ters appear to have been at Sestos) was the parebaadevuss ἄνδρες (§ 24). Assuming the two narratives to belong to the same cycle of accounts (which is not quite cer. tain; see the last note), the principle upon which to reconcile them seems not to be to suppose that Artaphernes had the command in Asia, and Otanes in Europe, —for the operations of the latter were in Asia also, § 26,—but to regard Otanes as employed on the shores of the Hellespont, and y in securing the means of uninterrupted transit between the conti» nents, n 32 On Darius giving his 18 HERODOTUS Tas τῶν yap νήσων τουτέων τῶν Κυκλάδων οὐδεμία κω ἦν ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ. ᾿Απικόμενος δὲ 6 ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἐς τὰς Σάρδις λέγει πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρταφέρνεα, ὡς Νάξος εἴη νῆσος μεγάθεϊ μὲν οὐ μεγάλη, ἄλλως δὲ καλή τε καὶ ἀγαθὴ καὶ ἀγχοῦ ᾿Ιωνίης, χρήματα δὲ ἔνι πολλὰ, καὶ ἀνδράποδα. “σὺ ὧν ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν χώρην στρατηλάτεε κατάγων ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς φυγάδας ἐξ αὐτῆς" καὶ τοὶ ταῦτα ποιήσαντι τοῦτο μέν ἐστι ἑτοῖμα παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πάρεξ τῶν ἀναισιμωμάτων τῇ στρατιῇ" (ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ δίκαια ἡμέας τοὺς ἄγοντας παρέχειν") τοῦτο δὲ νήσους προσκτήσεαι βασιλέϊ αὐτήν τε Νάξον καὶ τὰς ἐκ ταύτης ἠρτημένας, Πάρον τε ral” Avdpov καὶ ἄλλας, τὰς Κυκλάδας καλευμένας 7. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρμεώμενος, εὐπετέως ἐπιθήσεαι Εὐβοίῃ, νήσῳ μεγάλῃ τε καὶ εὐδαίμονι, οὐκ ἐλάσσονι Κύπρου καὶ κάρτα εὐπετέϊ αἱρεθῆναι. ἀποχρῶσε δὲ ἑκατὸν νέες ταύτας πάσας χειρώσασθαι." ὁ δὲ ἀμείβετο αὐτὸν τοῖσδε" “σὺ ἐς οἶκον τὸν βασιλέος ἐξηγητὴς “" γίνεαι πρηγμάτων ἀγαθῶν, καὶ ταῦτα εὖ παραινέεις πάντα πλὴν τῶν νεῶν τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ" ἀντὶ δὲ ἑκατὸν νεῶν, διηκόσιαί τοι ἑτοῖμοι ἔσονταε ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι. δεῖ δὲ τούτοισι καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλέα συνέπαινον γίνε- cha.” ὋὉ μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε περιχαρὴς ἐὼν, ἀπήϊε ἐς Μίλητον' ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρταφέρνης, ὥς οἱ πέμψαντι ἐς 17 τὰς dx ταύτης ἡρτημένας..... τὰς Κυκλάδας καλευμένας. The possession of all these dependencies, with the naval force implied by them, and a land army of 8000 hoplites, shows an amount of power very unfavourable to the notion that Pisistratus had conquered Naxos, and committed it to Lygdamis as a sort of province. (See note 214 oni. 64.) After its subjection to Persia, and the annihi- lation of its resources, described by Hero- dotus (vi. 96), the case was very different, and such a statement would not be ob- viously absurd. The contingent of ships furnished by Naxos at the time of the battle of Salamis is only four (viii. 46). And in the year s.c. 466 it was taken, and the inhabitants reduced to slavery by the Athenians (THucyp. i. 98), apparently without any resistance worthy of men- tion. 78 étyynrhs. This word is peculiarly appropriate. (See note 138 on ii. 49.) Aristagoras had not merely spoken to Artaphernes in general terms of a favour- able opportunity for advancing the king’s interests, but he had gone through his plan step by step, showing him what power for advancing further each would give him as it was taken. 79 δεῖ δὲ τούτοισι καὶ αὑτὸν βασιλέα συνέπαινον γίνεσθαι. The caution of Artaphernes in not taking this step with- out previously intimating it to Darius is striking when compared with the conduct of Aryandes, who sent the whole Egyptian army to the assistance of Pheretime (iv. 167), or that of Otanes, the son of Phar- naspes, who exterminated the whole popu- lation of Samos in direct contradiction to Darius’s orders (iii. 147. 149). It adds an illustration to the points mentioned in note 38 on § 14 and 65 on § 26. Bee also note on § 123, ἐτάχθησαν. TERPSICHORE. V. 81---88, 19 Σοῦσα καὶ ὑπερθέντε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αρισταγόρεω λεγόμενα συνέπαινος consent, Ar- καὶ αὐτὸς 4 αρεῖος ἀγένετο, Ἡἀρεκενασᾶτο μὲν διηκοσίας τριήρεας, panied πολλὸν δὲ κάρτα dusrov Περσέων te καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων" vite 200" στρατηγὸν δὲ τουτέων ἀπέδεξε Μεγαβάτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην τῶν a ᾿Αχαιμενιδέων, ἑωυτοῦ τε καὶ Δαρείου ἀνεψιόν" τοῦ Παυσανβῃ ὁ Kr cop Spore Aanedarpovies, εἰ δὴ ἀληθής ye ἐστὶ ὁ Rovyos™, alee is ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ τούτων ἡρμόσατο θυγατέρα, ἔρωτα σχὼν τῆς ᾿Ελ- miele: λάδος τύραννος γενέσθαι. ἀποδέξας δὲ MeyaBarny στρατηγὸν καὶ νη nag Laceda- ᾿Αρταφέρνης, ἀπέστειλε τὸν στρατὸν παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αρισταγόρεα. τῶ κε, Tapohafiey δὲ ὁ Μεγαβάτης ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου τόν te Aptota- 33 γύρεα καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιάδα στρατιὴν " καὶ τοὺς Ναξίους, ἔπλεε πρόφασιν ΤῸ τες the nee is Mega- ἐπ᾿ “EdAnomovrov. ἐπεί te δὲ ἐγένετο ἐν Χίῳ, ἔσχε τὰς νέας ἐς jeg Καύκασα, ὡς ἐνθεῦτεν βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ ἐς τὴν Νάξον διαβάλοι" καὶ an and makes οὐ yap ἔδεε τούτῳ τῷ στόλῳ Ναξίους ἀπολέσθαι, πρῆγμα σας συνηνείχθη γενέσθαι" περιξόντος ἹΜΜεγαβάτεω τὰς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν =. φυλακὰς, ἐπὶ νεὸς Muvdins ἔτυχε οὐδεὶς φυλάσσων" ὁ δὲ δεινόν τι between ποιησάμενος, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐξευρόντας τὸν ἄρχοντα and a Mega ταύτης τῆς νεὸς, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Σ᾿ κύλαξ, τοῦτον δῆσαι διὰ θαλαμίης dues the διελόντας τῆς νεὸς, κατὰ τοῦτο, ἔξω μὲν κεφαλὴν ποιεῦντας ἔσω δὲ τρνο ον τὸ σῶμα" δεθέντος δὲ τοῦ Σκύλακος, ἐξαγγέλλει τις τῷ ᾿Αρι- Ἰαϊοσπονιῖοῦ σταγόρῃ ὅτι τὸν ξεῖνόν οἱ τὸν Μύνδιον Μεγαβάτης δήσας λυμαί- 5" yorro ὁ δ᾽ ἐλθὼν παραιτέετο τὸν Πέρσην, τυγχάνων δὲ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐδέετο αὐτὸς ἐλθὼν ἔλυσε' πυθόμενος δὲ κάρτα δεινὸν ἐποιή- σατο ὁ Μεγαβάτης, καὶ ἐσπέρχετο τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ" ὁ δὲ εἶπε' . City. See note 62, above. 80 εἰ δὴ ἀληθής γε ἐστὶ 6 λόγος. THU- crpipss (i. 128) speaks of the distinct proposition made by Pausanias, in a letter to Xerxes, to subject Sparta and the whole of Hellas to him on condition of receiving his daughter in marriage; but, according to his account, the plot was detected be- fore any of the conditions were fulfilled. Pausanias, at the time of making the offer, had his head-quarters in Byzantium as the commander -in-chief of the operations inst Persia. 81 τὴν ᾿Ιάδα στρατιήν. This is pro- bably the contingent from the several Asiatic cities, making up altogetber the 200 ships required, and assembled at Miletas in virtue of the ἡγεμονία of that They were not all Ionian. See § 37, below, and ms ( 269 pili say on iv. 98. sh One MS τόν te ᾿Αρισταγόρεα ἐκ all καὶ τὴν Ἰάδα στ thy. 83 κατὰ τοῦτο,. ... τὸ σῶμα. These words appear to be an explanation of the expression διὰ θαλαμίης δῆσαι διελόντας, and although it is true that they express something more than is included in it, yet I cannot help thinking they are a subse- quent explanation. It is not likely that the punishment inflicted by the Persian officer was an extem eous one, and therefore its nature would be well under- stood. The novelty consisted in its being inflicted on a person in the position of Scylax. Ὁ 2 94 and the expedition fails for want of funds to maintain a prolonged siege. 35 Aristagoras contem- lates rebel- ion, and is confirmed by a mes- from Histieus. 20 HERODOTUS “gol δὲ καὶ τούτοισι τοῖσι πρήγμασε τί ἐστι; ov σὲ ἀπέστειλε ᾿Αρταφέρνης ἐμέο πείθεσθαι, καὶ πλέειν τῇ ἂν ἀγὼ κελεύω ; τί πολλὰ πρήσσεις ;” ταῦτα εἶπε ᾿Αριστωγόρης" ὁ δὲ θυμωθεὶς τού- τοῖσι, ὡς νὺξ ἐγένετο, ἔπεμπε ἐς Νάξον πλοίῳ ἄνδρας φράσοντας τοῖσι Ναξίοισι πάντα τὰ παρεόντα σφι πρήγματα' Οἱ γὰρ ὧν Νάξιοι οὐδὲν πάντως προσεδέκοντο ἐπὶ σφέας τὸν στόλον τοῦτον ὁρμήσεσθαι' ἐπεὶ μέν τοι ἐπύθοντο, αὐτίκα μὲν ἐσενείκαντο τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος παρεσκευάσαντο δὲ ὡς πολμιορκησόμενοι:" καὶ σῖτα καὶ ποτὰ τὸ τεῖχος " ἐσάξαντο. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν παρ- εσκευάδατο ὡς παρεσομένου σφι πολέμου, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεί τε διέβαλον ἐκ τῆς Χίον τὰς νέας ἐς τὴν Νάξον, πρὸς πεφραγμένους προσ- εφέροντο' καὶ ἐπολιόρκεον μῆνας τέσσερας" ὡς δὲ τά τε ἔχοντες ἦλθον χρήματα οἱ Πέρσαι ταῦτα καταδεδαπάνητό σφι καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ ᾿Αριστωγόρῃ προσαναισίμωτο πολλὰ, τοῦ “τλεῦνός τε ἐδέετο ἡ πολιορκίη, ἐνθαῦτα τείχεα τοῖσι φυγάσι τῶν Ναξίων οἰκοδομήσαντες ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον, κακῶς πρήσ- σοντες. ᾿Αρισταγόρης δὲ οὐκ εἶχε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν τῷ ᾿Αρταφέρνεϊ ἐκπληρῶσαι' ἅμα δὲ ἐπίεζέ μιν ἡ δαπάνη τῆς στρατιῆς ἀπταιτεο- μένη, ἀρρώδεέ τε τοῦ στρατοῦ πρήξαντος κακῶς καὶ Μεγαβάτῃ διαβεβλημένος: ἐδόκεέ τε τὴν βασιληΐν τῆς Μιλήτου ἀπαι- ρήσεσθαι. ἀρρωδέων δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα ἐβουλεύετο ἀπόστασιν" συνέπιπτε γὰρ καὶ τὸν ἐστυγμένον τὴν κεφαλὴν " ἀπῖχθαι ἐκ Σουσέων παρὰ “Ἱστιαίου, σημαίνοντα ἀπίστασθαι "Αριστωγόρῃ ἀπὸ βασιλέος: ὁ yap Ἱστιαῖος, βουλόμενος τῷ ᾿Αριστωγόρῃ σημῇναι ἀποστῆναι, ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἀσφαλέως σημῇναι, ὥστε φυλασσομενέων τῶν ὁδῶν" ὁ δὲ τῶν δούλων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποξυρήσας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔστιξε, καὶ ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας" ws δὲ ἀνέφυσαν τάχιστα, ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Μέλητον ἐντειλά- μενος αὐτῷ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκηται ἐς Μίλητον, 83 τὸ τεῖχος. The MSS are divided δέ τὸν ἐστιγμένον τὴν κεφαλήν, “ the between καὶ τὸ τεῖχος and καὶ τεῖχος. man with the tatowed head.” The article Gaisford reads rd τεῖχος. Schaefer con- appears to be used from the general no- siders the words an interpolation. But it toriety of the story ; although Herodotus is as difficult to conceive how they should still goes on to give an account of the come there as a corruption of the text, as particulars. See notes 206, 222, and 232 to explain the use of them. on Book ii. TERPSICHORE. V. 34—36. 21 κελεύειν ᾿Αρισταγόρην ξυρήσαντά μιν τὰς τρίχας κατιδέσθαι ἐς τὴν κεφαλήν τὰ δὲ στίγματα ἐσήμαινε, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, ἀπόστασιν. ταῦτα δὲ ὁ ἉἹστιαῖος ἐποίεε, συμφορὴν ποιεύμενος μεγάλην τὴν ἑωυτοῦ κατοχὴν τὴν ἐν Σούσοισι ἀπο- στάσιος ὧν γινομένης, πολλὰς εἶχε ἐλπίδας μετήσεσθαι ἐπὶ θάλασσαν' μὴ δὲ νεώτερόν τι ποιεύσης τῆς Μιλήτου οὐδαμὰ ἐς αὐτὴν ἥξειν ἔτε ἐλογίζετο. ἹἹστιαῖος μέν νυν ταῦτα διανοεύ- 36 μενος, ἀπέπεμπε τὸν ἄγγελον: ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ δὲ συνέπιπτε τοῦ Ὁ platy ᾿ αὐτοῦ χρόνου πάντα ταῦτα συνελθόντα. ἐβουλεύετο ὧν μετὰ τῶν στασιωτέων, ἐκφήνας τήν τε ἑωντοῦ γνώμην καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Ἱ[Ἱστιαίον ἀπιγμένα' οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι πάντες γνώμην κατὰ τὠντὸ ἐξεφέροντο, κελεύοντες ἀπίστασθαι: ᾿Εκαταῖος δὲ ὁ λογο- Hecateus's “ποιὸς "" πρῶτα μὲν οὐκ ἔα πόλεμον βασιλέϊ τῶν Περσέων ἀναιερέ- eae εσθαι, καταλέγων τά τε ἔθνεα πάντα τῶν ἦρχε Δαρεῖος καὶ τὴν nek δύναμιν αὐτοῦ: ἐπεί τε δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε, δεύτερα συνεβούλευε ποιέειν ὅκως ναυκράτεες τῆς θαλάσσης " ἔσονται' ἄλλως μέν νυν οὐδα- μῶς ἔφη λέγων "' ἐνορᾶν ἐσόμενον τοῦτο' ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ τὴν δύναμιν τὴν Μιλησίων ἐοῦσαν ἀσθενέα "" εἰ δὲ τὰ χρήματα καταιρεθείη τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ τοῦ ἐν Βραγχίδῃσι τὰ Κροῖσος ὁ 85 Ἑκαταῖος 5 λογοποιός. Herodotus mentions this person again with the same title in ii. 143, and below, § 125. It is to be observed that he gives the same title to Msop (ii. 134). See the note 5 on i. 1 for the wide signification of the word Adywos at this time, at which it is highly unlikely that AZsop’s productions existed in a written form. ARRIAN (Ἐ2- ped. Alex. v. 6) couples Herodotus him- self together with Hecateeus as of λογο- ποιοί. 86 yauxpdrees τῆς θαλάσσης, ‘in com- mand of the sea.” In vi. 9 he uses the expression vavxpdropes in the same signi- fication. Tuucypiprs (viii. 83) adopts the more expressive compound θαλασσο- xpdropes. 87 ἔφη λέγων. See note 414 oni. 118. 88 ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ τὴν δύναμιν τὴν Μιλησίων ἐοῦσαν ἀσθενέα. It is at first sight difficult to reconcile this assertion with what has just before been said, that Miletus was at this time at the acme of its prosperity (§ 28). But there is no real contradiction. There was no accumulation of ready money,—which was the thing wanted for the purpose of taking up a large number of seamen. The same neces- sity was felt by Pericles at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war; and he con- templated a similar proceeding to that of Hecateeus with the gold in the temple of Athene. (THucyD. ii. 13.) It should be remembered that public credit, on the strength of which large sums may be readily procured at any time, is a creation of modern days. The ancient states had no means whatever of acquiring a large fund of ready money except by hoarding, and no means of doing this safely except by dedication in some temple. The pro- cedure of Croesus (i. 50) and that of Peri- ander (v. 92) are illustrative of the diffi- culty of suddenly procuring any consider- able amount of specie. Compare, too, the negotiation between Polycrates and Orcetes (iii. 122, 3), where the possession of only eight chests of gold was considered as enough to turn the scale of probable suc- ceas in the event of revolt against Persia. 22 HERODOTUS Avdds ἀνέθηκε, πολλὰς εἶχε ἐλπίδας ἐπικρατήσειν τῆς θαλάσσης" καὶ οὕτω αὐτούς τε ἕξειν χρήμασι χρᾶσθαε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οὐ συλήσειν αὐτά. τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἦν ταῦτα μεγάλα, ὡς δεδήλωται μοι ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν λόγων". αὕτη μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἐνίκα ἡ γνώμη» ἐδόκες δὲ ὅμως ἀπίστασθαι, ἕνα τε αὐτῶν πλώσαντα ἐς ήοῦντα ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς Νάξου ἀπελθὸν, ἐὸν ἐνθαῦτα, συλ- λαμβάνειν πειρᾶσθαε τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ἐπιπλέοντας στρατηγούς. ᾿Αποπεμφθέντος δὲ ᾿Ιητρωγόρεω κατ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, καὶ συλλα- βόντος δόλῳ ᾿Ολίατον ᾿Ιβανώμος Μυλασέα ", καὶ “Ἱστιαῖον Τύμνεω Τερμερέα ", καὶ Kany ᾿Ερξάνδρεω"", τῷ Δαρεῖος Μυτι- λήνην ἐδωρήσατο, καὶ ᾿Αρισταγόρην ᾿Ηρακλείδεω " Κυμαῖον, καὶ ἄλλους συχνοὺς, οὕτω δὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἀπεστήκεε, Tay ἐπὶ Δαρείῳ μηχανώμενος. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν λόγῳ μετεὶς τὴν τυραννίδα ἰσονομίην ἐποίεε τῇ Μιλήτῳ, ὡς ἂν ἑκόντες αὐτῷ οἱ Μιλήσιοι συναπισταίατο' μετὰ δὲ, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἄλλῃ ᾿Ιωνίῃ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίεε, τοὺς μὲν ἐξελαύνων τῶν τυράννων, τοὺς δ᾽ ἔλαβε τυράννους ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν τῶν συμπλευσασέων ἐπὶ Νάξον, τούτους δὲ φίλα βουλόμενος ποιέεσθαι" τῇσι πόλισι ἐξεδίδου, ἄλ-- 38 λον ἐς ἄλλην πόλιν παραδιδοὺς ὅθεν εἴη ἕκαστος. Kany μέν νυν and sets out ἢ γιληναῖοι ἐπεί τε τάχιστα παρέλαβον, ἐξαγωγόντες κατέλευ- 37 The rebel- lion breaks out. Aristagoras establishes popular go- vernments throughout Ionia, 89 ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν λόγων. The allu- Srraso (xiv. c. 2, p. 202) puts it in Caria, sion is to i. 92, where see the note 327, from whence it will appear that Hecateeus’s apprehensions were not ill-founded. In fact, one may doubt whether the priests at Branchide were not more attached to the Median than the Hellenic interest. See note 527 on i. 157. 90 Μυλασέα. It is rather curious that a Mylasean, likewise son of an Ibanolis, is the leader of a body of Carians who entirely destroyed a Persian force in the course of the war thus begun (§ 121). Yet just after the fall of the Lydian monarchy Harpagus appears to have succeeded in overrunning Caria without any important resistance (i. 174). The Carians are re- presented (i. 28) as forming a part of the subjects of Croesus. There was a certain affinity between the Lydians and them, evinced by the common use of the ancient temple at Mylasa. (See note 577 on i. 171.) 91 Τερμερέα. Srepn. Byzanrt. sud v. makes Tépuepa a city of Lycia, and —the promontory Termerion being just opposite to a corresponding headland in the island Cos, and with an interval of no more than forty stades. That the boun- daries of Caria and Lycia were not very accurately defined seems to follow from the remains of the ancient Lycians (Ter- mile) found in Carian cities. (See note 585 on i. 173.) It is worth while to remark that Termera (if near to the Termerion of Strabo) was close to Myn- dus, the town of Scylax, who had just been 80 grossly insulted by the Persian commissioner (8 33). Histizus, the. son of Tymnes, appears in the list of the Carian naval commanders in the fiotilla of Xerxes (vii. 98). 92 Kony “Eptdvdpecs. § 11, above. 93 ᾿Αρισταγόρην ᾿Ηρακλείδεω. 38 See note 29 on See iv. Ἢ φίλα βουλόμενος ποιέεσθαι. See note 466 on ii. 152. TERPSICHORE. V. 37—41. 23 σαν" Κυμαῖοι δὲ τὸν σφέτερον αὐτῶν ἀπῆκαν" ὃς δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι οἷ demon to ς negotiate πλεῦνες ἀπίεσαν. τυράννων μέν νυν κατάπαυσις ἐγένετο ava τὰς ac alliance πό if possible. ᾿Αρισταγόρης δὲ ὁ Μιλήσιος ὡς τοὺς τυράννους κατέπαυσε στρατηγοὺς ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πολίων κελεύσας ἑκάστους κατα- στῆσαι, δεύτερα αὐτὸς ἐς Aaxedainova™ τριήρεξ ἀπόστολος ἀγίνετο" ἔδεε yap δὴ συμμαχίης τινός οἱ μεγάλης ἐξευρεθῆναι. Τῆς δὲ Σπάρτης "ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδης μὲν ὁ Λέοντος οὐκέτι περιὼν 39 ἐβασίλευε, ἀλλὰ ἐτετελευτήκεε' Κλεομένης δὲ ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω Seat ον εἶχε τὴν βασιληΐην, οὐ κατὰ ἀνδραγαθίην σχὼν ἀλλὰ κατὰ γένος. Himed Toe ᾿Αναξανδρίδῃ γὰρ ἔχοντι γυναῖκα ἀδελφεῆς ἑωντοῦ θυγατέρα, καὶ Anexan- | ἐούσης ταύτης οἱ καταθυμίης, παῖδες οὐκ ἀγίνοντο' τούτου δὲ Ariston. τοιούτου ἐόντος, οἱ ἔφοροι εἶπαν ἐπικαλεσάμενοι αὐτὸν, “εἴ τοι σύ γε σεωυτοῦ μὴ προορᾷς, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦτό ἐστι οὐ περιοπτέον γένος τὸ Εὐρυσθένεος γενέσθαι ἐξίτηλον. σύ νυν τὴν μὲν ἔχεις γυναῖκα, ἐπεί τε τοι οὐ τίκτει, ἔξεο"", ἄλλην δὲ γῆμον' καὶ ποιέων ταῦτα, Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἁδήσεις"" ὁ δὲ ἀμείβετο φὰς τούτων οὐδέτερα ποιήσειν" ἐκείνους τε οὐ καλῶς συμβουλεύειν παραινέοντας τὴν ἔχει γυναῖκα, ἐοῦσαν ἀναμάρτητον ἑωντῷ, ταύτην ἀπέντα ἄλλην ἐσωγωγέσθαι: οὐδέ σφι πείσεσθαι. Πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ ἔφοροι καὶ οἱ 40 γέροντες βουλευσάμενοι, προσέφερον ᾿Αναξανδρίδῃ τάδε: “ ἐπεὶ ῥράχει- drides mar- τοίνυν ToL περιεχόμενόν σε ὁρέομεν τῆς ἔχεις γυναικὸς, σὺ δὲ Tes se. ΓΩ a \ > / iA co , ᾽ n during the ταῦτα ποίεε καὶ μὴ ἀντίβαινε τούτοισι, ἵνα μή τι ἀλλοῖον περὶ vrata ΕΟ σεῦ οἱ Σπαρτιῆταε βουλεύσωνται: γυναικὸς μὲν τῆς ἔχεις οὐ his fint, προσδεόμεθά σευ τῆς efectos: σὺ δὲ ταύτῃ τε πάντα ὅσα νῦν παρέχεις πάρεχε, καὶ ἄλλην πρὸς ταύτῃ ἐσάώγωγε γυναῖκα τεκνο- ποιόν" ταῦτά Kn λεγόντων, συνεχώρησε ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδης μετὰ δὲ, γυναῖκας ἔχων δύο διξὰς ἱστίας οἴκεε, ποιέων οὐδαμῶς Σ' παρ- τιητικά. Χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἡ ἐσύστερον ἐπελθοῦσα 41 γυνὴ τίκτει τὸν δὴ Κλεομένεα τοῦτον" καὶ αὕτη τε ἔφεδρον Tre deere Cleomenes, 95 és Λακεδαίμονα. These words are tremely ingenious emendation of Schaefer governed by a word the eguivalent of from ἐκ σέο, the reading of most of the ἀπόστολος ἐγίνετο. See note 72 on i. 21. MSS, from which no sense resulted. The 96 τῆς δὲ Σπάρτης. The thread of the substantive ἔξεσις appears in the next Lacedsemonian history is resumed from section. i. 68. 98 τὸν δὴ Κλεομένεα τοῦτον. See note 97 ἕξεο, ‘“‘discard.”’ This is the ex- 6 oni. 1. 24 HERODOTUS after which βασιλέα" Σ΄ παρτιήτησι ἀπέφαινε, καὶ ἡ προτέρη γυνὴ τὸν πρό- the first bears Do- rieus, Leo- nidas, and Cleombro- tus. 42 On the death of Anaxan- drides, Cleomenes succeeds as king. τερον χρόνον ἄτοκος ἐοῦσα τότε κῶς ἐκύησε, συντυχίῃ ταύτῃ χρησαμένη: ἔχουσαν δὲ αὐτὴν ἀληθέϊ λόγῳ οἱ τῆς ἐπελθούσης γυναικὸς οἰκήϊοι πυθόμενοι ὥχλεον, φάμενοι αὐτὴν κομπέειν ἄλλως βουλομένην ὑποβαλέσθαι' δεινὰ δὲ ποιεύντων αὐτῶν, τοῦ χρόνου συντάμνοντος, ὑπ᾽ ἀπιστίης οἱ ἔφοροι τίκτουσαν τὴν γυναῖκα περιϊζόμενοι ἐφύλαξαν" ἡ δὲ ὡς ἔτεκε Δωριέα ᾿ ἰθέως loves Aew- νίδην, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον ἰθέως ἴσχει Κλεόμβροτον" οἱ δὲ καὶ διδύ- μους λέγουσι Κλεόμβροτόν τε καὶ Λεωνίδην γενέσθαι: ἡ δὲ Κλεομένεα τεκοῦσα καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἐπελθοῦσα γυνὴ, ἐοῦσα θυγά- Tp Πρινητάδεω "3 τοῦ Δημαρμένου, οὐκέτι ἔτικτε τὸ δεύτερον. ὋὉ μὲν δὴ Κλεομένης, ὡς λέγεται, ἦν τε οὐ φρενήρης ἀκρο- μανής 5 τε, ὁ δὲ Δωριεὺς ἦν τῶν ἡλίκων πάντων πρῶτος" εὖ τε ἐπίστατο κατ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίην αὐτὸς σχήσων τὴν βασιληΐην: ὥστε ὧν οὕτω φρονέων, ἐπειδὴ ὅ τε ᾿Αναξανδρίδης ἀπέθανε καὶ οἱ “Μακεδαιμόνιοι χρεώμενοι τῷ νόμῳ ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα τὸν πρεσ- βύτατον Κλεομένεα, ὁ Δωριεὺς δεινόν τε ποιεύμενος καὶ οὐκ ἀξιῶν ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος βασιλεύεσθαι, αἰτήσας λαὸν Σπαρτιήτας 99 ἔφεδρον βασιλέα, “8 successor to the crown.”’ The metaphor is taken from the practice in the games, illustrated in note 423 on i. 123. It is to be remarked that all the MSS without exception agree in this form, while in § 65 they are equally unanimous for ἐπέδρην. 100 Δωριέα. A suspicion arises out of the subsequent conduct of Cleomenes that his mother was not of Heraclide, but of Achzean blood. (See note on § 72.) If this was the case, the choice of the name Dorieus for the son of the original wife was probably determined by a wish to put his Heraclide descent prominently for- ward. By his father’s side Cleomenes was pure Dorian. (See the pedigree, vii. 204.) 101 of δὲ καὶ διδύμους λέγουσι. For the uncertain character of the Lacedemonian history down to comparatively recent times see note 217 on i. 65. With regard to this particular point see note on vii. 205. 104 Πρινητάδεω. This is the reading of the majority of the MSS. Aldus gives the form Περινητάδεω. 103 ἀκρομανής. It has been considered that this word is to be interpreted “ half- mad ;” and this version has been defended by the case of some words compounded of ἄκρος, which have pretty much the same force with others compounded with ἧμι and the same root. Α list of these is col- lected by Conay on Xenocrates, p. 180. But there is a fallacy in supposing that because, for instance, a preparation of salt fish, where the seasoning was confined to the upper side, might either be called ὀψάρια ἀκρόπαστα or ὀψάρια ἡμίπαστα, the force of the elements ἀκρο and ἦμει is the same ; the fallacy consisting (as pointed out in note 520 on iv. 203) in mistaking an inferential meaning growing out of the circumstances of the individual case for one essentially resident in the word. The use of ἀκρομανὴς (raving mad) in this pas- sage is rather to be explained by its hav- ing reference to the subsequent condition of Cleomenes, which seemingly, in great measure, occasioned his notoriety through- out Hellas. See the history of his case as given in vi. 75. In his early life he was ὑπομαργότερος, the same expression which is applied to Cambyses (ili. 29) and to Charilaus (iii. 145), but at a particular a αὐτὸν ὑπέλαβε μανίη νοῦσος. (vi. 75. TERPSICHORBE. V. 42—44. 25 ἄγε és ἀποικίην οὔτε τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι χρηστηρίῳ χρησάμενος és ὑεῖς ἥντινα γῆν κτίσων ἴῃ, οὔτε ποιήσας οὐδὲν τῶν νομιζομένων ola vate enter- ᾽ oe , prise to δὲ βαρέως φέρων, aries és τὴν Διβύην τὰ Tota’ κατηγέοντο δὲ Cinyps in ce Ψ a 3 7 > 9 , 104 Ν a Libya, from οἱ ἄνδρες Θηραῖοι. ἀπικόμενος δ᾽ ἐς Kiva’, οἴκισε χῶρον whence he κάλλιστον τῶν Διβύων παρὰ ποταμόν: ἐξελασθεὶς δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ana Licensees τρίτῳ éret ὑπὸ Μακέων te καὶ AiBiov'® καὶ Καρχηδονίων, ἈΒΙΕ; ἀπίκετο ἐς Πελοπόννησον. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δέ οἱ ᾿Αντιχάρης, ἀνὴρ 43 ᾿Ελεώνιος “5, συνεβούλευσε ἐκ τῶν Δαΐον χρησμῶν ᾿Ηρακληΐην Lisi τὴν ἐν Σικελίῃ κτίζειν, φὰς τὴν "Ἔρυκος χώρην πᾶσαν εἶναι Heracles ᾿Ηρακληϊδέων, αὐτοῦ “Hpaxdéos κτησαμένου. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα i Sicily, and sailing 9 Ἁ A > ς > »? ] th és Δελφοὺς οἴχετο χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστηρίῳ, εἰ αἱρέει ἐπ᾽ ἣν along the στέλλεται χώρην ; ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ αἱρήσειν παραλαβὼν δὲ Italy, ὁ Δωριεὺς τὸν στόλον τὸν καὶ ἐς Διβύην ἦγε, ἐκομίζετο ππαρὰ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίην. Τὸν χρόνον δὲ τοῦτον, ὡς λέγουσι Συβαρῖται, σφέας 44 17 2 τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Τῆλυν τὸν ἑωυτῶν βασιλέα 106 ἧς Κίνυπα. For the fertility of the region here, which bore the same name as the river, see iv. 198. 105 Μακέων τε καὶ Λιβύων. In the topographical description given in iv. 175, the Macz are represented as one of the many tribes to which in the aggregate the name Libyans would be given. Here how- ever the ‘‘ Libyans”’ must be ed as some special portion of the whole. Perhaps the Nasamones may be what the narrator has in his eye. These appear (from iv. 172 and 182) to have had in their hands the caravan traffic between the date-coun- try (Augila) and the coast. The three parties to the attack upon the new colony will no doubt each in some way have con- sidered their interests affected by its establishment. The Mace would of course suffer, as their land would be seized, and they themselves reduced to the condition of pericecians. The Carthaginians natu- rally were jealous of commercial rivals ; and the most obvious third interest is that of the carriers to the existing settlements. 106 ἀνὴρ Ἐλεώνιος This individual appears to have been a native of Eleon, a hamlet in the neighbourhood of Tana- gra, so called (according to Srraso, ix. c. 1, p. 254) from its marshy situation. It is not easy to suggest how Dorieus should have been brought into connexion with him as described in the text. It is possible, that as he was a possessor of cer- VOL. II. ἐπὶ Κρότωνα μέλλειν tain professed oracles of Laius, he may have been in some way connected with the Lacedeemonian temple mentioned by Herodotus as dedicated to the “Eplyves Λαΐου τε καὶ Οἰδιπόδεω. See the note 384 on iv. 149. 107 τῆλυν τὸν ἑωυτῶν βασιλέα. He- RACLIDES Ponticus (De Justitia) gave a very different account of the circumstances leading to the destruction of Sybaris. According to him, the revolution in which Telys was dethroned was followed up in such a spirit of fury, that his partizans were butchered at the very altars. In the course of these horrors the image of Hera averted its eyes, and a fountain of blood burst up from the base, to stop which they covered the floor in the neighbourhood with a pavement of brass. The entire de- straction of the Sybarites was a judgment for this offence. (Compare the of ARISTOTLE, cited in the next note.) But the origin of their impiety lay fur- ther back. They wilfully fixed the time in which the Olympian festival was held for a similar one at Sybaris, and endea- voured to draw away the athletes from the former by the value of the rewards they offered (ap. Atheneum, xii. p. 522). PayvLarcaus made the sacrilegious act of the Sybarites to consist in their destroying thirty ambassadors who had come from Crotona, and casting their bodies to the wild animals (ap. Atheneum, l.c.). He E and takes part in tho capture of ris. arying ac- counts of the Sy- barites and Crotoniates. 45 Evidence which the respectively produce. 26 HERODOTUS στρατεύεσθαι" τοὺς δὲ Κροτωνιήτας «τεριδεέας γενομένους, δεηθῆναι Δωριέος σφίσι τιμωρῆσαι καὶ τυχεῖν δεοήθεντας" συστρατεύεσθαι τε δὴ ἐπὶ Σύβαριν Δωριέα καὶ συνελεῖν τὴν Σύβαριν 3. ταῦτα μέν νυν Συβαρῖται λέγουσι ποιῆσαι Δωριέα τε καὶ τοὺς per αὐτοῦ' Κροτωνιῆται δὲ οὐδένα σφίσι φασὶ ξεῖνον προσοπέλα- βέσθαι τοῦ πρὸς Συβαρίτας πολέμου, εἰ μὴ Καλλίην τῶν *Tape- δέων μάντιν ᾿Ηλεῖον μοῦνον, καὶ τοῦτον τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' παρὰ Τήλυος τοῦ Συβαριτέων τυράννου ἀποδράντα ἀπικέσθαι. "ταρὰ σφέας, ἐπεί τε οἱ τὰ ἱρὰ οὐ προεχώρεε χρηστὰ θνομένῳ ἐπὶ Kpo- Tova. ταῦτα δὲ ὧν οὗτοι λόγουσι. Mapripia δὲ τούτων ἑκάτεροι ἀποδεικνύουσι τάδε' Συβαρῖται μὲν, τέμενός τε καὶ νηὸν ἐόντα παρὰ τὸν ξηρὸν “ Κράστιν .", τὸν ἱδρύσασθαε συνελόντα τὴν πόλιν Δωριέα λέγουσι ᾿Αθηναίῃ ἐπωνύμῳ Kpacrly"* τοῦτο δὲ, also mentioned the fountain of blood and the wrath of Hera, although this last was shown in a dream seen on the same night by all the officials. 108 συνελεῖν Thy Σύβαριν, “ contributed to the capture of Sybaris.” By this the oracle which he received at Delphi was fulfilled. In taking part against Sybaris, Dorieus may perbaps have sought a grati- fication of his spite against his half brother Cleomenes, who boasted himself to be ‘not a Dorian, but an Achean’ (§ 72). The Achaane became predominant in the population of Sybaris, and, taking advan- tage of this circumstance, expelled their fellow-citizens, who were of Troezenian origin. By doing this they brought an ἄγος upon themeelves, for which the cap- tare of the city was considered a divine (AnistoTie, Polit. v. p. 100 παρὰ τὸν ξηρὸν Κράστιν, “by the side of the dry Crastis.” This phrase, I apprehend, describes a dry channel of the river,—its bed having shifted. The com- mentators assume that an opposition is intended between the Crathis in Achaia, which had a perennial stream (see the next note) and the river in Sybaris, which they conceive was dry in the summer. This theory involves the necessity of an arbitrary alteration of the text, which I have endeavoured to show (see next note) is not justifiable. _ M0 παρὰ τὸν ξηρὸν Ἐράστιν. Wesse- Achaia, says, ἐν τῇ ἢ Κρᾶθις ποταμὸς ἀέναδς ἐστι, ἀπὸ τοῦ ΗΝ ἂν Ἰταλίᾳ ποταμὸς τὸ οὔνομα ἔσχε. There is no question that the same river is meant, and that in sub- sequent times this was called Crathis. But here all the MSS (with the ex on of 8, which has Κράστον) read ιν», and in the other passage they are unani- mous in favour of Κρᾶθιν. Assuming that passage not to be an addition to the text subsequent to the time of Herodotus, I should be rather di to explain the difference between the forms by the change which language is perpetually porwr If at the time of the first settlement of Sybaris the word was pronounced Crasthis, there would be nothing strange that in process of time this should change in the one case to Crastie, and in the other to Crathie. Herodotus is in this passage professedly following a Sybarite tradition, which in the other he certainly is not. 111 ὀνωνύμῳ Ἐραστίῃ. In dedicating this temple to Athene, Dorieus, both as an Heraclide and as an adventurer, would probably have regard to the cha- racteristic of the goddess which makes her the guide and protectrees of heroes upon their adventures, of whom Hera- cles is the most complete type. It is to be remarked that this is not the form which her ritual assumed in Lacedsemon, where, as in Athens, she was associated with Poseidon ;—that is to say, she be- longed not to the Dorian, but the Achzean cycle of deities. (See this point further elucidated in the note on § 72.) TERPSICHORE. V. 45—49. 27 αὐτοῦ Δωριέος τὸν θάνατον μαρτύριον μέγιστον ποιεῦνται, ὅτι παρὰ τὰ μεμαντευμένα ποιέων διεφθάρη" εἰ γὰρ δὴ μὴ παρέπρηξε μηδὲν ἐπ᾽ ᾧ δὲ ἐστάλη ἐποίεε, εἷλε ἂν τὴν ᾿Ερυκίνην χώρην καὶ ἑλὼν κατέσχε, οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ στρατιὴ διεφθάρη. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Κροτωνιῆται ἀποδεικνῦσι Καλλίῃ μὲν τῷ ᾿Ηλείῳ ἐξαίρετα ἐν γῇ τῇ Kpwroveyrids πολλὰ δοθέντα, (τὰ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι ἐνέμοντο οἱ Καλλίεω ἀπόγονοι.) Δωριέϊξ δὲ καὶ τοῖσι Δωριέος ἀπογόνοισι οὐδέν καίτοι εἰ συνεπελάβετό γε τοῦ Συβαριτικοῦ πολέμου Δωριεὺς, δοθῆναι ἄν οἱ πολλαπλάσια ἢ Καλλίῃ. ταῦτα μέν νυν ἑκάτεροι αὐτῶν μαρτύρια ἀποφαίνονται' καὶ πάρεστε ὁκοτέροισί τις πείθεται αὐτῶν, τούτοισι προσχωρέειν. Συνέπλεον δὲ Δωριέξ 46 καὶ ἄλλοι συγκτίσται Σπαρτιητέων, Θεσσαλὸς καὶ Παραιβάτης Ors tiving in Sicily, | καὶ Keréns καὶ Εὐρυλέων' of ἐπεί re ἀπίκοντο παντὶ στόλῳ ἐς the expedi tion is aie. THY Σικελίην, ἀπέθανον μάχῃ ἑσσωθέντες ὑπό τε Φοινίκων καὶ fated by Ἐγεσταίων μοῦνος δέ γε Εὐρυλέων τῶν συγκτιστέων ™ept- gimians and eyévero τούτου τοῦ πάθεος: συλλαβὼν δὲ οὗτος τῆς στρατιῆς τοὺς Euryleon, περυγενομένους ἔσχε Μινώην τὴν Σελινουσίων ἀποικίην, καὶ εὐτήτίτᾳ συνεχευσεροῦ Σελινουσίους τοῦ μουνάρχου Πειθαγόρεω ".": μετὰ becomes for δὲ, ὡς τοῦτον κατεῖλε, αὐτὸς τυραννίδι ἐπεχείρησε Σολινοῦντος, tyrant of καὶ ἐμουνάρχησε χρόνον ἐπ᾽ ὀλύγον: of γάρ μιν Σελενούσιοι ἐπαναστάντες ἀπέκτειναν καταφυγόντα ἐπὶ Διὸς ἀγοραίον βωμόν. Συνέσπετο δὲ Δωριέϊξ καὶ συναπέθανε Φίλιππος ὁ Βουτακίδεω, 47 Κροτωνιήτης ἀνήρ' ὃς ἁρμοσάμενος Τήλνος τοῦ Συβαρέτεω θυγα- δ τις τέρα ἔφυγε ἐκ Rperevos: ψευσθεὶς δὲ τοῦ γάμου οἴχετο πλέων ἐς Whe fell Κυρήνην" ἐκ ταύτης δὲ ὁρμεώμενος συνέσπετο οἰκηΐῃ te τριήρεϊ τ' τίου. ΡΣ Ὁ καὶ οἰκηΐῃ ἀνδρῶν Samdvy, ἐών τε ᾿Ολυμπιονίκης καὶ κάλλιστος τες bere: by Ἑλλήνων τῶν κατ᾽ ἑωυτόν. διὰ δὲ τὸ ἑωυτοῦ κάλλος ἐνείκατο tans. παρὰ ᾿Εγεσταίων τὰ οὐδεὶς ἄλλος" ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ τάφου αὐτοῦ ἡρώϊον ἱδρυσάμενοι θυσίῃσι αὐτὸν ἱλάσκονται. Δωριεὺς μέν νυν 48 τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἐτελεύτησε: εἰ δὰ ἠνέσχετο βασιλευόμενος ὑπὸ Cloomence Κλεομένεος καὶ κατεμενε ἐν Σπάρτῃ, ἐβασίλενε ἂν Δακεδαίμονος. " ™ veers, and left no οὗ γάρ τινα πολλὸν χρόνον ἦρξε ὁ Ἰλεομένης, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέθανε ἄπαις wale issue. θυγατέρα μούνην λυπὼν τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Γοργώ. ᾿Απικνέεται δ᾽ ὧν δ᾽ Αἀρισταγόρης ὁ Μιλήτου τύραννος ἐς τὴν 49 113 πΠειθαγόρεω. Some MSS have Πυθαγόρεω. x 2 This Cleo- menes is king of Sparta at the time of the arrival of Arista- goras, who explains his views to him with the aid of a chart. 28 HERODOTUS Σπάρτην, Κλεομένεος ὄχοντος τὴν apyny τῷ δὴ ἐς λόγους ἤϊε, ὡς “Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι, ἔχων χάλκεον πίνακα" ἐν τῷ γῆς ἁπάσης περίοδος ἐνετέτμητο, καὶ θάλασσά τε πᾶσα καὶ ποταμοὶ πάντες: ἀπικνεόμενος δὲ ἐς λόγους ὁ ᾿Αριστωγόρης ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν rade “ Κλεόμενες, σπουδὴν μὲν τὴν ἐμὴν μὴ θωμάσης τῆς ἐνθαῦτα ἀπίξιος: τὰ γὰρ κατήκοντά ἐστι τοιαῦτα .". ᾿Ιώνων παῖδας δούλους εἶναι ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρων ὄνειδος καὶ ἄλγος μέγιστον μὲν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν, ἔτει δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑμῖν, ὅσῳ προέστατε τῆς “Ἑλλάδος. νῦν ὧν, πρὸς θεῶν τῶν ᾿Ελληνίων, ῥύσασθε Ἴωνας ἐκ δουλοσύνης, ἄνδρας ὁμαίμονας. χωρέειν ἐστί." οὔτε γὰρ οἱ βάρβαροι ἄλκιμοί εἰσι, ὑμεῖς τε τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκετε ἀρετῆς πέρι ἧ τε μάχη αὐτῶν ἐστὶ τοιήδε, τόξα καὶ αἰχμὴ βραχέα" ἀναξυρίδας δὲ ἔχον- τες ὁ ἔρχονται ἐς τὰς μάχας καὶ κυρβασίας ἐπὶ τῇσε κεφαλῇσι: οὕτω εὐπετέες χειρωθῆναί εἰσι. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἀγαθὰ τοῖσι τὴν ἤπειρον ἐκείνην νεμομένοισι, ὅσα οὐδὲ τοῖσι συνάπασι ἄλλοισι: ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ ἀρξαμένοισι, ἄργυρος καὶ χαλκὸς καὶ ἐσθὴς ποικίλη καὶ ὑποζύγιά τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα" τὰ θυμῷ βουλόμενοι 1" αὐτοὶ ἂν ὄχοιτε. κατοίκηνται δὲ ἀλλήλων ἐχόμενοι, ὡς ἀγὼ φράσω. ᾿Ιώνων μὲν τῶνδε οἵδε Av6ol, οἰκέοντές τε χώρην ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολναργυρώ- τατοι ἐόντες" δεικνὺς δὲ ἔλεγε ταῦτα ἐς τῆς γῆς τὴν περίοδον τὴν φ ἐφέρετο ἐν τῷ πίνακι ἐντετμημένην' “ Avday δὲ," ἔφη λέγων ὁ εὐπετέως δὲ ὑμῖν ταῦτα οἷά τε 113 ἔχων χάλκεον πίνακα. The nature of this tablet is a matter which has been frequently referred to by writers upon the history of physical philosophy, it being generally considered the first recorded instance of any attempt to represent to the eye the distribution of the several parts of the earth’s surface. It is impor- tant to observe that Herodotus does not speak himself of having seen it, but dis- tinctly states that the Lacedsemonians related Aristagoras to have had such a one at the time of his interview with Cleomenes. Under these circumstances it is certainly not safe to press the terms of the description too closely, and infer from it that Aristagoras brought to Sparta any thing like what we understand (or what even Eratosthenus would have un- derstood) by a chart of the known world. That certain attempts at this existed in the time of Herodotus is plain from what he says in iv. 36; but the arbitrary cha- racter of the positions laid down in them appears from the same 114 τὰ γὰρ κατήκοντά ἐστι τοιαῦτα, ‘“‘for the matters which touch ns are such as ag explain.” See the note 344 on i. 97. 115 εὐπετέως δὲ ὑμῖν ταῦτα οἷά τε χω- ρέειν ἐστί, ‘and easily by you may these results be accomplished.” Compare iii. 39, πάντα of ἐχώρεε εὐτυχέως. 116 ἀναξυρίδας ἔχοντες. See note 239 on i. 7]. 117 θυμῷ βουλόμενοι. This expression is significant of more than βουλόμενοι, which would simply mean “at your option.” But the addition of θυμῷ, “‘with strong determination,” implies that the Lacedemonians would have to fight for these good things Aristagoras pro- mised to them. TERPSICHORE. V. 49. 29 ᾿Αρισταγόρης, “ οἷδε ἔχονται Φρύγες, οἱ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ ..", πολυπρο- βατώτατοί τε ἐόντες ἁπάντων τῶν ἐγὼ οἶδα καὶ πολυκαρπότατοι. Φρυγῶν δὲ ἔχονται Καππαδόκαι, τοὺς ἡμεῖς Συρίους καλέομεν """ τούτοισι δὲ πρύσουροι Κίλικες, κατήκοντες ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τήνδε ἐν ἡ ἦδε Κύπρος νῆσος κέεται" οἱ πεντακόσια τάλαντα ᾿" βασιλέϊ τὸν ἐπέτειον φόρον ἐπιτέλεῦσι. Κιλίκων δὲ τῶνδε ἔχονται ᾿Αρμένιοι οἵδε, καὶ οὗτοι ἐόντες πολυπρόβατοι. ᾿Αρμενίων δὲ Ματιηνοὶ "", χώρην τήνδε ὄχοντες. ἔχεται δὲ τούτων γῆ ἦδε Κισσίη" ἐν τῇ δὴ παρὰ ποταμὸν τόνδε Χοάσπην κείμενά ἐστι τὰ Σοῦσα ταῦτα "3", ἔνθα βασιλεύς τε μέγας δίαιταν ποιέεταε καὶ τῶν χρημάτων οἱ θησαυροὶ ἐνθαῦτά εἰσι. ἑλόντες δὲ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, θαρσέοντες ἤδη τῷ Act πλούτου πέρε ἐρίζετε. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν χώρης ἄρα οὐ πολλῆς οὐδὲ οὕτω χρηστῆς, καὶ οὔρων σμικρῶν, χρεόν ἐστι ὑμέας μάχας ἀναβάλλεσθαι .35 πρός τε Μεσσηνίους ἐόντας ἰσοπαλέας, 118 Φρύγες, οἱ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ. Gaisford prints these words without a stop after Φρύγες, in which case a distinction seems to be intended between these Phrygians and some others. Perhaps an opposition may be intended to the Phrygians which came nearer to the coast, and possibly even to some kindred races in the Euro- pean continent. (See note on vii. 73.) But an easier solution of the passage seems to be to conceive Aristagoras as following the line of the great road which ran through Tyanitis. (See note 243 on i. 72.) At Cydra (or Cydrara) on this line, a column had been erected by Croesus mark- ing the confines of Lydia and Phrygia. This would no doubt appear on Aristago- ras’s chart; for at that point the road divided, two branches (the one from Caria, the other from Sardis) meeting there and continuing through Phrygia (vii. 31). Translate: ‘‘ And next to the Lydians,”’ proceeded Aristagoras, ‘‘ here join on the Phrygians,— these as you go eastward— the greatest flock-masters of all men I know, and likewise richest in the products of the soil.” 119 rods ἡμεῖς Συρίους καλέομεν. SrRa- BO (xvi. c. 1, p. 333) says that doth the Cappadocians, of τε πρὸς τῷ Ταύρῳ καὶ οἱ πρὸς τῷ Πόντῳ, up to his day were called White Syrians. Probably the term Λευκόσυροι was substituted for Σύριοι when the Greeks became familiar with the in- habitants of Assyria, whose complexions would be of a swarthier cast. The wide extent of the Cappadocian race explains the text. The Pontine Cappadocians are conterminous to the Phrygians, the Tau- rine Cappadocians to the Cilicians,—for- merly not contined to the south side of Taurus: see LEAKE, cited in the note on i, 72,—and éhese Cilicians to the Arme- nians. (See note 132, below.) 129 πεντακόσια τάλαντα. The particu- lars of the Cilician tribute are more fully given in iii. 90. 121 Ματιηνοί. See, for an attempt to explain Herodotus’s notions of the site of these people, note 681 on i. 202. 122 παρὰ ποταμὸν τόνδε Χοάσπην xel- μενά ἐστι τὰ Σοῦσα ταῦτας RENNELL (Geography of Herodotus, p. 203) says: ‘‘The Choaspes is the only river of Susi- ana spoken of by our author, and this being a country of rivers, in effect, the drain of Media, Elymais, Cosseea, &c., and formed chiefly from alluvions, it may be collected from his silence that the Greeks knew little concerning it.” The truer hypothesis perhaps is that the author derives his information from persons who gathered theirs only from travellers or from road-books. For the site of Susa see note 234 on iv. 83. 133 ἀναβάλλεσθαι. The main difficulty in this passage is the use of the middle voice instead of the active ἀναβάλλειν. But this is certainly not sufficient to jus- tify an arbitrary change of the reading of 90 HERODOTUS καὶ ᾿Αρκάδας τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους" τοῖσε οὔτε χρυσοῦ ἐχόμενόν ἔστε οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀργύρου, τῶν πέρι καί τινα ἐνάγει προθυμίη μαχόμενον ἀποθνήσκειν" παρέχον δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίης πάσης ἄρχειν εὐπετέως, ἄλλο τι αἱρήσεσθε ;” ᾿Αρισταγόρης μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε. Κλεομένης δὲ ἀμείβετο τοῖσδε" “ ὦ ξεῖνε Μιλήσιε, ἀναβάλλομαί τοι ἐς τρέτην 50 ἡμέρην ἀποκρινέεσθαι." Τότε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον ἤλασαν. ἐπεέ TE εν εἰανεμαι δὲ ἡ κυρίη ἡμέρη éylvero τῆς ἀποκρίσιος καὶ ἦλθον ἐς τὸ συγ- ing him an κείμενον, εἴρετο ὁ Κλεομένης τὸν ᾿Αρισταγόρην ὁκοσέων ἡμερέων τὸ ἀν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῆς ᾿Ιώνων ὁδὸς εἴη παρὰ βασιλέα; ὁ δὲ ‘Apwra- wards, when γόρης, τἄλλα ἐὼν σοφὸς καὶ διαβάλλων ἐκεῖνον εὖ '™, ἐν τούτῳ on learning the distance ἐσφάλεγ χρεὸν γάρ poy μὴ λέγειν τὸ ἐὸν δουχάμενάν: γε Σπαρ- of Susa from the τιήτας ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, λέγει δ᾽ ὧν τριῶν μηνῶν φὰς εἶναι orders Arie. τὴν ἄνοδον: ὁ δὲ ὑπαρπάσας τὸν ἐπίλουπον λόγον τὸν ὃ ᾽᾿Αριστα- quit Sparta yopns ὥρμητο λέγειν περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἶπε' “ὦ ξεῖνε Μιλήσιε, ore sun- sot. 5) Aristagoras és τὰ οἰκία. attempts to ἀπαλλάσσεο ἐκ Σπάρτης πρὸ δύντος ἡλίου: οὐδένα γὰρ λόγον εὐεπέα 15. λέγεις Λακεδαιμονίοισι, ἐθέλων σφέας ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τριῶν μηνῶν ὁδὸν ἀγωγεῖν." Ὃ μὲν δὴ Κλεομένης ταῦτα εἴπας, Hie ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρισταγόρης λαβὼν ἱκετηρίην ἤϊε ἐς τοῦ bribe him. Κλεομένεος, ἐσελθὼν δὲ εἴσω ἅτε ἱκετεύων, ἐπακοῦσαι ἐκέλευε τὸν Κλεομένεα ἀποπέμψαντα τὸ παιδίον προσεστήκεε γὰρ δὴ τῷ Anecdote of Κλεομένεϊ ἡ θυγάτηρ, τῇ οὔνομα ἣν Topyw τοῦτο δέ οἱ καὶ μοῦνον all the MSS. ἀναβάλλειν μάχας would be equivalent to κίνδυνον ἀναβάλλειν μα- opévous,—an expression which would be appropriate to the combatants who take part in the actual fray. But the nation which adopts a policy of this borwel er and employs its soldiers in perpetual bat- tles, would more properly be said ἀναβάλ- λεσθαι, just as a parent would be said διδάσκεσθαι, not διδάσκειν, if he employed a third person to instruct his son. The expression ἀναβάλλειν κίνδυνον is used by ZEscuyuvs (Thebd. 1030) ; ; and the phrase ἀναρρίπτειν κίνδυνον is well known. 124 διαβάλλων ἐκεῖνον ed, ‘ mystifying him successfully.”” See below, § 97, πολλοὺς γὰρ οἶκε εἶναι εὐπετέστερον δια- βάλλειν 4 ἕνα, an expression however which may perhaps be taken from this one, and be by a later hand. (See the note on it.) In § 107, Ἱστιαῖος μὲν δὴ λέγων ταῦτα διέβαλλε, “ Histiseus now in saying these things was mystifying him.’’ The fundamental idea seents to be the distraction of a person from the contem- plation of the real merits of a case by directing his attention to something beside the matter. Thus Aristagoras, in this case, put Cleomenes on a wrong scent by assuming that the real obstacle to success in an expedition to Asia would be the resistance of the enemy, not the enormous Paracel seep to be followed. Similarly Histiseus persuaded Darius that the revolt i in Ionia arose from his own absence. 133 λόγον εὑεπέα. It has been proposed to change the word εὐεπέα into εὐπέτεα, But λόγος εὐεπὴς is a A which carries a good omen in in which it is couched,—and consequently ‘an advantageous proposal.” The habit po cerca universal among oO ancients looking in every thing an augury easily explains the transition from one sense to the other. TERPSICHORE. V. 50—82. 91 τέκνον ἐτύγχανε ἐὸν ἐτέων ὀκτὼ ἢ ἐννέα ἡλεκίην' Κλεομένης δὲ his his daughter Aéyesy μεν ἐκέλευε τὰ βούλεται, μηδὲ ἐπισχεῖν τοῦ παιδίου εἵνεκα. ΞΡ ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ὁ ᾿Δριστωγόρης ἄρχετο ἐκ δέκα ταλάντων ὑπισχνεό- μενος, ἥν οἱ ἐπιτελέσῃ τῶν ἐδέετο' ἀνανεύοντος δὲ τοῦ Κλεομένεος, προέβαινε τοῖσι χρήμασι ὑπερβάλλων ὁ ᾿Δριστωγόρης ἐς οὗ πεν- τήκοντά τε τάλαντα ὑποδέδεκτο, καὶ τὸ παιδίον ηὐδάξατο' “ πάτερ, διαφθερέει σε ὁ ξεῖνος, ἣν μὴ ἀποστὰς ἴῃς." ὅ τε δὴ Κλεομένης, ἡσθεὶς τοῦ παιδίου τῇ παραινέσει ἤϊε ἐς ὅτερον οἴκημα 155, καὶ ὃ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἀπαλλάσσετο τὸ παράπαν ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης" οὐδέ οἱ ἐξεγένετο ἐπυπλέον ἔτι σημῇναι περὶ τῆς ἀνόδου τῆς παρὰ βα- othéa. "Exe: yap ἀμφὶ τῇ ὁδῷ ταύτῃ ὧδε: σταθμοί τε πανταχῆ εἰσι 52. βασιλήϊοι, καὶ καταλύσιες κάλλισται ᾿"', διὰ οἰκεομένης τε ἡ ὁδὸς Hnerary of ἅπασα καὶ ἀσφαλέος. διὰ μέν γε Δυδίης καὶ Φρυγίης σταθμοὶ tween Sar- telvovres'** εἴκοσί εἶσι, παρασάγγαι δὲ τέσσερες καὶ ἐννενήκοντα Sus. καὶ ἥμισυ. ἐκδέκεται δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης 0“ Adus ποταμός "5". ἐπ᾽ ᾧ πύλαε τε ἔπεισε, τὰς διεξελάσαι πᾶσα ἀνάγκη "" καὶ οὕτω διεκπερᾶν τὸν ποταμὸν, καὶ φυλακτήριον μέγα ἐπ᾽’ αὐτῷ. διαβάντι δὲ ἐς τὴν Καπ’παδοκίην καὶ tavry πορευομένῳ μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Κιλικίων, σταθμοὶ δνῶν δέοντές εἶσι τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι δὲ τέσσερες καὶ ἑκατόν .. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι τούτων οὔροισι διξάς τε πύλας διεξελᾷς, 126 ἠέε ἃς ἕτερον οἴκημα. The supe- con riority of Cleomenes to bribery is shown not by this anecdote, but by some others. iti. 148. 137 καταλύσιες κάλλισται. “ Excellent caravanserais.”” from the different facilities of obtaining water, or other similar causes. It will be observed that the average distance between the stations in Lydia and Phrygia is con- siderably greater than the average in the whole journey. Here perhaps the roads were perticularly good, and travellers could on 128 aia ΜΨΗ͂Ν “Α series of sta- tions.”” Perhaps there was greater regu- larity in their distances in this part of the route than elsewhere. 129 ἐκδέκεται δὲ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης ὅ Αλυς ποταμός. That the river spoken of here is not the Halys which flows into the Black Sea seems to me quite certain. See, for an attempt to explain Herodotus’s statements cerning the Halys, note 243 on i. 72. 130 τὰς διεξελάσαι πᾶσα ἀνάγκη. This was the boundary of the Lydian empire, to the passage of which the oracle given to Croesus referred. It will be observed that a barrier appears to have been erected on the Lydian side, and a fort upon the Cappadocian. The former, a Lydian work, probably was intended for the collection of transit tolls; the latter doubtless had a military purpose, and was probably Per- sian. On the Cappadocian side was Cri- talla, the frontier town at which the army of Xerxes was concentrated when he com- menced his expedition against Athens (vii. 26). Possibly the name Critaila (as well as Archalla, of which LEAKE supposes Erclé to be a corruption) is significant ; crit containing the root of certa (castra) and alla that of Halys. See note 243 on i, 72. 131 διαβάντι δὲ és τὴν Kawwadoxlny ... τέσσερες καὶ ἑκατόν. I am altogether unable to reconcile this distance with 82 HERODOTUS καὶ διξὰ φυλακτήρια παραμείψεαι. ταῦτα δὲ διεξελάσαντι καὶ διὰ τῆς Κιλικίης ὁδὸν ποιευμένῳ 1" τρεῖς εἶσε σταθμοὶ, παρασάγ- yas δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα καὶ ἥμισυ. οὖρος δὲ Κιλικίης καὶ τῆς any probable route through Cappadocia. Srrapo, describing the course which in his time appears to have been universally taken from Ephesus towards the interior of Asia, gives the following distances from Carura, which he places on the frontier between Phrygia and Caria :— STADES To Holmi, which was regarded as the beginning of Phrygia Paro- reus (through Laodicea on the Lycus, Apamea, and Metropolis) 920 Thence to Tyrieum, the frontier of Lycaonia. . .... . 500 Thence to Coropassus (which is stillin Lycaonia) . . . . . 840 Thence to Garsatira (a village of Cappadocia). . . . - .. - 120 Thence to Mazaca .... . 680 Thence to Tomisum (considered as the frontier of Cappadocia) . 1440 From Tomisum to Samosata, which was in the immediate neighbour- hood of the bridge or ferry over the Euphrates (Zevypa) . . . 450 The first part of this route is the same with that taken by Xerxes in his expe- dition, and the presumption would be that the latter part also was. But Herodotus is clear in making the Halys the boun- dary of Cappadocia (both here and in vii. 26), and in calling the frontier town of Cappadocia Critalla, and not Garsatra. It seems therefore certain that there must have been a divergence some where near Holmi. But if so, this could not (I conceive) have been to the north, but must have been to the south of the route laid down by Strabo above. That there was such a road running through the central plains of Lycaonia and Tyanitis is quite certain. It was by it that the younger Cyrus invaded Asia (XENOPHON, Anab, i. 2, seqq.). See also note 243 on i. 73. But if this road be the one intended in the text, it would not have conducted to the banks of the Halys, but by way of Dana (Tyana) to the Cilician Gates. Nei- ther would it have conducted through Cilicia to Armenia, or any where near it. In such a state of confusion it is rash to offer any conjectural explanation as more than a mere temporary stop-gap. It is _ quite plain that the views of the author are altogether indistinct; and probably the numbers he sets down are taken from some current itinerary. If however we suppose that in such a one ali the main routes lying within Cappadocia were set down, the one described by Strabo,—the one from Critalia (of which see note 243 on i. 72) to the Cilician Gates,—and also a third by which Tyana was certainly in later times united to Mazaca, the aggre- gate length of these will not be very far off the numbers given in the text. We shall have STADES From Garsaiira to Mazaca . . . 680 From Mazaca to Tomisum . - 1440 From Mazaca to Critalla, and from thence to the Cilician Gates (say six days). ...... . 1050 3170 Strabo elsewhere (xii. c. 2, p. 11) gives the distance from Mazaca to the Cilician Gates through Tyana as six days’ jour- ney; and as Critalla, if near Erclé (see the last note), must have been in the immediate neighbourhood of Tyana, the route will have been nearly the same. The southernmost half being very steep, it seems reasonable to take for the whole distance from Mazaca 175 stades (the mean between 150 and 200) as the day’s journey. The sum of 104 gs converted into stades, at the rate of 30 to the para- sang, will come 80 near to 3170,—being in fact 3120,—as to be in substantial agreement with it. The statement in the text will, on this hypothesis, have arisen from the aggregate of the branch roads contained in a given district being mistaken for the direct road through it, —an analogous error to that which seems to have been committed in the pedigree of Xerxes. See Excursus on iii. 74, p- 427, 428. 133 διὰ τῆς Κιλικίης ὅδὸν ποιευμένφ. The Cilicia here spoken of cannot be the maritime province, but is probably the portion of Mount Taurus over which, from Tomisum to Samosata, was a dis- tance of 450 stades. (Streaso, xiv. c. 2, p. 212.) TERPSICHORE. V. 53. 33 ᾿Αρμενίης ἐστὶ ποταμὸς νηυσιπέρητος, τῷ οὔνομα Εὐφρήτης" ἐν δὲ τῇ Appevly σταθμοὶ μέν εἰσι κατωγωγέων πεντεκαίδεκα, Tapacdy- yas δὲ 8E καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ καὶ φυλακτήριον ἐν αὐτοῖσι "5" ποταμοὶ δὲ νηυσιπέρητοι τέσσερες διὰ ταύτης ῥέουσι, τοὺς πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διαπορθμεῦσαί ἐστι" πρῶτος μὲν Τίγρις" μετὰ δὲ, δεύτερός τε καὶ τρίτος ὧντὸς οὐνομαζόμενος, οὐκ ὡντὸς * ἐὼν ποταμὸς οὐδὲ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ῥέων: (6 μὲν γὰρ πρότερος αὐτῶν καταλεχθεὶς ἐξ "Appevioy ῥέει, ὁ δ᾽ ὕστερον, ἐκ Ματιηνῶν.) ὁ δὲ τέταρτος τῶν ποταμῶν οὔνομα ἔχει Γύνδης 5, τὸν Κῦρος διέλαβέ κοτε ἐς διώρυχας ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης τῆς ᾿Αρμενίης ἐσβάλλοντι ἐς τὴν Ματιηνὴν γῆν, σταθμοί εἶσι τέσσερες 15. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐς τὴν Κισσίην χώρην μεταβαίνοντι, ὅνδεκα σταθμοὶ, παρασάγγαε δὲ δύο καὶ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἥμισύ ἐστι ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Χοάσπην, ἐόντα καὶ τοῦτον νηυσυπέρητον' ἐπ᾽ ᾧ Σοῦσα πόλις πεπόλεσται. οὗτοι οἱ πάντες σταθμοί εἶσι ἕνδεκα καὶ ἑκατόν "5. κατωαγωγαὶ μέν νυν σταθμῶν τοσαῦταί εἰσι ἐκ Σαρδίων ἐς Σοῦσα ἀναβαίνοντι. Ei δὲ ὀρθῶς μεμέτρηται ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ βασιληΐη τοῖσι παρασάγγῃσι, καὶ 6 παρασάγγης δύναται τριήκοντα στάδια "55, ὥσπερ οὗτός γε δύναταε ταῦτα, ἐκ Σαρδίων στάδιά ἐστε ἐς τὰ βασιλήϊα τὰ Μεμνόνια καλεόμενα πεντακόσια καὶ τρισχίλια καὶ μύρια, παρασωγγέων ἐόντων πεντήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίων “5 πεν- 133 φυλακτήριον ἐν αὐτοῖσι. This can hardly mean a single fort some where or other in the course of the fifteen days’ journey. I should rather take it as a small military post at each station,—per- haps a n precaution to secure the safety of travellers from the predatory tribes inhabiting the neighbourhood. For the sense of γηυσιπέρητος see note 639 on i. 189. 134 Surds οὐνομαζόμενος οὐκ ὠντὸς ἐών. So Gaisford prints without any notice of MS variation. But in ii. 79 there is an equal unanimity for ὠυτὸς, without the 185 [bv8ns. This river is, according to RENNELL, to be looked for in the Diyeleh, which falls into the Tigris between Bagh- dad and Modain (the ancient Ctesiphon). See note 636 on i. 189. 136 γέσσερες. Bekker supposes a lacuna here, which, if supplied, might bring the text of the Itinerary into conformity with the calculation in § 53. And Dm La VOL. II. Barre, in a paper in the Mémoires de P Académie des Inscriptions, vol. viii., does not hesitate to supply the words καὶ τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι δὲ ὁπτὰ καὶ τριή- κοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν, purely from conjecture for this purpose. He also considers that the name Matiene is significant, and was applied by the Persians to any large tract of country bounded on the one side by a river and the other by mountains. But there seems no ground for this bold con- jectare, except the use he makes of it in reconciling with one another the various passages in which Matiene is mentioned, and avoiding the alternative of setting down the geographical views of the au- thor as obscure and incorrect. 137 ἕνδεκα καὶ ἑκατόν. The number of stations which are given in the MSS as they exist amounts only to eighty-one. See the last note. 138 καὶ ὁ παρασάγγης: δύναται τριήκοντα στάδια. See note on vi. 42. 139 χαρασαγγέων ἐόντων πεντήκοντα Ἐ 53 δῦ Resumption " A θήνας 14 a the his- of 56 34 HERODOTUS τήκοντα δὲ καὶ ἑκατὸν στάδια én’ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ διεξιοῦσι ** 54 ἀναισιμοῦνταε ἡμόραι ἀπαρτὶ ἐννενήκοντα. Οὕτω τῷ Μιλησίῳ ᾿Αρίσταγόρῃ, εὕπαντε πρὸς Κλεομένεα τὸν “Δακεδαιμόνιον εἶναε τριῶν μηνῶν τὴν ἄνοδον τὴν παρὰ βασιλέα, ὀρθῶς εἴρητο. εἰ δέ τις τὸ ἀτρεκέστερον τούτων ἔτει δίξηταει, ὀγὼ καὶ τοῦτο σημανέω" τὴν γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Εφέσου ἐς Σάρδις ὁδὸν δεῖ προσλογίσασθας ταύτῃ. καὶ δὴ λέγω σταδίους elyas τοὺς πάντας ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῆς “Ἑλληνικῆς μέχρι Σούσων, (τοῦτο γὰρ Μεμνόνιον ἄστυ καλέεταε,) τεσσεράκοντα καὶ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους" οἱ γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Εφέσου ἐς Σάρδις εἰσὶ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ πεντακόσιοι στάδιον καὶ οὕτω τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι μηκύνεται ἡ τρίμηνος ὁδός. ᾿Απελαυνόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης, Hie ἐς τὰς ' γενομένας τυράννων ὧδε ἐλευθέρας" ἐπεὶ “Ἱππαρχον τὸν Π εἰσιστράτου; Ἱππίεω δὲ τοῦ τυράννου ἀδελφεὸν, ἰδόντα ὄψιν ἐνυπνίου τῷ ἑωυτοῦ πάθεϊ ἐναργεστάτην, κτείνουσι Apieroreram = tion of Hip- καὶ “Appodros, γένος ἐόντες τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Γεφυραῖοι """, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐτυραννεύοντο ᾿Αθηναῖοι én’ ἔτεα τέσσερα οὐδὲν ἧσσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον "", ἢ πρὸ τοῦ. Ἢ μέν νυν ὄψις τοῦ ᾿Ιππάρχου ἐνυπνίου ἣν pe ἐν τῇ προτέρῃ νυκτὶ τῶν Παναθηναίων ἐδόκεε ὁ “1π- παρχος ἄνδρα οἱ ἐπιστάντα μέγαν καὶ εὐειδέα αἰνίσσεσθαι τάδε τὰ ἔπεα; καὶ τετρακοσίων. The number of para- sangs given by the text is only 3183; but for the route which passes through Matiene it is to be observed, that although the author gives the number of stations, he does not give the measured distance cor- responding. See note 136. 140 χεντήκοντα δὲ καὶ éxardy στάδια ἀπ᾿ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ διεξιοῦσι. Herodotus elsewhere reckons 200 stadia as ἃ day’s journey (iv. 101). It seems not impos- sible that in this passage he proceeds on the supposition of a large body—such as an army-——being moved ; and in the other on that ofa small company. And it ought not to be forgotten that the variation of climate and ground in the two regions of which he is speaking would cause consi- derable difference in the space travelled over between sunrise and sunset. A cara- van would doubtless travel slower even than an army, passing only from station to station. The average length of the interval between these for the whole journey will be 4°15 parasangs, nearly. M1 te és τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. The account of Aristagoras’s proceedings is resumed c. 97, below. 142 Γεφυραῖοι. The deme Gepkyra is placed by Luaxe at the crossing of the river Cephisua, by the road which led to Eleusis. (Demi of Altica, ii. p. 142.) 142 οὐδὲν ἧσσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον. THucypipes (vi. 55) describes the ex- tremely temperate proceedings of the Pisistratids before the assassination of Hipparchus; but says that afterwards Hippias διὰ φόβου ἤδη μᾶλλον dy τῶν τε πολιτῶν πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἕξω ἅμα διεσκοπεῖτο (8 59). And the author of the Platonic dialogue Hippar- chusz goes even farther in praising the early days of the dynasty : οὗ (sc. Ἵππάρ- xov) ἀποθανόντος τρία ἔτη ἐτυραννεύθη- σαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἱππίου: καὶ πάντων ἂν τῶν παλαιῶν ἤκουσας ὅτι ταῦτα μόνον τὰ ἔτη τυραννὶς ὀγένετο ἐν ᾿Αθήναις, τὸν δ' ἄλλον χρόνον ὀγγός τι ἔζων ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὥσπερ ὀκὶ Kpdvov βασιλεύοντος (§ 4). TERPSICHORE, V. 54—58. TARE: λέων ἄτλητα παθὼν τετληότι θυμῷ" οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων ἀδικῶν τίσιν οὐκ ἀποτίσει. 35 ταῦτα δὲ, ws ἡμέρη ἐγένετο τάχιστα, φανερὸς ἣν ὑπερτιθέμενος ὀνειροπόλοισι" μετὰ δὲ, ἀπειπάμενος τὴν ὄψιν, ἔπεμπε τὴν πομπὴν ἐν τῇ δὴ τέλεντᾷ. Ot δὲ Γεφυραῖοι, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ φονέες οἱ ᾿Ιππάρχου, ὧς μὲν δ7 αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἐγεγόνεσαν ἐξ ᾿Ερετρίης τὴν ἀρχήν: ὡς δὲ ἐγὼ bic δ ἀναπυνθανόμενος εὑρίσκω, ἧσαν Φοίνικες τῶν σὺν Κάδμῳ ἀπικο- ile Ld 4 a A ’ [οὶ Bin, μένων Φοινίκων ἐς γῆν τὴν νῦν Βοιωτίην καλεομένην" οἴκεον δὲ τῆς egnorie χώρης ταύτης ἀπολαχόντες τὴν Tavaypixny poipay ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ bourhood of ἢ ’ , «> 9 € a Tanagra, Καδμείων πρότερον ἐξαναστάντων im’ ᾿Αργείων, ot Γεφυραῖοι οὗτοι δεύτερα ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν ἐξαναστάντες ." ἐτράποντο én’ "AOnvior ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέ σφεας ἐπὶ ῥητοῖσι ἐδέξαντο σφέων αὐτῶν εἶναε πολιήτας, πολλῶν τέων καὶ οὐκ ἀξιαπηγήτων ἐπιτάξαντες ἔργεσθαι. Oi δὲ Φοίνικες οὗτοι οἱ σὺν Κάδμῳ ἀπικόμενοι, τῶν 58 ἦσαν οἱ Γεφυραῖοι, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ οἰκήσαντες ταύτην τὴν χώρην gece” ἐσήγαγον διδασκάλια ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας, καὶ δὴ καὶ γράμματα, ame with | οὐκ ἐόντα πρὶν “Ελλησι, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν: πρῶτα μὲν, τοῖσι καὶ troduced = Ρ ͵ : ᾿ the use of ἅπαντες χρέωνται Φοίνικες" μετὰ δὲ, χρόνου πρροβαίνοντος, ἅμα τῇ letters. In their set- φωνῇ μετέβαλον καὶ τὸν ῥυθμὸν τῶν γραμμάτων. περιοίκεον δέ tlements = ; " ᾿ β Ε ; they were σφεας τὰ πολλὰ τῶν χώρων τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον “Ελλήνων “Faves: generall Ἢ Froun of παραλαβόντες διδαχῇ παρὰ τῶν Φοινίκων τὰ γράμματα """, with an μεταρρυθμίσαντές σφεων ὀλίγα ἐχρέωντο: χρεώμενοι δὲ ἐφάτισαν, ἐπῆν πὴ ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ δίκαιον ἔφερε ἐσωγωγόντων Φοινίκων ἐς τὴν ‘EX- λάδα, Φοινικήϊα κεκλῆσθαι καὶ τὰς βύβλους διφθέρας καλέουσι ἀπὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ οἱ Ἴωνες "“, ὅτι κοτὲ ἐν σπάνει βύβλων ἐχρέωντο 146 ῥπὸ Βοιωτῶν ἐξαναστάντες. See H (having the force of 4 or χη), Θ, A, M, § 61, below. 145 παρὰ τῶν Φοινίκων τὰ γράμματα. The fandamental Semitic alphabet is sup- posed to have consisted of only sixteen letters ; and it is stated by Piiny (N. ἢ. vii. 56) that the first Hellenic alphabet con- tained no more. Dr. DonaLpson (New Cratylus, book i. chap. 5) gives the follow- ing scheme of what he conceives to have been the original arrangement of the two. A, B, Γ, Δ, E (having the force sessed by ὁ in later times), F (the digamema, or Sav, a trace of which remained in the symbol ¢, used to denote the numeral 6), N, 2, O, 11,9 (the koppa or primitive x), T. To these severally correspond the Hebrew Aleph, Beth, Gimel, Daleth, He, Vau, Cheth, Teth, Lamed, Mem, Nun, Sameckh, Ain, Pe, Koph, Tau. 146 καὶ τὰς βύβλους διφθέρας καλέουσι ἀπὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ οἱ Ἴωνες. This remark has no bearing upon the assertion that the Ionians were the people who learnt the use of letters from the Phoenicians. And moreover if any Ionians were so accustomed to writing on parchment, as to give the name δίφθεραι to all books with which they afterwards became acquainted, it would F 2 δ9 Tripods in the temple of the Jeme- nian Apollo at The said to be inscribed with Pha- nician cha- racters. 60 61 36 HERODOTUS διφθέρῃσε αὐγέῃσί τε καὶ ὀϊέησι" ὄτι δὲ καὶ τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ πολλοὶ τῶν» βαρβάρων ἐς τοιαύτας διφθέρας γράφουσι. δον δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς Καδμήϊα γράμματα ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος τοῦ ᾿Ισμηνίου Θήβῃσι τῇσι Βοιωτῶν ἐπὶ τρίποσί τισι" Ψ ur gy ἐγκεκολαμμένα, τὰ πολλὰ ὁμοῖα ἐόντα τοῖσι ᾿Ιωνικοῖσο' ὁ μὲν δὴ εἷς τῶν τριπόδα»» ἐπίγραμμα ἔχει: ᾿Αμφιτρύων μ᾽ ἀνέθηκε νέων ἀπὸ Τηλεβοάων. ταῦτα ἡλικίην εἴη ἂν κατὰ Adiov τὸν Δαβδάκου τοῦ Πολυδώρον τοῦ Κάδμου. “Erepos δὲ τρίπους [ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ "“] λέγεε" Σκαῖος πυγμαχέων με ἑκηβόλῳ ᾿Απόλλωνι νικήσας ἀνέθηκε τεῖν περικαλλὲς ἄγαλμα. Σ καῖος δ᾽ ἂν εἴη ὁ Ἱπποκόωντος, εἰ δὴ οὗτός γ᾽ ἐστὶ ὁ ἀναθεὶς καὶ μὴ ἄλλος τὠντὸ οὔνομα ἔχων τῷ ᾿Ἱπποκόωντος, ἡλικίην κατὰ Οἰδίπουν τὸν Λαΐου. ἑξαμέτρῳ """ Τρίτος δὲ τρίπους λέγει, καὶ οὗτος ἐν Λαοδάμας τρίποδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐὐσκόπῳ ᾿Απόλλωνι μουναρχέων ἀνέθηκε τεῖν περικαλλὲς ἄγαλμα. ᾿Επὶ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Λαοδάμαντος τοῦ ᾿Ἑτεοκλέος μουναρχέοντος ἐξανιστέαται Καδμεῖοι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων, καὶ τρέπονται ἐς τοὺς ᾿Εγγχέ- reas: οἱ δὲ Γεφυραῖοι ὑπολειφθέντες, ὕστερον ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν ἀναχωρέουσι ἐς ᾿Αθήνας" καί σφι ἱρά ἐστι ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ἱδρυμένα, τῶν οὐδὲν μέτα τοῖσι λοιποῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι, ἄλλα τε κεχωρισμένα be the Ionians not of Europe, but of Asia, whose preparation of the material contri- buted so much in after times to the library of Attalus. The remark seems to come from a person very familiar with Egypt, and accordingly mentioning the Egyptian βύβλοι without any special necessity. Seo note 474 on i. 140. 147 τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος τοῦ ᾿Ισμηνίουι The connexion of Thebes with Phoenicia, or δὲ least with merchants in Pheni- cian trade, appears from the material of which the Apollo statue here was formed. It was made of cedar wood, and in that respect alone differed from the statue at Branchide, which was of brass. Both were said to be the work of Canachus. (Pausanias, ix. 10. 2.) An oriental element in the ritual may be also gathered from the fact of Mardonius sending to consult the oracle (viii. 184) and Croesus making offerings there (i. 52. 92). 148 ex) τρίποσί τισι. The conjecture of Dobree, τρίσι for τισι, is a plausible one, and is adopted by Bekker. 149 [ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ]. These words appear to me to be a marginal annotation derived from i. 47, suggested by the word λέγει, but made by some reader who failed to remark that the word τόνος was inapplicable to written language. See note 145 on i. 47. 180 καὶ οὗτος ἐν ἐξαμέτρῳ. I very much question the genuineness of these words, and suspect that they crept into the text from a marginal annotation made at the same time with the one noticed in the last section. But as they do not violate the usages of language, I have not enclosed them between brackets as decidedly an interpolation. TERPSICHORE. V. 59—62. 37 τῶν ἄλλων ἱρῶν καὶ δὴ καὶ "Ayastys Δήμητρος ἱρόν te καὶ ὄργια '**. Ἡ μὲν δὴ ὄψις τοῦ [Ἱππάρχου ἐνυπνίου, καὶ οἱ Γεφυραῖοι ὅθεν 62 ἐγεγόνεσαν, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ ‘Imrmapyou φονέες, ἀπήγηταί μοι" δεῖ δὲ Rade πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς hia λέξων λόγον, ὡς pana a τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ᾿Ἱππίεω τυραννεύοντος καὶ eh Depa 3 ἐμπικραινομένου “5 ᾿Αθηναίοισε διὰ τὸν “Ἱππάρχου θάνατον, ᾿Αλκαμαιωνίδαει, γένος ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ φεύγοντες Πεισιστρα- τίδας, ἐπεί τε σφε ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ᾿Αθηναίων φυγάσι πειρω- μένοισι κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν οὐ προοχώρεε κάτοδος, ἀλλὰ προσέπταιον μεγάλως πειρώμενοι κατιέναι te καὶ ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, Δειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Παιονίης τειχίσαντες > ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ᾿᾽4λ- κμαιωνίδαε πᾶν ἐπὶ τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι μηχανώμενοι, παρ᾽ ᾿Αμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν ἐόντα τότε δὲ οὔκω, τοῦτον ἐξοικοδομῆσαι .“. ola δὲ χρημάτων εὖ 151 *Ayastns Δήμητρος ἱρόν τε καὶ ὄργια. This surname of Demeter came to be de- rived not from Achaia, but from ἄχος. She was “‘the mourning mother,” whose daugh- ter had been carried off by Hades, and who eorrowed in anger for her loss. PLuTancn speaks of a ritual to her in Boeotia, which he compares with the Thesmophoria at Athens, where the women sat on the ground fasting. ᾿Ἐπαχθῆ τὴν ἑορτὴν éxel- γην ὀνομάζουσι, ὡς διὰ τὴν τῆς κόρης κάθοδον ἐν ἄχει τῆς Δήμητρος οὔσης. The month (corresponding to the Athyr of the Egyptians) in which this ceremony was was called by the Boeotians Δαμάτριος, from the goddess. (De Iside et Osiride, § 69.) To this anguish of the goddess allusion is probably made in an obscure passage of the Homeric Hymn (vv. 483—6): ἐπ ev ὄργια καλὰ, σεμνὰ, τά γ᾽ οὕπως ἔστι παρεξίμεν, οὔτε πυθέσθαι οὔτ᾽ ἀχέειν᾽" μέγα γάρ τι θεῶν ἄχος ἰσχάνει αὐδήν. In this relation of Demeter she had a close affinity with Erinys. 122 ἐμπικραινομένου͵ς See note 143, e. 153 Λειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Ἰαιονίης. τειχί- σαντες. Leake places the site of the deme Παιονίδαι about three- of a mile from the modern village of Menidhi, which name he considers a corruption of the ancient one. There are some ancient remains about sixty s¢ades from the Achar- nian gate of Athens; and about three or four miles to the north of these stands, “ at the upper end of a long acclivity,”’ a small monastery of St. Nicholas, which Leake regards as being on the site of the ancient Lipsydriam (although there are no vestiges of antiquity there). The object of the Alcmeeonide in this ἐπιτειχισμὸς was to command the road which passed up the plain of Athens, and by which the com- munication with was carried on. Decelea was occupied by the Lacedemo- nians during the Peloponnesian war for the same purpose, and with great effect ; and Decelea is in Leake’s map only about three or four miles from Lipsydrium, yet farther northward. The walls of Decelea however remain, and DopweELt gives a drawing of them. Perhaps the Alcmeo- nide were baffled at the very beginning of their building; and this seems almost implied in the way Herodotus tells the 154 χοῦτον ἐξοικοδομῆσαι. The fund for repairing this temple was mainly raised by subscription. See what Herodotus re- lates (ii. 180) of the munificence of Amasis and of the Egyptian Greeks. The con- duct of the Alcmeeonids on the occasion of rebuilding it made them, according to Pinpar (Pyth. vii. 10), the theme of 98 HERODOTUS ἥκοντες ** καὶ ἐόντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι avéxcabey'” ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος κάλλιον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ συγκεε- μένου σφι πωρῶον λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηὸν, Παρίου τὰ ἔμπροσθεν 63 ͵, αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν. ‘Qs ὧν δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι." λέγουσι, οὗτοε ot Ἢ prietes dvdpes ἐν Δελφοῖσι Karipevos ἀν τερον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασε, the Spartans ὅκως ἔλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων ἄνδρες εἴτε ἰδίῳ στόλῳ εἴτε δημοσ ἔῳ livg expel- χρησόμενοι, προφέρειν σφι τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐλευθεροῦν. Aaxedac- Pisistratids. μόνιος δὲ, ὥς oft αἰεὶ τωὐτὸ πρόφαντον ἐγένετο, πέμπουσε ᾿Αγχιμόλιον τὸν ᾿Αστέρος, ἐόντα τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρα δόκιμον, σὺν στρατῷ ἐξελῶντα Πεισιστρατίδας ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων, ὅμως καὶ ξεινίους σφι ἐόντας τὰ μάλιστα: τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιεῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν' πέμπουσι δὲ τούτους κωτὰ θάλασσαν πλοίοισε. ὁ μὲν δὴ προσχὼν ἐς Φάληρον, τὴν στρατεὴν ἀπέβησε' οἱ δὲ Πεισιστρατίδαι προπυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, ἐπεκαλέοντο ἐκ Θεσ- σαλίης ἐπικουρίην ᾿ ἐπεποίητο yap σφι συμμαχίη πρὸς αὐτούς" The first θΘεσσαλοὶ δέ σφι δεομένοισι ἀπέπεμψαν, κοινῇ γνώμῃ χρεώμενοι, expedition ; ἢ Ἢ ; ; for the ur- χιλέην τε ἵππον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον Κινέην, ἄνδρα pose fails. Kovaioy"*» τοὺς ἐπεί te ἔσχον συμμάχους οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαε, admiration in every Greek city. 10 ἰδ not and mythical period of the pedigrees. wonderful if at the same time (as the Scholiasé says) the Pisistratids were ac- cused of having burnt it! See a parallel piece of scandal, below, vi. 115. 135 χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες. Herodotus (vi. 125, segg.) gives an account of the rapid rise of the family, first by the wealth which Alcmson obtained from Croesus, and secondly by the marriage of his son Megacles to Agariste, the daughter and heiress of Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon. This Megacles was the rival of Pisistratus. 136 ἀνέκαθεν, “far back.’? This word is used by Herodotus with reference -to things separated by a long interval from the ordinary transactions of the time at which he is writing. He says of these same Alcmeonids (vi. 125), ἦσαν μὲν καὶ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν λαμπροὶ ἐν τῇσι ᾿Αθήνῃσι' ἀπὸ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος καὶ αὖτις Μεγακλέος ἐγένοντο καὶ κάρτα λαμπροί. Of Miltiades: τὰ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν ἀπ᾿ Αἰακοῦ τε καὶ Αἰγίνης γεγονὼς, τὰ δὲ νεώτερα ᾿Αθηναῖος (vi. 35). Of Megistias the Acarnanian: λεγόμενον εἶναι τὰ ἀνέκαθεν ἀκὸ Μελάμποδος ὑπν 221). Of the Pisistratids: ἐόντες ἀνέκα- θεν TivAsol τε καὶ Νηλεῖδαι (v.65). In all these cases the word points to the early There is a somewhat analogous use of the word (iv. 57) applied to the fountains of the Tanais: ts ῥέει τὰ ἀνέκαθεν ἐκ λίμνης μεγάλης ὁρμεώμενος, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς μέζω ἔτι λίμνην καλεομένην Μαιῆτιν. See below, note on § 66, Ad Kaply. 187 ‘Os ὧν δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. Schweighau- ser considers that Λακεδαιμόνιοι is the true reading here. But there is no reason to suppoee that either here or below (§ 90) the author is following a Lacedsemonian authority. On the contrary, in the latter passage, where the same statement is made, it seems highly probable that he is adopting the account of a person attached to one of the temples on the acropolis of Athens, 158 ἐκ Θεσσαλίης ἐπικουρίην. See note on vii. 6, below. 159 ἄνδρα Komaiov. These words occa- sion some difficulty, as the only known town of the name of Conium is said to have been in Phrygia. Another reading, Tovvaioy (from Γόννοι, a town in the mountain pass on the northern bank of the Peneus, by which Xerxes entered Thessaly from Macedonia), has been pro- posed, with much plausibility. TERPSICHORE. V. 63—65. 39 ἐμηχανέατο “5 τοιάδε' κείραντες τῶν Φαληρέων τὸ πεδίον, καὶ ἑππάσιμον ποιήσαντες τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον, ἐπῆκαν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἵππον" ἐμπεσοῦσα δὲ διέφθειρε ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς τῶν Aaxe- δαιμονίων καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν ᾿Αγχιμόλιον, τοὺς δὲ περυγενομένους αὐτῶν ἐς τὰς νέας κατέρξαν. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος στόλος ἐκ Aaxe- δαίμονος οὕτω ἀπήλλαξε" καὶ ᾿Αγχιμολίου εἰσὶ ταφαὶ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ᾿Αλωπεκῇσι, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ Ηρακληΐου τοῦ ἐν Kuvocapyei*. Mera 64 δὲ, Δακεδαιμόνιοι μέζω στόλον στείλαντες ἀπέπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὰς The second ᾿Αθήνας, στρατηγὸν τῆς στρατυῆς ἀποδέξαντες βασιλέα Κλεομένεα Benes Ue τὸν ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, οὐκέτι κατὰ θάλασσαν στείλαντες ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον. τοῖσι δὲ ἐσβαλοῦσι ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν χώρην ἡ τῶν Θεσ- σαλῶν ἵππος πρώτη προσέμιξε, καὶ οὐ μετὰ πολὺ ἐτράπετο" καί σφεων ἔπεσον ὑπὲρ τεσσεράκοντα ἄνδρας, οἱ δὲ περυγενόμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο ὡς εἶχον ἰθὺς ἐπὶ Θεσσαλίης. Κλεομένης δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὸ ἄστυ ἅμα ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖσι βουλομένοισι εἶναι ἐλευθέροισι, ἐπολιόρκεε τοὺς τυράννους ἀπεργμένους ἐν τῷ Πε- λασγικῷ [τείἰχεῖ .5]. Καὶ οὐδέν τε πάντως ἂν ἐξεῖλον τοὺς Πεισι- 169 δμηχανέατο. This exceedingly ano- malous form has the sanction of all the MSS; but, if it be genuine, it implies a present tense μηχάνομαι, of which there is no trace whatever. The present tense used by Herodotus is μηχανέομαι. ® τοῦ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ. es was & spot very near the walls of Athens, where was 8 gymnasium and a temple of Heracles. Each of these was in later times itself called Cynosarges; but Hero- dotus (both here and in vi. 116) makes a distinction between the Heracleum and the district in which it stood. 15 κ fixes its site “at the foot of the 8.x. ex- tremity of Lycabettus, near the point where the arch of the aqueduct of Hadrian and Antoninus formerly stood.” This would be nearly Ν.Ὲ. by £. of the Acro- polis. He describes the spot as itself in the valley of the Ilissus, but close by rising ground from which a distant view of the road of Phalerum might be ob- tained. This rendered it an excellent position for the army after the battle of Marathon, when the Persian fleet, sailing round Sunium, menaced Athens. It is not easy to understand the mili- tary movements as described in the text. The Lacedemonian force, when arrived st Alopeces, would be clear of the Phale- rian plain, and indeed would have passed the city of Athens, from which Alopecee was about eleven or twelve stades distant. If the defeat took place there, the Thessa- lian cavalry occupying the Phalerian plain would cut off the communication with their ships. The most natural course would then seem to have been to retreat upon Lipsydriam, if held by the Alc- meonide ; and the march to Alopece, passing Athens by, seems to indicate an original intention of forming a junc- tion with these. But if the fortifying of Lipsydrium was frustrated at the very beginning, and the appeal to the Delphic oracle did not take place till after the failure and the subsequent rebuilding of the temple at Delphi, this motive could not exist. Perhaps the object of the Lacedsemonians was to bring the Pisistra- tide to terms by destroying the crops in the plain of Athens; but this supposition, although it explains the position of the Lacedzemonians Ν.Ὲ. of Athens, does not remove the difficulty of the expression : τοὺς περιγενομένους és τὰς νέας Kat ép- tay, which is applicable to the case of an army driven back by an opposing enemy, not to one extricating itself by breaking through an intercepting force. 161 dy τῷ Πελασγικῷ [relyet]. The The Pisi- stratids re- tire to Si- geum., 40 HERODOTUS στρατίδας οἱ Δακεδαιμόνιοι' οὔτε γὰρ ἐπέδρην 153 ἐπενόεον ποιήσα- σθαι, οἵ τε Πεισιστρατίδαι σίτοισι καὶ ποτοῖσι εὖ παρεσκενάδατο' “ολιορκήσαντές τε ἂν ἡμέρας ὀλύγας, ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν Σ' πάρ- την" νῦν δὲ συντυχίη τοῖσι μὲν κακὴ ἐπεγένετο, τοῖσε δὲ ἡ αὖ Δ αὕτη σύμμαχος" ὑπεκτιθέμενοι γὰρ ἔξω τῆς χώρης οἱ παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν τοῦτο δὲ ὡς ἐγένετο, πάντα αὐτῶν τὰ “πρήγματα συνετετάρακτο' παρέστησαν δὲ ἐπὶ μισθῷ τοῖσι τέκνοισι ἐπ᾽ οἷσι ἐβούλοντο οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὥστε ἐν πέντε ἡμέρῃσι ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς "5" μετὰ δὲ, ἐξεχώρησαν ἐς Σίγειον τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ word τείχεϊ has the support of all the MSS, and is given as genuine by Gaisford ; but I am inclined to think it an interpola- tion. In the time of Herodotus and Thu- cydides τὸ Πελασγικὸν was used simply to denote the ancient fortification (attributed in the local traditions to the Pelasgians) which defended the acropolis of Athens at the n.w. extremity, by which alone the hill was accessible. They were related to have built a wall round the whole acropolis (vi. 137); but the steep character of the rock rendered any thing of the nature of a fortification unnecessary except at the N.w. angle. The Pelasgicum (ἑ. 6. the fortress) was entirely destroyed by the Persians when they obtained possession of Athens, and never rebuilt. A curse was laid upon it, and an oracle declared, τὸ Πελασγικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον (THUCYD. ii. 17)—doubtless from the circumstance that it had served as a stronghold to the Pisistratids. The Propylea built by Peri- cles just before the beginning of the Pelo- ponnesian war supplied its place as a key of the approach to the acropolis; and it remained a mere ruin (inhabited during the Peloponnesian war by the poorer citi- zens from the country under the pressure of necessity). While it was a fortress it was, according to LEAKE’s view (Demi of Athens, i. p. 811, seqq.), a series of enclosures with winding approaches, constructed on the principle of obliging an assailing force to expose their right or unshielded side to the defenders. He imagines the epithet ἐννεάπυλον to refer to the openings in these enclosures. But after the battle of Eurymedon the wealth acquired by the Persian spoils enabled the Athenians to build up the south side of the acropolis with a wall (Ptutarcn, Cimon, § 13); and it is natural to suppose that the northern side was also repaired at the sametime. Leake says that “‘in fact the substruction of the northern wing of the Propylsa has some appearance of being a part of the old Pelasgic wall; for its direction being more westerly than that of the wall which stands upon it, we may infer that it belonged to a different and more ancient system of works.” In after times when the different parts of the works were com- pared with one another, it would be natu- ral to call the one portion τὸ TeAao~yixdy τεῖχος and the other τὸ Κιμώνιον (or τὸ νότιον) τεῖχος; but this would be in an antiquarian sense, and would not defend the use of the expression by Herodotus or Thucydides. In this manner the notices of Ciiropemus (Fragm. 22), of PAUSANIAS (i. 28. 3), and of Mynrsitus (ap. Diog. Halicarn, Antiggq. i. 28) may be explained without the necessity of supposing with Leake that the terms τὸ Πελασγικὸν and τὸ Πελασγικὸν τεῖχος denoted two dis- tinct buildings. 162 ἐπέδρην. See note on § 41, ἔφε--: Spov βασιλέα. 163 παρέστησαν .. . ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. ‘They submitted, as the price of their children, on the conditions the Athenians wished; namely, within five days to evacuate Attica.” The important part played by the Lacedsemonians in the ex- pulsion of the Pisistratids was well remem- bered by the Athenian people. Trucypr- DES (vi. 53) mentions it as a painful subject with them at the time of the mutilation of the Hermes: ἐπιστάμενος γὰρ ὃ δῆμος ἀκοῇ τὴν Πισιστράτου καὶ τῶν παίδων τυραννίδα χαλεπὴν τελευτῶσαν γενομένην, καὶ προσ- έτι οὐδ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν καὶ ᾿Αρμοδίου καταλυ- θεῖσαν ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐφοβεῖτο ἀεί. Hence they were not unwilling to give ear to more flattering representations of the case. (See note on i. 63.) And undoubtedly very different traditions ex- isted on the subject. This is expressly -α TERPSICHORBE. V. 66. 41 Σ καμάνδρῳ "> ἄρξαντες μὲν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκον- - ra’, ἐόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἀνέκαθεν Πύλιοί τε καὶ Νηλεῖδαι "5, ἐκ τῶν αὐτῶν γεγονότες καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Κόδρον τε καὶ Μέλανθον, οἱ “πρότερον ἐπήλυδες ἐόντες, ἐγένοντο ᾿Αθηναίων βασιλέες. ἐπὶ τού- του δὲ καὶ τὠυτὸ οὔνομα ἀπεμνημόνευσε ᾿Ϊπποκράτης τῷ παιδὶ θέσθαε, τὸν Πεισίστρατον, ἐπὶ τοῦ Νέστορος Πεισιστράτου ποιεύ- μενος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην. οὕτω μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τυράννων ἀπαλλάχθη- σαν" ὅσα δὲ ἐλευθερωθέντες ἔρξαν ἢ ἔπαθον ἀξιόχρεα ἀπηγήσιος, πρὲν ἡ ᾿Ιωνίην τε ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ Aapelov καὶ ᾿Αρισταγόρεα τὸν ἹΜελήσιον ἀπικόμενον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας χρῇσαι σφέων βοηθέειν, ταῦτα πρῶτα φράσω. ᾿Αθῆναι ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε ἀπαλλαχϑεῖσας 66 τυράννων ἐγίνοντο μέζονες" ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστευον, Fontes st Athens be- Κλεισθένης τε, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδης, ὅσπερ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν Ween Clis- thenes and remarked by Thucydides (vi. 54), who relates the incident of the assassination of Hipparchus at full length, showing, as he says, οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους οὔτε αὐτοὺς ᾿Αθηναίου: περὶ τῶν σφετέρων τυράννων οὐδὲ περὶ τοῦ γενομένου ἀκριβὸ οὐδὲν Aéyorras. See the next note but one. 164 ἐς Σίγειον τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ Σκαμάνδρφ. See note on v. 94. 165 ἄρξαντες μὲν "AOynralev ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα. This is in very fair conformity with the statement of ΑΒι- sToTLe (Politic. v. 1315), that of the space of thirty-three years which inter- vened between Pisistratus’s accession to the tyranny and his death, two exiles took up as much as sixteen years, and that after his death his sons reigned eigh- teen. Thus we have 18+ 17=—35 com- plete years for the duration of the actual power of the dynasty. But it is singular that the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Vesp. 502) should, while quotiug this passage, give ARISTOPHANES (the Alexandrine grammarian) as an authority for the tyranny having lasted forty-one years. IsocraTzs, too (De Bigis, p. 351), makes his client represent it as continuing for forty years, and as terminated by the expulsion of the tyrants under the leader- ship of his father’s two great-grandfathers Alcibiades and Clisthenes. To bring these two notices into harmony with the chro- nology of Aristotle, and the statements of Herodotus and "'ERATOSTHENES (ap. Schol. Aristoph. \.c.), by sapposing (as VOL. Il. Ciinton does) that the second exile of Pisistratus is left out of consideration, i is ἃ perfectly arbitrary . A better solution of the difference seems to be this. The Alcmseonids in after times appear to have thought it better to say nothing about the first period of Pisistratus’s tyranny or the compact between the two families related by Herodotus (i. 60, 61), but to represent Tis arbitrary proceedings as the beginning of the feud between the two families. This is the course taken by the client of Isocrates, who says of his Alc- meorid ancestors : Thy εὕνοιαν ἣν εἶχον εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἂν τοῖς τυραννικοῖς ἐπεδεί- ξαντο' συγγενεῖς γὰρ ὄντες Πεισιστράτον, καὶ πρὶν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστῆναι μάλιστ᾽ αὐτῷ χρώμενοι τῶν πολιτῶν, σὺκ ἠξίωσαν μετασχεῖν τῆς ἐκείνου τυραννίδος, ἀλλ᾽ εἵλοντο φυγεῖν μᾶλλον ἣ τοὺς πολίτας ἰδεῖν δουλεύοντας. See note 213 on i. 63. If this be the correct solution of the chronological differences, it follows (Ist), that the marriage of with the daughter of Megacles (see note 203 on i. 61) will have taken place about B.c. 550 or 551; and if Hippias was then fifteen years old, he would be seventy-five or seventy-six at the time of the battle of Marathon. 2ndly, It is untikely that in his account of the Pisistratid revolution Herodotus is following a family history of the Alcmzonids. 166 ῥόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι. See the note 204 on § 76. . . Νηλεῖδαι. G Isagoras. Revolution effected by the former, 67 in which he imitates his maternal grandfather 42 HERODOTUS Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ ᾿Ισωγόρης ὁ Τισάνδρου, οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι: θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγ- γενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ Καρίῳ "5. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνάμιος" ἑσσούμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης, τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρί- ζεται. μετὰ δὲ, τετραφύλους ἐόντας ᾿Αθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων, Γέλέοντος καὶ Aiyixdpeos καὶ ᾿Αργάδεω καὶ “Οπλητος, ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐπιχωρίων δ᾽ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐξευρὼν, πάρεξ Αἴαντος "3. τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα προσέθετο. Ταῦτα δὲ, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα, Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικνῶνος τύραννον; Κλεισθένης γὰρ ᾿Αργείοισι πολεμήσας “"", τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν 161 θύουσι δὲ οἱ σνγγενέες αὑτοῦ Ait Καρίῳφ. Herodotus gives this fact as a kind of clue to the early pedigree of Isagoras, because the traditions relative to τὰ ἀνέκαθεν were in almost all cases connected with religious commemoration of the eponymous ancestor. See note 156, above. The Zeds Kdpios here mentioned is not the deity spoken of by Herodotus (v. 119) under the name of Ζεὺς Στράτιος, but a Pelasgic divinity, whose seat was on the acropolis of Megara (anciently called Kapla. Stern. Brz. sud voce), probably nearly identical with Poseidon, and also with the Ζεὸς Kdpios near Mylasa (i. 171). Isagoras therefore is so far from being represented as of barbarian extraction, that this intimation rather describes him as of very old family; his tutelary deity being autochthonous, and his family ritual being derived from the time when the Megarid was Ionian. (See the note 203 on § 76.) That he should have been of Megarian extraction is rendered further probable by the circumstance that he kept up the feud of Cylon (below, §§ 71, 72), and Cylon had married the daughter of Theagenes, tyrant of Megara. (Pausa- NIA8, i. 28. 1.) 168 πάρεξ Αἴαντος. Ajax was the tute- lary hero of Salamis, and it seems not unlikely that the incorporation of many Salaminians into the body of Athenian citizens was one of the steps. He was also a hero acknowledged by the A¢gi- netans; and the commercial activity of those islanders might very well have pro- duced the residence of a considerable num- ber of them at Athens, where their legal condition would be that of Metics, or resident free aliens. Now one particular act of Clisthenes was, if the right inter- pretation be given to an obscure passage of AnisToTLe (Politic. iii. p. 1275, ὁ, line 36) to give the civic franchise to many resident aliens, and to free many slaves, thereby putting them in the condition of free resident aliens: πολλοὺς ἐφυλέτευσε (= ἀστοὺς ἐποίησε) ξένους καὶ δούλους μετοίκους. Under these circumstances Ajax was an appropriate patron for a φυλὴ which was intended to comprise a commercial population, consisting (it might be expected), in a large part of Salaminians and Aéginetans. See the note 176, below. 169 Κλεισθένης γὰρ ᾿Αργείοισι πολεμή- cas. AnmisToTLe (Politic. v. p. 1315, ὃ, line 12) states that the dynasty of Ortha- goras and his descendants at Sicyon was that of longest duration known (viz. 100 years), and gives as the reason of this : ὅτι τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἐχρῶντο μετρίως, καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς νόμοις ἐδούλενον' καὶ διὰ τὸ πολεμικὸς γενέσθαι Κλεισθένης οὐκ ἦν εὐκαταφρόνητος. He then adds: καὶ τὰ πολλὰ ταῖς ὀπιμελείαις ἐδημαγώγουν, and tells an anecdote of Clisthenes illustrative of the fact. Pausanias (vi. 19) gives an account of the treasure-house of the Sicyonians at Olympia, put up by Myron, the grandfather of Clisthenes (see the pedigree in vi. 126, below), on the occa- sion of his winning the chariot-race in the thirty-third Olympiad. It contained two θάλαμοι of “ Tartessian brass’ according to the tradition of the Eleans; but what this brass exactly was, beyond a conjec- TERPSICHORE. V. 67. 43 Σικυῶνε ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν “Opnpeiwv ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι ᾿Αργεῖοί τε Clisthenes καὶ "Αργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα " ὑμνέαται' τοῦτο δὲ, ἡρῷον γὰρ et ἣν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων ᾿Αδρήστου τοῦ who showed Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης, ἐόντα ᾿Αργεῖον, ἐκβαλεῖν dislike to ἐκ τῆς χώρης" ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς, ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλλῃ "" rt ree om τὸν "Ἄδρηστον; ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ot χρᾷ daca, “Adpnotoy μὲν εἶναι preferences and his Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, ἐκεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό treatment of the Do- γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω éppovrite μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Tian popule- "“ASpnotos ἀπαλλάξεται ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Sicyon. Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπωγωγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν ᾿Αστακοῦ" οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν’ ἐπωγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον, τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηΐῳ, καί μὲν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ' ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάν- trrtrov ὁ Κλεισθένης, (καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπτηγήσασθαι,) ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα ᾿Αδρήστῳ' ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα' ἐπεί τε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς ᾿Αδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανέππῳ "". οἱ δὲ ture that it came from Spain, Pausanias professes not to know. The smaller of the two chambers, however, took five hundred talents weight of metal, and this circum- stance was recorded in the inscription on it, which also represented it as being set up by ‘‘ Myron and the commons of the Sicyonians.’’ One of the two chambers was, according to Pausanias, of Dorian and the other of Ionian manufacture. The smaller one contained a trophy “ from the Myones,”’ and also “‘ the hunting-knife of Pelops, with the handle of wrought gold, and a carved ivory horn of Amalthea, the offering of Miltiades, son of Cimon, the first ruler of the Chersonese.” The Sicyon in which Clisthenes reigned was the /own on the coast, which afterwards served only as the harbour to the new one, distant from twelve to twenty stadia. (PAUSAN. ii. 8. 1; Srrapo, viii. 6.) All these cir- camstances are favourable to the suppo- sition that the dynasty of was one of a powerful house in a commercial republic; and such a supposition will ex- plain the contempt with which Clisthenes is said to have treated the rural population of the Sicyonian territory, whose sheep- skin garb (which he was reported to have obliged them to wear, and from whence they got the name of καταγακόφοροι) made them ashamed to come into the city. HEOPOMPUS, ap. Athen. vi. p. 265.) 178 πολλὰ πάντα. This appears to be the union of two various readings, πολλὰ and πάντα. Evstraraius (ad Il. ii. p. 288) quotes the passage thus: διότι ’Ap- γεῖοι καὶ “Apyos τὰ πολλὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς ὑμνοῦνται. A transcriber collating a MS containing the first of the two readings with another that gave the second, and recollecting τὰ πολλὰ πάντα in i. 203 and ii. 35, probably believed that the two variants were to be reconciled by uniting them, from a false understand- ing of the idiom in the passages in question. With regard to the ‘‘ Homeric poems,” see note 99 on iv. 32. The 171 ἐμβάλλῃ. MSS has ἐκβάλοι. But compare εἰ στρα- τεύηται, i. 75. 172 θυσίας τε καὶ dpras... ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανέίππῳφ. The substantial effect of this move would be to confiscate the pro- perty of one hierarchy and with it to endow another, the former being one con- nected with Argos, the other with Thebes. It must be remembered that at the time in question religious rituals were in almost all cases performed by functionaries whose c 2 68 69 The Athe- nian Clis- thenes imi- tates his ancestor 44 HERODOTUS Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν "Αδρηστον" ἡ yap χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου: 6 δὲ *Adpnoros ἦν Πολύβου θυγατρεδέος- ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ ᾿Αδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν “Adpnoropy, καὶ δὴ πρὸς, τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον ov τιμέων- τες, τὸν δὲ "Αδρηστον’ Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην τῷ Μελανίππῳ. ταῦτα μὲν ἐς "Αδρηστόν οἱ πεποίητο. Φυλὰς δὲ τὰς Δωριέων, ἵνα δὴ μὴ αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι τοῖσι Σικυωνίοισι καὶ τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισι, μετέβαλε ἐς ἄλλα οὐνόματα' ἔνθα καὶ πλεῖστον κατεγέλασε τῶν Σικυωνίων ᾽7"- ἐπὶ γὰρ ὑός τε καὶ ὄνου τὰς ἐπωνυμέας μετατιθεὶς, αὐτὰ τὰ τέλευ- rata ἐπέθηκε "7", πλὴν τῆς ἑωυτοῦ φυλῆς" ταύτῃ δὲ τὸ οὔνομα ἀπὸ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἀρχῆς ἔθετο. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρχέλαοι ἐκαλέοντο" ἕτεροι δὲ, ‘Taras ἄλλοι δὲ, ᾿Ονεᾶται' ἕτεροι δὲ Χοιρεῶται. τούτοισι τοῖσι οὐνόμασι τῶν φυλέων ἐχρέωντο οἱ Σικυώνιοι καὶ ἐπὶ ἴζλει- σθένεος ἄρχοντος, καὶ ἐκείνου τεθνεῶτος ἔτι ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα ἑξήκοντα: μετέπειτα μέντοι λόγον σφίσι δόντες, μετέβαλον ἐς τοὺς Ὑλλέας καὶ Παμφύλους καὶ Δυμανάτας "7". τετάρτους δὲ αὐτοῖσι προσέθεντο ἐπὶ τοῦ ᾿Αδρήστου παιδὸς Αὐγιαλέος, τὴν ἐπωνυμέην ποιεύμενοι κεκλῆσθαι Αὐγιαλέας. Ταῦτα μέν νυν ὁ Σικυώνιος Κλεισθένης ἔπεποιήκεε. ὁ δὲ δὴ ᾿Αθηναῖος Κλεισθένης, ἐὼν τοῦ Σικυωνίου τούτου θυγατριδέος καὶ τὸ οὔνομα ἐπὶ τούτου ἔχων, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ, καὶ οὗτος ὑπεριδὼν Ἴωνας, ἵνα μή σφισι αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι φυλαὶ καὶ "Iwo, τὸν ὁμώνυ- office was hereditary in certain families. of the Orthagorids under Clisthenes re- The measure of Clisthenes therefore was presents the predominance of the latter. part of his general policy to depress the Sixty years after Clisthenes’ death it may Dorian blood, by destroying the splendour be supposed that the balance was restored, of the religious ceremonies in which that and that the rural tribes acquired an im- portion of the population took part, and portance which enabled them to rid them- thus weakening the bond which heldthem selves of their contumelious nicknames. together. See the next note, and the pas- The Hylles, Dymanes, and Pampbyli are sage from ARISTOTLE quoted in note 176, the well-known tribes into which nearly ow. every Dorian population was divided ; and 173 ἔνθα καὶ πλεῖστον κατεγέλασε τῶν it is impossible to conceive that they did Σικνωνίων. It is difficult to imagine that not exist in Sicyon from the time of the the names said to be assigned by Clisthenes Heraclide invasion. to the three tribes were any thing more [ {[ κΛ αὐτὰ τὰ τελευταῖα ἐπέθηκε, “he than soubriquets given by a commercial subjoined the actual terminations.” aristocracy to the agricultural population. 115 ἐς τοὺς “TAAdas, ““ the well-known Sicyon possessed a population partly Do- names Hylles,” &c. So much is indicated rian and partly Acheean; and the dynasty by the article τούς. See the note 173. TERPSICHORE., V. 68—70. 45 pov Κλεισθένεα ἐμιμήσατο πο ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων δῆμον: in changing πτρότερον ἀπωσμένον τότε πάντα πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μοῖραν προσ- divisions, «θήκατο, τὰς φυλὰς μετωνόμασε καὶ ἐποίησε πλεῦνας ἐξ ἐλασ- τὸν tering covey δέκα τε δὴ φυλάρχους ἀντὶ τεσσέρων ἐποίησε, δέκα δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένεμε ἐς τὰς φυλάς "7 ἦν τε, τὸν δῆμον προσθέ- μενος, πολλῷ κατύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. "Ev τῷ μέρεϊ δὲ ἑσσούμενος ὁ ᾿Ισωγόρης, ἀντιτοχνᾶται τάδε' ἐπικαλέεται Κλεο- μένεα τὸν Δακεδαιμόνιον, γενόμενον ἑωυτῷ ξεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς Πεισι- στρατιδέων πολιορκίης" τὸν δὲ Κλεομένεα εἶχε αἰτίη φοιτᾶν παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισαγόρεω τὴν γυναῖκα. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα πέμπων ὁ Κλεο- μένης ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας κήρυκα, ἐξέβαλλε ." Κλεισθένεα, καὶ per αὐτοῦ ἄλλους πολλοὺς ᾿Αθηναίων τοὺς ἐνωγέας ἐπιλέγων: ταῦτα 70 His rival Isagoras tries to win δ ste the partans through Cleomenes. 176 τὸν ὁμώνυμον Κλεισθένεα ἐμιμήσατο. ArrsrToT.e (Polttic. vi. p. 1319, ὁ, line 20) imstances the proceedings of Clisthenes at Athens and those of the authors of the constitution at Cyrene (see iv. 161), as well exhibiting the methods of securing the elements of democracy, and thus describes these: φυλαί re γὰρ ἕτεραι ποιητέαι πλεί- ους καὶ , καὶ τὰ τῶν ἰδίων te συνακτέον εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ κοινά, ae fad σοφιστέον ὅπως ἂν ὅτι μάλιστα ἀναμι- χθῶσι πάντες ἀλλήλοις, αἱ δὲ συνήθειαι διαζευχϑῶσιν αἱ πρότερον. It is plain, therefore, that the formation of new reli- gious combinations was a point in which he “" imitated his grandfather ;’’ and hence the necessity for taking in a number of the ἐπιχώριοι ἥρωες (§ 66). Under the old 6 there would be two relations to which the sanctity derived from reli- gious rites would especially attach, the one the ovyyéveia or quasi-family tie, the other the tie of the tribesman (pudérns), ed by those religious rites in which the members of the same φυλὴ (or its subdivision, the φρατρία) joined. But besides these family rituals, there were very many others which may be called local rituals; i.e. containing the reli- gious ceremonies (τιμαὶ) ir were due to the tutelary deity of each er spot, who was always regarded as, in a manner, ascriptus giebe. (See note 18], below.) Judging from Aristotle’s descrip- tion, we may conceive that a main part of ‘Clisthenes’ scheme i in a j union of several of these /ocal riluale, forming a new ceremonial for a newly-constituted tribe. By such a step this change would be effected, that the newritual would call up mainly local instead of family associations,—which last, being no longer refreshed by an union of families in the periodical ceremonial of the tribe, would continually become more enfeebled. On the other hand the new bond of union would every day acquire greater strength, and before long effectually take the place of that which had been destroyed. 179 δέκα... ἐς τὰς φυλάς. These words appear “to be a marginal note, although perhaps ove proceeding from the hand of the author, intended merely as a memorandum for himeelf of a matter to be more fully developed at leisure. This supposition will explain the looseness of the expression δέκα δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένεμε ἐς τὰς pvAds,—which seems in- tended to mean “ he distributed the demes among the tribes by fens.”” A good deal of difficulty is occasioned by the circum- stance that many more demes than one hundred are known to have existed. But it is poesible that two or more of these may often have been regarded as one for Clisthenes’ purpose; and Herodotus’s words hardly show more than that a decimal subdivision formed the basis of the arrangement. The φύλαρχος, accord. ing to ARISTOTLE (ap. Harpocration., sub v.), was not the chief of the φυλὴ, but of tis cavalry. 180 ἐξέβαλλε, “ wished to expel.” For illustration of this use of the imperfect tense, see the passage of ARISTOPHANES quoted in the note 206 on § 77, below. 71 Cylon’s massacre. 72 46 HERODOTUS δὲ πέμπων ἔλογε ἐκ διδαχῆς τοῦ "Icayopew οἱ μὲν yap ᾿Αλκ- μαιωνίδαι καὶ οἱ συστασιῶται αὐτῶν εἶχον αἰτίην τοῦ φόνον τού- του αὐτὸς δὲ οὐ μετεῖχε, οὐδ᾽ οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐνωγέες ** ᾿Αθηναίων ὧδε ὠνομάσθησαν: ἦν Κύλων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ ᾿Ολυμπιονίκης 55. οὗτος ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐκόμησε' προσποιησάμενος δὲ ὁταιρηΐην τῶν ἡλικιωτέων καταλαβεῖν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπειρήθη; οὐ δυνάμενος δὲ ἐπικρατῆσαι, ἱκέτης ἵζετο πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα ‘**- τούτους ἀνιστέασι μὲν οἱ πρυτάνις τῶν Ναυκράρων, οἵπερ ἔνεμον τότε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτου ."- φονεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτίη ἔχει ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδας. ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς Πεισιστράτου ἡλεκέης ἐγένετο. Κλεομένης δὲ ὡς πέμπων ἐξέβαλλς ." Κλεισθένεα καὶ τοὺς 181 οἱ ἐναγέες. The city was lustrated by Epimenides, under the auspices of Solon, in order to do away with the effects of this ἄγος. (PLutarcn, Solon, ὃ 12, apparently following Theopompus.) For fear of inadvertently omitting any local deity or hero whose wrath might have been excited, Epimenides turned some sheep loose, and ordered that wherever one of them lay down, it should be sacrificed τῷ προσήκοντι Geg. (ὈΙΟΘΕΝῈΒ LAERTIUS, i. § 110). Hence there arose several name- less altars with the inscription which struck St. Paul’s attention many centuries after- wards (Acis xvii. 23). This lustration is placed by Diogenes (who throughout seems to follow Eratosthenes and Apollodorus’s chronology) in the forty-sixth or forty- seventh Olympiad. 182 ἀνὴρ ᾿Ολυμπιονίκης. The victory which he obtained was for a foot-race: διαύλου νίκην. (PAUSANIAS, i. 28. 1.) 183 πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα. THUCYDIDES, who tells the story of Cylon far more circum- stantially (i. 126), says that Cylon and his brother escaped, but that the remain- der of the conspirators καθίζουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τὸν ἂν τῇ ἀκροπόλει. The deity, whose image or altar was resorted to by the suppliants, was Athene Polias. Her temple was united with that of Erectheus, the Athenian Poseidon. (Hesycu. sud v.) 184 ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτον. This isa very elliptical and almost colloquial phrase. Herodotus obviously means to say that they surrendered under the condition to submit to whatever might be adjudged ‘short of death.’ THucypipEs’s account of the terms is: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μηδὲν κακὸν ποιήσουσι. Piurarcn’s (Solon. § 12), that the sup- pliants delivered themselves up for trial (ἐπὶ δίκῃ κατῆλθον), but, probably from fear of what might happen, still saved their sanctuary by laying hold of a string which they had attached to the base of the image. These accounts may be all reconciled by the supposition of an understanding hav- ing been entered into, that in the event of condemnation the prisoners should be allowed to banish themselves from Athens. It seems not improbable that the account given by Thucydides is the one traditionally preserved in the family of Miltiades, and that this family was not unfriendly to Cylon’s party. Plutarch states that the party afterwards recovered much influence, and that an hereditary animosity was kept up in it against the descendants of Mega- cles. Now after the Persian war the op- position to the latter was undoubtedly led by Miltiades’s family. Hence perhaps Thucydides, one of that family, may have been led to use the phrase he does, which puts the breach of faith on the part of the Alcmeeonids in the strongest light. Hero- dotus, on the other hand, probably follows the local traditions of the acropolis, which he presently speaks of having visited (§77), and in which the fact of the illegal blood- shed—which constituted the &yos—would be the point most prominently put forward, the merits of the two contending factions being, in a religious view, of secondary im- portance. The chronology of the whole narrative is extremely loose, and such as might be expected from an oral temple tra- dition. See notes 191, 197, and 212, below. 185 ἐξέβαλλε. Gaisford ἐξέβαλε. TERPSICHORE. 47 V. 71, 72. evaryéas, Κλεισθένης μὲν αὐτὸς ὑπέξεσχε 156, μετὰ δὲ, οὐδὲν ἧσσον Cleomenes παρὴν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ὁ Κλεομένης οὐ σὺν μεγάλῃ χειρὶ, ἀπικό- coup “état pevos δὲ ἀγηλατέει ἑπτακόσια ériotia ‘*’ ‘Abnvaiwv, τά of ὑπέθετο δὲ ΠΕΡ, ὁ ᾿Ισωγόρης" ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας, δεύτερα τὴν βουλὴν καταλύειν ἐπεερᾶτο, τριηκοσίοισι δὲ τοῖσι Ioayopew στασιώτῃσι τὰς ἀρχὰς éveyeipile. ἀντισταθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οὐ βουλομένης πείθεσθαι, ὅ τε Κλεομένης καὶ ὁ ᾿Ισαγόρης καὶ οἱ στασιῶται αὐτοῦ καταλαμβάνουσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν: ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ, τὰ αὐτὰ φρονήσαντες ἐπολιόρκεον αὐτοὺς ἡμέρας δύο' τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξέρχονται ἐκ τῆς χώρης ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν Δακεδαυ- μόνιοι. ἐπετέλέετο δὲ τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ἡ φήμη: ὡς γὰρ ἀνέβη ἐς after a bad τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μέλλων δὴ αὐτὴν κατασχήσειν, ἤϊε ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον τῆς θεοῦ ὡς προσερέων' ἡ δὲ ἱρηΐη ἐξαναστᾶσα ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου πρὶν ἢ τὰς θύρας αὐτὸν ἀμεῖψαι, εὖπε' “ὦ ξεῖνε Δακεδαιμόνιε, πάλεν χώρει, μηδ᾽ ἔσιθε ἐς τὸ ἱρόν: οὐ γὰρ θεμιτὸν Δωριεῦσι παριέναι ἐνθαῦτα" ὁ δὲ clive “ὦ γύναι, GAN οὐ Δωριεύς εἰμι ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αιχαιός "". ὁ μὲν δὴ τῇ κλεηδόνι οὐδὲν χρεώμενος, ἐπεχεί- ρησέ τε καὶ τότε πάλιν ἐξέπιπτε μετὰ τῶν “Δακεδαιμονίων' τοὺς davon out of the city, 186 ὑπεξέσχε. Herodotus uses this word in vi. 74 and viii. 132, and in all cases it seems designed to express voluntary ba- nishment, perhaps antecedently to any formal proceeding. 167 ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια, ““ seven hundred hearth-falis,” i. e. families. This expres- sion is most appropriste to a religious pro- cedure,——as the fire on the hearth of the individual citizen, lighted originally from the sacred fire in the Prytaneium, sym- bolized the participation of the family in the national life. To put out for ever the hearth-fire was therefore considered as equivalent to the cutting off a diseased member of the body politic. See the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiqui- ties, sub voce Prylaneium. 185 Kie és τὸ ἄδυτον τὴς θεοῦ. On the highest hill at Sparta stood the temple of Athene πολισσοῦχος (called also χαλκίοι- wos from the bronze walls of the fane). This temple was said to have been com- menced by Tyndareus, and after his death continued by the Dioscuri, but it was not completed till long afterwards. (Pavusa- Nias iii. 17. 2.) The Achwan popula- tion, which the Dorian invaders found in Laconia (see the next note), had, like the Athenians, legends connecting Athene with Poseidon, and these were exhibited by reliefs in this very temple. In others also at Sparta there was a joint dedication to the two deities. (Pausan. iii. 11. 9; iii. 12. 5.) Hence, finding the same combi- nation of religious symbols to which he had been accustomed, the Spartan king had no scruple in entering. 189 oy Δωριεύς εἶμι ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αχαιός. By these words Cleomenes indicates his de- scent not from the Heraclide invaders of the Peloponnese, but from the Achzean Tyndarids who retained possession of Amyclee and Therapne, and for a long time successfully resisted them. (See Pav- SANIA8, iii. 2. 6; iii. 12. 9.) MULLER (Orchomenua, p. 319) collects the evidence which proves the existence of Acheans (mixed with Minyeans) in this part of the Peloponnese, long after the date usu- ally assigned to the Dorian invasion. He even conjectures that Amyclee is the town which Homer calls Lacedzemon. See the note 221 on i. 66, and note 100, above. 48 HERODOTUS δὲ ἄλλους ᾿Αθηναῖοι κατέδησαν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἐν δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ Τιμησίθεον τὸν Δελφὸν, τοῦ ἔργα χειρῶν ” τε καὶ λήματος ἔχοιμ᾽ ἂν μέγιστα καταλέξαι. οὗτοι μέν νυν δεδεμένοι ἐτελεύτησαν """. 78 ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα Κλεισθένεα καὶ τὰ ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια τὰ The Athe- δ, υχγθέντα ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος μεταπεμψάμενοι, πέμπουσι ἀγγέλους eget és ἢ άρδις συμμαχίην βουλόμενοι ποιήσασθαι πρὸς Πέρσας: ce Sparta app'Y στέατο γάρ opt Λακεδαιμονίους τε καὶ Κλεομένεα ἐκπεπολεμῶσθαι sian court. ἀπικομένων δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐς τὰς Σάρδις καὶ λεγόντων τὰ ἐντε- ταλμένα, ᾿Αρταφέρνης ὁ Ὑστάσπεος "", Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος, ἐπει- ρώτα τίνες ἐόντες ἄνθρωποι καὶ πῆ γῆς οἰκημένοι 1" δεοίατο Περ- σέων σύμμαχοι γενέσθαι; πυθόμενος δὲ πρὸς τῶν ἀγγέλων, ἀπεκορύφου σφι τάδε """ εἰ μὲν διδοῦσι βασιλέϊ Δαρείῳ ᾿Αθηναῖοι γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ, ὁ δὲ συμμαχίην σφι συνετίθετο" εἰ δὲ μὴ διδοῦσι, ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε: οἱ δὲ ἄγγελοι ἐπὶ σφέων αὐτῶν βαλόμενοι διδόναι ἔφασαν, βουλόμενοι τὴν συμμαχίην ποιήσασθαι. 74 οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἀπελθόντες ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν, αἰτίας μογάλας εἶχον. Κλεομένης δὲ ἐπιστάμενος περιύβρίσθαι ἔπεσι καὶ ἔργοισι ᾽"" 190 ἔργα χειρῶν. ῬΑυΒΑΝΙΑΒ (vi. 8. 6) speaks οὗ a statue of this Timesitheus at lympia, where he won two victories as a pancratiast. He obtained the same dis- tinction three times in the Pythian games. Pausanias says that the statue is by Age- lades the Argive; and if this assertion is well founded, it probably was seen by Herodotus. 191 οὗτοι μέν νυν δεδεμένοι ἐτελεύτη- σαν. The ΒΟΗΟΣΙΙΆΒΤ on Aristophanes (Lysistr. 273) says that after the unsuc- cessful occupation of Eleusis (which Hero- dotus relates § 74) the Athenians confis- cated the property of those Athenians who had joined him in the attempt, rased their houses to the ground, and passed sentence of death against themselves, καὶ ἀναγ, ψαντες ἐν στήλῃ χαλκῇ, ἔστησαν ἐν πόλει παρὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον νεών. It seems not unlikely that the column in question is the basis for the assertion in the text. The parties were in lato dead; hence the expression κατέδησαν Thy ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, and it was only to be expected that the occu- pation of the acropolis would soon, in popular tradition, be regarded as the crime for which they suffered. See the note 202 on § 76. 192 ᾿Αρταφέρνης ὃ Ὑστάσπεος. See above, v. 25. 30. 193 ῥπειρώτα τίνες ἐόντες ἄνθρωποι καὶ πῆ γῆς οἰκημένοι. This question indicates that the power of Athens at that time must have been very small. On the other hand that of Naxos must have “been con- siderable when Artaphernes was applied to for assistance to reduce it (above, § 31). Although able to reckon on the assistance of a part of the Naxians, he refuses to embark in an enterprise against them without the consent of the Persian court, and then determines to send double the force demanded. Such a relation between the resources of Naxos and Athens seems incompatible with the notion that Pisi- stratus had ever subdued the former. See note 214 on i. 64, and what Herodotus says of Athens under tyrannical govern- ment, below, § 78. 194 ἀπεκορύφου σφι τάδε, ‘ gave them this short answer.” 195 ἔπεσι καὶ ἔργοισι. ARISTOPHANES (Lysistr. 274—280) alludes to the surren- der of Cleomenes, in terms which show that the miserable condition in which he was forced to evacuate the citadel remained a popular theme with the Athenian com- TERPSICHORE. V. 73—75. 49 ig > 9 ὑπ Αθηναίων, συνέλεγε ἐκ πάσης Πελοποννήσου στρατὸν, οὐ Cleomenes Im 18 - φράξων ἐς τὸ συλλέγει, τίσασθαί τε ἐθέλων τὸν δῆμον τῶν vades them δι rith a | ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ ᾿Ισωγόρην βουλόμενος τύραννον καταστῆσαι '*- force, whi ᾿ the Chalci- συνεξῆλθε yap οἱ οὗτος ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλιος. Κλεομένης τε δὴ dians and στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλε ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα, καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπὸ Bavtiens συνθήματος Οἰνόην αἱρέουσι καὶ Ὑσιὰς "7, δήμους τοὺς ἐσχάτους tversion. τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς “. Χαλκιδέες ." τε ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἐσίνοντο ἐπιόντες [χώρου-] τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, καίπερ ἀμφιβολίῃ ἐχόμενοι, Βοιωτῶν μὲν καὶ Χαλκιδέων ἐς ὕστερον ἔμελλον μνήμην ποιή- σεσθαι: Πελοποννησίοισι δὲ, ἐοῦσι ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι, ἀντία ἔθεντο τὰ at Eeasie ὅπλα. Μελλόντων δὲ συνάψειν τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐς μάχην, 75 Κορώθιοι μὲν πρῶτοι σφὶ αὐτοῖσι δόντες λόγον “5 ὡς οὐ ποιοῖεν the Allied monalty. The chorus of old men, upon Lysistrata’s occupying the acropolis, is made to say: ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ Κλεομένης, ὃς αὐτὴν κατέσχε πρῶτος, ἀπῆλθεν ἀψάλακτος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως: Λακωνικὸν πνέων, ὥχετο θὥπλα παραδοὺς ἐμοὶ, σμικρὸν ἔχων τὰν τριβώνιον, πεινῶν, ῥυπῶν, ἀπαράτιλτος, tt ἐτῶν ἄλουτος. 196 ἸΙσαγόρην βουλόμενος τύραννον κατα» στῆσαι. If Isagoras had Megarian con- nexions (as seems probable; see the note 167 on § 66), he would be a plausible partizan of Peloponnesian interests, and therefore one to whom the confederates would have no right to object. But if at the same time he was of the old Achean blood, he might be favourable to the par- ticular schemes for the elevation of that race which Cleomenes appears to have formed. See note on vi. 74, below. 197 Οἰνόην αἱρέουσι καὶ ‘Toids. The former of these two burghs lies on the southern and the latter on the northern side of the range of Citheron, bearing very nearly N.w. from Athens. The emanci- pation of Hysie from the dominion of Thebes probably took place at the same time with that of Platea. (Sce vi. 108.) The possession of the two burghs was ex- tremely important, for the road from Eleusis to Thebes over Cithwron was commanded on the side of Attica by Ginoe, and on that of Boeotia by Hysise. The order in which the places are mentioned is worth remarking, as pointing to an VOL. II. Attic authority. (See.note 212 on § 79, below.) The Boeotians must have seized Hysise first, or they could not have ad- vanced on (ποθ. Of the latter LEAKE says, ‘It stood in a narrow valley at the ascent of Cithzeron, leading from the plain of Eleuthere into the Platsis, and near where the road from Megara to Thebes joined that from Athens and Eleusis. It was therefore an essential point for secur- ing the communication of the Athenians with Plateea, as well as to protect Eleutherse and Eleusis. Hence it was fortified prior to the Peloponnesian war (Tuucyp. ii. 18), and became one of the most important defences of the Attic frontier. It still exists in ruins under the name of Ghyfté- kastro, and is one of the most complete examples of a Greek fortress extant.’ 198 δήμους τοὺς ἐσχάτους τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. I am inclined to think these words a mar- ginal interpretation which has crept into the text. There is no ground for sup- posing that Hysise was ever a deme of Attica. (See the last note.) Besides which Hysise and (ποῦ would be, in the time of Herodotus, as familiar as Eleusis to any one of his hearers. 199 Χαλκιδέες. Pisistratus was assisted by the Eretrians in his exile (see i. 62), as Isagoras was by the rival state of Chalcis. 309 Κορίνθιοι πρῶτοι σφὶ αὐτοῖσι δόντες λόγον. It seems not impossible that they viewed with jealousy the probable eleva- tion of Isagoras, if he was a man of Me- garian connexions. (See note 167 on § 66, above.) Megara had been at one time a dependency of Corinth, and its emancipa- tion seems to have belonged to the same 76 The fourth instance of a Doric in- vasion of Attica. 50 HERODOTUS τὰ δίκαια, μετεβάλλοντό τε Kal ἀπαλλάσσοντο" μετὰ δὲ, Anpa- ρῆτος ὁ ᾿Αρίστωνος, ἐὼν καὶ οὗτος βασιλεὺς Σπαρτιητέων, καὶ συνεξαγαγών τε τὴν στρατιὴν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος καὶ οὐκ ἐὼν διώ- φορος ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν χρόνῳ Κλεομένεϊ: (ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς διχοστασίης ἐτέθη νόμος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἕπεσθαι ἀμφοτέ- ρους τοὺς βασιλῆας ἐξιούσης τῆς στρατιῆς" τέως γὰρ ἀμφότεροε εἵἴποντο' παραλνομένου δὲ τούτων τοῦ ἑτέρου, καταλείπεσθαι καὶ τῶν Τυνδαριδέων τὸν ἕτερον" πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἀμφότεροε, ἐπίκλητοί σφι ἐόντες Ἶ", eltrovro’) τότε δὴ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ελευσῖνι ὁρέωντες οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων τούς τε βασιλῆας τῶν Δακεδαιμονίων οὐκ ὁμολογέοντας καὶ Κορινθίους ἐκλιπόντας τὴν τάξιν, οἴχοντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπαλλασσόμενοι. Τέταρτον δὴ τοῦτο ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἀπικόμενοι Δωριέες, δίς τε ἐπὶ πολέμῳ ἐσβαλόντες καὶ Sis ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τοῦ πλήθεος τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων! πρῶτον μὲν, ὅτε καὶ Μέγαρα κατοίκισανἾ" (οὗτος ὁ στόλος, ἐπὶ Κόδρου βασιλεύοντος ᾿Α4θη- cycle of events which produced the over- throw of the Bacchiade (a Doric oligarchy) at Corinth. The revolutions took the same shape in both states,—an overthrow of a class aristocracy by the commons under the leadership of one of the oligarchs, who finally became tyrant, as Cypselus did at Corinth and Theagenes at Megara. Now as Cylon was the son-in-law of Theagenes, and Isagoras the representative of Cylon’s party at Athens, his elevation to power would have been equivalent to elevating the influence of the commons at Megara, —a population (as the native traditions show; see note 203, below) into which the Doric element entered very slightly. That the Corinthian oligarchal or Doric was strong at this time is evident from the harangue of Sosicles (§ 92, seqq.). But Cleomenes the Spartan king disclaimed being a Dorian (§ 72), and showed his sympathy for the ante-dorian race not only in his patronage of Isagoras, but in his subsequent attempt to organize an Arcadian confederacy against Sparta (vi. 74). Hence perhaps the decided break with Demaratus. 201 ῥηίκλητοί σφι ἐόντες, “ being allies of theirs.” See vii. 203, ἐπίκλητοι éyé- vyovro Λοκροὶ πανστρατιῇ, “ the Locrians came to help them in full force.’”’ The idea of a friendly deity going forth with the host under some especial visible sym- bol, and taking part in their battles as an ally, was common to almost all the nations of antiquity. Thus the ginete are re- lated by Herodotus to have sent the images of the acids, their tu heroes, to assist the Thebans (below, § 30); and the allied Greeks before the battle of Salamis despatched a ship expressly for the same (viii. 64). It was the same feeling which induced the elders of Israel to fetch the ark out of Shiloh, ‘‘ that when it cometh among us, it may save us out of the hand of our enemies.” (1 Sam. iv. 3.) So too the chariot of Ormuzd went in the front of the Persian line of march (vii. 40). See note 111 on iii. 37. 302 χέταρτον δὴ τοῦτο. By the use of this expression it would seem that the occupation of the acropolis and that of Eleusis by Cleomenes are considered as part of one expedition,—a view quite in accordance with the account given by the ScHo rast on Aristophanes (Lysistr.273), who makes Cleomenes evacuate Athens on terms, without any exceptions, and seize Eleusis on his march homeward (ἀφεθεὶς ὑπόσπονδος, ἀπιὼν οἴκαδε πάλιν Ἐλευσῖνα κατέσχε). If only the Lacedsemonians were allowed to quit the acropolis, it is difficult to conceive how Isagoras, the prime mover of the intervention, should have been suffered to accompany them. See note 191, above. 303 ὅτε καὶ Μέγαρα κατοίκισαν. The tradition followed here is the same as that TERPSICHORE. V. 76, 77. 51 ναίων, ὀρθῶς ἂν xadéorto*™™+) δεύτερον δὲ καὶ τρίτον, ὅτε ἐπὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων τέταρτον δὲ τότε, νησίους ἐσέβαλε. ᾿Αθήνας. ἐξέλασιν ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀπίκοντο" ὅτε ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα Κλεομένης ἄγων Πελοπον- οὕτω τέταρτον τότε Δωριέες ἐσέβαλον ἐς Διαλυθέντος ὧν τοῦ στόλου τούτου ἀκλεῶς, ἐνθαῦτα ᾿Αθηναῖοι of the authors of the Atthides (ap. Stra- bor. ix. p. 235), who related that the Megarid territory fell to Nisus, one of the four sons of Pandion, who built Nissa ; and that the population was lonian and identical with that inhabiting Attica, until the invasion of Attica by the Peloponne- sians in the time of Codrus, when, at the urgent request of the Corinthians and Messenians, Megara was founded, and the population of the Megarid became Dorian. SopHocres (as might be expected) fol- lowed the Aftic tradition respecting the Megarid, making Zgeus say of Pandion : Νίσῳ δὲ τὴν ἀνόμαλον ἐξαίρει χθόνα Σκίρωνος ἀκτῆς. The native legends οὗ Megaris, however, related that the name Megara was given to the city in the reign of Car, the son of Phoroneas, at which time the sacred rites of Demeter were first introduced there, and that the name péyapa was given to these. Twelve generations after Car, daughter of Pandion and disputed the so- vereignty with her brother Nisus. Zacus, being appealed to, decided in favour of Nisus, with a reservation of the military command to Sciron. Finally Megereus, a son of Poseidon, married Iphinoe, the daughter of Nisus, and succeeded to the kingdom. The Borotian traditions made Megareus the son of Poseidon a native of Onchestus, and an ally of Nisus in the war against Minos (a war of which the Megarian legends were entirely ignorant). (PAUSAN. i. 39.) And yet another tradi- tion made a son of Apoilo (Srzrpu. Byzanr. v. Μέγαρα), thus ac- counting for the Dorian character of Megara. 24 οὗτος ὁ orddos ... ὀρθῶς ἂν καλέ. orro. These words can scarcely be a part of the thread of the narrative ; neither is their sense complete. Some such phrase as én) πολέμῳ ἐσβολὴ acems required to ex- prees what is meant. Possibly they are a mere memorandum by Herodotus himself, made with the intention at some future time of giving a history of this expedition, about which very different accounts existed. The story which was current at Athens, and represented Codrus as sacrificing him- self to save the city from being taken by the Dorian invaders, was supported by local tradition. The place where Codrus fell was poiuted out on the banks of the Tlissus (PAUSAN. i. 19. 5); and his self- devotion furnished an usefal topic to the orators. (Lycure. c. Leocrat. §§ 85— 90.) But Aristorce (Politic. p. 1310, line 37) cites Codrus as an instance, not of a king who sacrificed himself to preserve the independence of his country, but of a person who became a king by saving his country from slavery in war,—a view in harmony with what Herodotus briefly mentions of his family, above (§ 65). And PAUSANIA48, after saying that the common Athenians would not hear of there having been any king at Athens (except Pisistra- tus) since the time of Theseus, ofa icro- plas ἀνήκοοι Byres, καὶ ὁπόσα ἥκονον εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων ἔν το χοροῖς καὶ τραγῳ δίαις πιστὰ ἡγούμενοι, adds, that if he pleased he could give a list of the descend- ants of Melanthus as low as to Clidicus, the son of aimides, who aii reigned at Athens (i. 3. 3). The reign of Asimides (whether as king or archon) began in the first year of the eighth Olympiad (Pausan. iv. 5. 10), so that the traditions here alluded to by Pausanias would bring down the regal authority of the Neleid house quite into the historical times. It will be remembered that Pisistratus came of this family. (See above, §65.) There is little or nothing in Herodotas or Thucydides to guide to a decision between the tradition followed by Lycurgus and that adopted by Aristotle ; neither is the circumstance related by PazrecypDus (fr. 110) incom- patible with the latter account, although it has generally been woven into the for- mer, H 2 77 The Athe- nians obtain important advan over the Beotians and Chal- cidians, 52 HERODOTUS τίννυσθαι βουλόμενοι, πρῶτα στρατηΐην ποιεῦνται ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας: Βοιωτοὶ δὲ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι βοηθέουσι ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔριπον" *AGn- ναίοισι δὲ ἰδοῦσι τοὺς βοηθοὺς ἔδοξε πρότερον τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσε 7 τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι ἐπιχειρέειν' συμβάλλουσί τε δὴ τοῖσι Βοεωτοῖσι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ πολλῷ ἐκράτησαν" κάρτα δὲ πολλοὺς φονεύσαντες, ἑπτακοσίους αὐτῶν ἐζώγρησαν 5. τῆς δὲ αὐτῆς ταύτης ἡμέρης οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν, συμβάλλουσι καὶ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι: νικήσαντες δὲ καὶ τούτους, τετρακισχιλίους κληρ- ovyous ἐπὶ τῶν ἱπποβοτέων τῇ χώρῃ λείπουσι' οἱ δὲ ἕππο- βόται Ἶ“ ἐκαλέοντο οἱ παχέες τῶν Χαλκιδέων" ὅσους δὲ καὶ τούτων ἐζώγρησαν, ἅμα τοῖσι Βοιωτῶν ἐξζωγρημένοισι εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, ἐν πέδαις δήσαντες" χρόνῳ δὲ ἔλυσάν σφεας διμνέως ἀποτεμησά- μενοι Ἶ7: τὰς δὲ πέδας αὐτῶν, ἐν τῇσι ἐδεδέατο, ἀνεκρέμασαν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν" αἵπερ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν περιεοῦσαι, κρεμάμεναι ἐκ τειχέων περιπεφλευσμένων πυρὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μήδον' ἀντίον δὲ τοῦ μεγάρον τοῦ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένου 305 ὁπτακοσίους αὐτῶν ἐζώγρησαν. It will be remarked that the number is the same as that of the families exiled by Cleomenes (§ 72). 206 of δὲ ἱπποβόται. The presence of the article here has occasioned some diffi- culty. But it seems likely that although this name of brrof. was given to the ari- collectively, each individual mem- ber of it would not be termed ἱπποβότης, and in that case the article and substantive would cohere closely together, as in the phrases of τριάκοντα, of δώδεκα, Κα. Ant- STOTLE (Politic. iv. p. 1297, line 16) remarks that the early monarchies (βασι- λεῖα!) were in all cases succeeded by a military aristocracy of cavalry, adding this profound remark: τὴν γὰρ ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν ὑπεροχὴν ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ὁ πόλεμος εἶχεν" ἄνευ μὲν γὰρ συντάξεως ἄχρηστον τὸ ὁπλιτικόν, αἱ δὲ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἐμπειρίαι καὶ τάξεις ἐν τοῖς ἀρχαίοις οὐχ ὑπῆρχον" ὥστ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν εἶναι τὴν ἰσχύν. In another passage he remarks that in the ancient times wherever the force of a state consisted of cavalry, the form of government was oligarchal, and instances Chalcis, Eretria, Magnesia on the Meeander, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολλοὶ περὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν (iv. p. 1289, line 40). The same thing (in spite of the unaptness of Attica for horse-breeding) was the case at ὁ καὶ τῶν λύτρων τὴν Athens, and hence ΑΞΙΒΤΟΡΉ ΑΝΕῈΒ makes his homely citizen, who had married δ wife of aristocratic descent, complain that she would have their son designated by a name of hippotrophic import ( Nud. 60): ὅπως νῷν ἐγένεθ' vids οὑτοσὶ, περὶ τοὐνόματος δὴ ᾿ντεῦθεν ἐλοιδορού- pea: h μὲν γὰρ ἵππον προσετίθει πρὸς τοὔνομα, Ἐάνθιππον ἣ Χαίριππον ἣ Καλλιππίδην, dye δὲ τοῦ πάππου ᾽τιθέμην Φειδωνίδην. Compare οἰκίης τεθριπποτρόφου, vi. 35. It seems not unlikely that the revolution effected by Pisistratus was coincident with the organization of an infantry force as an important arm of war. (See note 194 on i. 59.) Aristotle adds to the remark above quoted: αὐξανομένων δὲ τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἰσχυσάντων μᾶλλον πλείους μετεῖχον τῆς πολιτεία: διόπερ ἃς νῦν καλοῦμεν πολιτείας οἱ πρότερον ἐκάλουν δημοκρατίας. 207 διμνέως ἀποτιμησάμενοι. Seo vi. 79. 808 ἀντίον δὲ τοῦ μεγάρου τοῦ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένου. As Gai punc- tuates this passage the reconciliation of it with the topography of the acropolis seems impossible. The following is the way I conceive the spoils to have been disposed of. The old temple of Athene Polias which the Persians burnt down probably TERPSICHORE. V. 78, 79. 53 δεκάτην ἀνέθηκαν, ποιησάμενοι τέθριππον χάλκεον: τὸ δὲ ἀρι- στερῆς χερὸς ἕστηκε πρῶτον ἐσιόντι ἐς τὰ προπύλαια τὰ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλ:, ἐπυγέγραπταε δέ οἱ τάδε" “Eévea Βοιωτῶν καὶ Χαλκιδέων δαμάσαντες παῖδες ᾿Αθηναίων ἔργμασιν ἐν πολέμου, δεσμῷ ἐν ἀχλυόεντι σιδηρέῳ ἔσβεσαν ὕβριν" τῶν ἵχπους δεκάτην Παλλάδι τάσδ᾽ ἔθεσαν»: ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ κατ᾽ ὃν μοῦνον, ἀλλὰ 78 πανταχῇ, ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστε χρῆμα σπουδαῖον' εἰ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 4 derfully τυραννευόμενοι μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφόας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ tinder frve Todéuia ἀμείνους ™, ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων μακρῷ πρῶτοι tions. ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὧν ταῦτα, ὅτε κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον, ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαζόμενον ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ὅκαστος ἑωυτῷ προθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔπρησσον. Θηβαῖοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς θεὸν ἔπεμπον, βουλόμενοι τίσασθαι 79 ᾿Αθηναίους. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἀπὸ σφέων μὲν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἔφη αὐτοῖσι nee ase εἶναι τίσιν, ἐς ΠΟΛΥΦΗΜ ΟΝ aie δὲ ἐξενείκαντας ἐκέλευε 41} sirous of revenge, ΤΩΝ "ATXIZTA 4EEXOAI. ἀπελθόντων ὧν τῶν θεοπρόπων, core t the elphic er \ , ey / , . “. 2 , and ἐξέφερον τὸ χρηστήριον ἁλίην ποιησάμενοι" ὡς Ἐπ δ ατοῦτὸ δὲ one pul a λεγόντων αὐτῶν ΤΏΝ ’ATXISTA ΔΕΕΣΘΑΙ, εἶπαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι by the an- swer. ἀκούσαντες τούτων" “ οὐκ ὧν ἄγχιστα ἡμέων οἰκέουσι Tavaypaiol looked east (like the subsequent one), and in this I conceive the goddess to bave been associated with Erectheus, the Athenian Poseidon, a similar arrangement to that which existed elsewhere. (See the note 188 on § 72, and 223 on § 82.) Here the fetters were dedicated. But conter- minous with this temple, and in 8 man- ner forming a part of it, was the fane of Pandrosos, which seems to be meant by ‘‘the fane turned westward.” (See Pav- santas, i. 27.3.) It was in this fane that the sacred olive-tree grew which shot out after its destruction by the Persians. (viii. 56; ApoxLoporvs, iii. 14. 1.) If we suppose the Pandroseum (or Cecro- pieum ; for father and daughter seem to have been united in the religious legends of the place) to have faced the west, the site given by Lzeaxe for the Quadriga exactly corresponds with the description of Herodotus, and yet this description will not oppose his notion of the way in which the new Erectheum was laid out. (Athens and the Demi of Attica, i. p. 340, and Appendix.) In this, which was planned by Phidias, but not completed till after the Peloponnesian war, Athene Polias alone appears to have had a temple on the site of the ancient one, but Erectheus one looking northward,—while the Pan- droseum was in an angle to the south,— all three however being under one roof. Hence there is no temple whatever “ turn- ed westward ”’ in the buildings which made up the new Erectheum. 209 οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ πολέμια ἀμείνους. See note 193, above. 210 TIOAT@HMON. A personification of the commonalty, the “ many-voiced.”’ Compare τὴν ἀμφίρρντον (above, iv. 163). 211 ἐκέλευε. One MS omits this word, perhaps rightly. It might readily be sup- plied by inference from the former clause of the sentence. See below, ὃ 82, ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐδέτερα τούτων ta, ἀλλὰ ξύλον ἡμέρης ἐλαίης [ἐκέλευε]. 80 They app! for aid i ¢ the Aigine- 81 their very prosperous 54 HERODOTUS te καὶ Κορωναῖοι καὶ Θεσπιέες ,5, καὶ οὗτοί ye ἅμα ἡμῖν αἰεὶ μαχόμενοι, προθύμως συνδιαφέρουσι τὸν πόλεμον ; τί δεῖ τού- Τῶν γε δέεσθαι; ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ἦ τὸ χρηστήριον." Τοιαῦτα δὴ ἐπιλεγομένων, εἶπε δή κοτε μαθών τις" “ ἐγώ pot δοκέω συνιέναι τὸ ἐθέλει λέγειν ἡμῖν τὸ μαντήϊον: ᾿Ασωποῦ λέγονται γενέσθαι θυγατέρες Θήβη τὰ καὶ Αἴγινα' τουτέων ἀδελφεῶν ἐουσέων, δοκέω ἡμῖν Αὐγινητέων δέεσθαι τὸν θεὸν χρῆσαι τιμωρητήρων γενέσθαι" καὶ οὐ yap τις ταύτης ἀμείνων γνώμη ἐδόκεε φαίνεσθαι, αὐτίκα πέμψαντες ἐδέοντο Αἰγινητέων, ἐπικαλεόμενοι κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριόν σφι βοηθέειν, ὡς ἐόντων ἀγχιστέων' οἱ δέ σφι αἰτέουσι ἐπικουρίην τοὺς Αἰακίδας συμπέμπειν “"" ἔφασαν. Πειρησαμένων δὲ [τῶν Θηβαίων] κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίην τῶν Αἰακιδέων " καὶ τρηχέως περιεφθέντων ὑπὸ 312 Ταναγραῖοί τε καὶ Ἱορωναῖοι καὶ Θεσπιέες. Why these three should have been especially named here among the Boeotian towns in alliance with Thebes is very difficult to say. Tanagra and Thes- pie have some pretensions to be imme- diate neighbours of Thebes, and as they lie towards the Attic frontier might readily suggest themselves as valuable allies to The But Coronea (or—as Herodo- tus must have called it if the reading Κορωναῖοι is genuine—Corone or Corone) is at a considerable distance to the Nn.w. of Thebes, with several towns of import- ance lying between. It may be thought to be mentioned from the circumstance of its being the first place occupied by the Boeotians when they issued from Thessaly and expelled the inhabitants of the neigh- bourhood of the Copaic lake, and from its being also the place where the Pambeotia were celebrated. (Srraso, ix. cap. 2.) But it seems more likely that Herodotus is here following an Athenian tradition, and that therefore the principle of selec- tion is one connecied with Athenian asso- ciations. Now at Coronea was the temple of Itonta Athene, and in the immediate neighbourhood formerly stood the Boeotian towns Athens and Eleusis, on the banks of the brook Triton. Close by was Alal- comenze, where there was a temple of Athene of great antiquity and highly venerated, and of which the tradition ran that the goddess was born there (a mythi- cal way of expressing the fact that her pe- culiar ritual spread from thence as a cen- tre). Now if we suppose the informant of Herodotus to have been a person attached to the service of Athene on the acropolis of Athens, it is only natural that Coronea should occupy s prominent place in his mind, to the exclusion of other towns which would, from a Theban point of view, have been more appropriate. One may eveu conjecture that such a person might use the adjectival form Κορωναῖος from Κορῶναι, (after the of ᾿Αθῆ- yat,) instead of the usual forms, which were (according to ΒΤΈΡΗ. Byzanrinvs) Κορώνιος, Κορωνεὺς, or Kopevecebs, where a citizen of the Boeotian town was indi- cated. It may be added that there was at least a mythical connexion between Athens and the other two towns (although, in the case of these, their proximity to the Attic frontier renders such a consideration unnecessary), for the Attic Gephyrsei, whom Herodotus mentions above, §§ 55. 57, were, as he takes special pains to in- form his hearers, originally from Boeotian Tanagra; and one of the traditions at Thespize made the founder to be a Thes- pius, son of the Athenian Erectheus. (PausaAN. ix. 26. 6.) Indeed, after the Persian invasion this town was rebuilt under Athenian auspices (see viii. 75), so that the connexion, not of Thebes but of Athens, with all three of the towns named is clearly established. See notes 184 and 197. 313 robs Αἰακίδας συμπέμπειν. Bee above, note 201. 314 κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίην τῶν Αἰακιδέων, TERPSICHORE. V. 80—82. 55 τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, αὗτις [οἱ Θηβαῖοι "] πέμψαντες, τοὺς μὲν kinsmen, «Αἰακίδας σφι ἀπεδίδοσαν τῶν δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐδέοντο᾽ Αὐγινῆται δὲ, aie of evdaspovly τε μεγάλῃ ἐπαρθέντες, καὶ ἔχθρης παλαιῆς ἀναμνη- aid thes by σθέντες ἐχούσης ἐς "APnvalovs*"*, τότε Θηβαίων δεηθέντων πόλε- the coax of μον ἀκήρυκτον "7 ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐπέφερον" ἐπικειμένων γὰρ αὐτῶν ἜΠΗ: Βοιωτοῖσι, ἐπιπλώσαντες μακρῇσι νηυσὶ ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, κατὰ μὲν ἔσυραν Φάληρον, κατὰ δὲ τῆς ἄλλης παραλίης πολλοὺς δήμους" ποιεῦντες δὲ ταῦτα, μεγάλως ᾿Αθηναίους ἐσίνοντο "3. Ἢ δὲ ἔχθρη ἡ προοφειλομένη ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐκ τῶν Αὐγινητέων, 89 ἐγένετο ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοιῆσδε' ᾿Επιδαυρίοισι ἡ γῆ καρπὸν οὐδένα ἀνεδίδου. περὶ ταύτης ὧν τῆς συμφορῆς οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι ἐχρέωντο The cause of the fend between Athens and ἐν Δελφοῖσι" ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευε Aapins te καὶ AbEnoins?” gina. ἀγάλματα ἱδρύσασθαι, καί σφι ἱδρυσαμένοισι ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι" ἐπεερώτεον ὧν οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι κότερα χαλκοῦ ποιέωνται [τὰ ἀγάλ,- The Epi- ματα Ἶ ἢ λίθον ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐδέτερα τούτων ἔα, ἀλλὰ ξύλου ernie ἡμέρης ἐλαίης" ἐδέοντο ὧν οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι ᾿Αθηναίων ἐλαίην σφι cau δοῦναε ταμέσθαι, ipwraras δὴ κείνας νομίζοντες εἶναι Ἶ. λέγεται τη δάθεν ” “ander the notion that they had the fEacidse for their allies.”” See below, § 86, κατὰ τοῦτο εἶξαν». 313 [el Θηβαῖοι]. The manuscript 8 has οὗ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, which seems to indicate that both of Θηβαῖοι and οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι are glosses inserted to render the sense more perspicuous. I have therefore retained the reading of Gaisford and the majority of MSS, but have placed it within brackets as a probable interpolation. But if it be one, it seems likely that τῶν Θηβαίων two lines back is also one; for if πειρησαμένων and πέμψαντες be referred to the same subject, the change of construction is gra- tuitously clumsy. I should account for the change by referring πειρησαμένων to the Thebans with their allies, the Boeo- tian confederacy, but πέμψαντες to the Thebans alone as the heads of the con- federacy. 316 ἐχούσης ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους. This is the reading of Gaisford and the majority of MSS. But one has ἐχούσης ᾿Αθην., and Aldus ἐούσης πρὸς ’A@ny. The variations induce me to suspect that the clause is an explanatory gloss. The case is a different one from that in viii. 144. 217 πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον, ‘a piratical warfere,”’ without the previous proclama- tion by heralds. 218 ἐσίνοντο. One manuscript (M) has ἐσινέοντο, which Gaisford follows. But see the note on ix. 13. 219 Aaulns re καὶ Αὐξησίης. The pen- ultimate of the former of these words is probably long, and possibly the ortho- graphy should be Aauelys. The origin of the word is undoubtedly δᾶ pata ( = δαμά- np), and the two deities are precisely equivalent to the γῇ κουροτρόφος and δημήτηρ χλόη, who were worshipped to- gether in a temple just at the entrance to the acropolis at Athens. (Pausanrzas, i. 22. 3; ARisToPpHANES, Lysistr. 835.) ZEscuyius (Choeph. 45) puts the invo- cation ἰὼ γαῖα μαῖα into the mouths of the Argive women. 220 [τὰ ἀγάλματα]. These words are omitted in the manuscripts S$ and V. Gaisford retains them, but they sppear to me to be a gloss. For ποιέωνται Gaisford and the MSS have ποιέονται. But see note 170 on i. 53. 221 ἱρωτάτας δὴ κείνας νομίζοντες εἶναι. These were the so-called Moria, trees, originally twelve in number, which stood in the Academy. ARISTOPHANES refers to these (Nub. 1005) as shading the walk where the young Athenians, who cultivated gymnastic exercises for the torch-race, practised themselves in run- 56 HERODOTUS καταινέσαντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοισι οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι, τῶν τε ἐδέοντο ἔτυχον καὶ ἀγάλματα ἐκ τῶν ἔλαιέων τουτέων ποιησάμενοι ἱδρύσαντο" καὶ 88 ἥ τε γῆ σφι ἔφερε, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐπετέλεον τὰ συνέθεντο. Tov- ne meets τον δ᾽ ἔτι τὸν χρόνον καὶ πρὸ rou", Aiywira ᾿Επιδαυρίων was & vassal ἤκουον τά τε ἄλλα, καὶ δίκας διαβαίνοντες ἐς ᾿Επίδαυρον ἐδίδοσάν rus, but τε καὶ ἐλάμβανον παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων οἱ Αὐγινῆται' τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε, νῆάς τε πηξάμενοι καὶ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρησάμενοι, ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Επιδαυρίων' ἅτε δὲ ἐόντες διάφοροι, δηλέοντο αὐτοὺς ὥστε δὴ immediately afterwards θαλασσοκράτορες ἐόντες, καὶ δὴ xal*™ τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα τῆς τε became in- dependent and hostile. The Egine- Aapins καὶ τῆς AvEnoins ὑπαιρέονται αὐτῶν, καί σφεα ἐκομίσαντό tans carry ‘(7 a , ? , a ¥ off the τε καὶ ἱδρύσαντο τῆς σφετέρης χώρης ἐς THY μεσόγαιαν' τῇ Οἴη μέν ἐστι οὔνομα, στάδια δὲ μάλιστά KN ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ὡς εἴκοσι eae at { abla ἀπέχει: ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ, θυσίῃσί τέ σφεα καὶ in their own island. The ritual of the na- ture of a carnival, both there and at Epi- _ daurus. 84 n 7 ¢. lA a 3 ζ΄ χοροῖσι γυναικηΐοισι κερτόμοισι ἱλάσκοντο, χορηγῶν ἀποδεικνυμέ- νων ἑκατέρῃ τῶν δαιμόνων δέκα ἀνδρῶν: κακῶς δὲ ἠγόρευον οἱ , ww \ +O? \ 3 ” XN χοροὶ ἄνδρα μὲν οὐδένα, Tas δὲ ἐπιχωρίας γυναῖκας. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖσι ᾿Επιδαυρίοισι αἱ τοιαῦται ipopyias εἰσὶ δέ σφι καὶ ἄρρητοι ipopyiat. ἈΚλεφθέντων δὲ τῶνδε τῶν ἀγαλμάτων, οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὰ συνέθεντο οὐκ ἐπετέλεον πέμψαντες δὲ οἱ ning: ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ᾿Ακαδήμειαν κατιὼν ὑπὸ ταῖς Μορίαις ἀπκοθρέξε. They started from an altar of Prometheus and ran to the city. In the time of Pausan1As one of these olives was pointed out as being the second oldest in the world, the prece- dence being given to the sacred plant in the Pandroseum on the acropolis (PAUSAN. i. 30. 2). The prize given to the victors in the Panathenzan games consisted in part, of a vase containing some of the oil produced from these plants. (ARISTOTLE, ap. Schol. ad Soph. Cd. Col. 701.) PINDAR congratulates Theseus the Argive on twice obtaining some (Nem. x. 61, 8644.) : ἀδεῖαί γε μὲν ἀμβολάδαν ἐν τελεταῖς δὶς ᾿Αθαναΐων νιν ὀμφαὶ κώμασαν" yale δὲ καυθείσᾳ πυρὶ καρπὸς ἐλαίας ἔμολεν Ἥρας τὸν εὐάνορα λαὸν ἐν ἀγ- γέων ἕρκεσιν παμποικίλοι:. 322 κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον, ἢ ᾿Αθήνῃσι. This is the reading which Gaisford selects. The MSS vary between that, κατὰ χρόνον ἐκεῖνον ἣ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις, κατὰ χρόνον ἐκεῖνον ἢ ᾿Αθήνῃσι, κατὰ χρόνον κεῖνον ἣ ᾿Αθήνῃσι (or ἐν ᾿Αθήναις), and κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἣ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις. These variations induce the suspicion that the words are an interpolation from a marginal com- mentary. ; 223 τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ ....xal τῷ ἜἘρεχθέϊ. See above, notes 183, 188, and 208. After the word ᾿Αθηναίῃ Gaisford prints τε. But the particle is not found in S and V. And it is not appropriate; for the deities were united in the ritual re- ferred to. 324 καὶ πρὸ τοῦ. The MSS vary be- tween this reading and καὶ τὸν πρὸ τού- Tov, ἃ variation which seems to indicate an interpolation from a marginal note. 325 καὶ δὴ καί. See note 6 oni. 1. TERPSICHORE. V. 83—86. 57 ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐμήνιον ᾿" τοῖσι ᾿Επιδαυρίοισι" οἱ δὲ ἀπέφαινον λόγῳ ὡς AD - ae οὐκ ἀδικοῖεν: ὅσον μὲν yap χρόνον εἶχον τὰ ἀγάλματα ἐν TH χώρῃ, ction for ἐπιτελέειν τὰ συνέθεντο' ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐστερῆσθαι αὐτῶν, ov δίκαιον of recover- εἶναε ἀποφέρειν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἔχοντας αὐτὰ Αὐγινήτας πρήσ- σεσθαε ἐκέλευον. πρὸς ταῦτα ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς Αὔγιναν πέμψαντες rally, ἀπαέτεον τὰ ἀγάλματα "37. οἱ δὲ Αὐγινῆταε ἔφασαν, σφίσι τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι εἶναι οὐδὲν πρῆγμα. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν λέγουσι μετὰ τὴν ἀπαίτησιν ἀποσταλῆναι τριήρεϊ μιῇ τῶν ἀστῶν, τούτους of ἀποπεμφθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ καὶ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς Αἴγιναν, τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα ὡς σφετέρων ξύλων ἐόντα ἐπειρῶντο ἐκ τῶν βάθρων ἐξανασπᾶν, ἵνα σφέα ἀνακομίσωνται" οὐ δυναμένους δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ αὐτῶν κρατῆσαι, περιβαλόντας σχοινία ὅλκειν τὰ ἀγάλματα καί σῴι ἕλκουσι βροντήν τε καὶ ἅμα τῇ βροντῇ σεισμὸν ἐπυγενέσθαι' τοὺς δὲ τριηρίτας τοὺς Edxov- only one τας ὑπὸ τουτέων ἀλλοφρονῆσαι: παθόντας δὲ τοῦτο, κτείνειν viving. ἀλλήλους ἅτε πολεμίους ἐς ὃ ἐκ πάντων ὅνα λειφθέντα ἀνακο- μισθῆναι αὐτὸν ," ἐς Φάληρον. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν οὕτω. χΧόγουσι 86 γενέσθαι. Αὐγινῆται δὲ, οὐ μιῇ νηὶ ἀπικέσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους" play The Ἔξὶ- μὲν γὰρ καὶ ὀλύγῳ πλεῦνας μιῆς, καὶ εἴ σφι μὴ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσαι count dif- fers in the νέες, ἀπαμύνασθαι ἂν εὐπετέως" ἀλλὰ πολλῇσι νηυσὶ ἐπυπλέειν sake 326 ἐμήνιον. The words μῆνις and μη- γνίειν are more especially used of the wrath felt by a deity or hero on account of some injury. See the case of Minos, vii. 169. Here the word is perhaps applied to the Athenians considered as the representa- tives of Athene and Erectheus, who had been defrauded of their dues. If Hero- dotus’s authority was (as there is some reason for conjecturing; see notes 184 and 212) a person connected with one of the temples in the acropolis, this use of the word would be very natural. 327 "᾿Αθηναῖοι... τὰ ἀγάλματα. This sentence is an instructive example of the change of construction, suitable to the varying nature of the incidents men- tioned. The destruction of the Athenians who were sent to obtain the images was a fact well known and admitted ; as was also the circumstance that they had attempted to remove them by force. The question was, what was the character of the emis- saries, and under what circumstances did the destruction take place. Herodotus begins by giving the Athenian account of VOL. 11. the nature of the expedition. The mes- sengers were taken from among the citi- zens (not soldiers), and went with a single galley (not in force). So much is in the indirect form; he then changes to the direct one in narrating the acknowledged facts, and returns to the indirect where the Athenian and A%ginetic accounts again diverge. ‘‘The Athenians now say, that after the formal demand there were sent, in a single galley, some citizens, those who, having been publicly commissioned, and arriving at A®gina, did certainly try to lift these images, as being made of wood which was theirs, out of their stands, in order to carry them back; and that not being able to manage them in this way, they passed lines round and trailed the figures.” If the whole of the circum- stances had been peculiar to the Athe- nian story, the author would have con- tinued the indirect form throughout: obs ἀποκεμφθέντας ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ καὶ ἀπικομένους, K.T.A. 228 αὐτὸν, “alone.’”’ 58 HERODOTUS of the Athenians, 87 but both agree that only one man re- turned. σφι ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην' αὐτοὶ δέ σφι εἶξαι, καὶ οὐ Scavavpayioas*”: (οὐκ ἔχουσι δὲ τοῦτο διασημῇναει ἀτρεκέως, οὔτε εἰ ἕσσονες συγ- γινωσκόμενου εἶναι τῇ ναυμαχίῃ κατὰ τοῦτο “5 εἶξαν, οὔτε εἰ βου- λόμενοι ποιῆσαι οἷόν τι καὶ ἐποίησαν") ᾿Αθηναίους μέν νυν, ἔπει τέ σφι οὐδεὶς ἐς μάχην κατίστατο, ἀποβάντας ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν τραπέσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἀγάλματα' οὐ δυναμένους δὲ ἀνασπάσαι ἐκ τῶν βάθρων αὐτὰ, οὕτω δὴ περιβαλλομένους σχοινία ἕλκειν, ἐς οὗ ἑλκόμενα τὰ ἀγάλματα ἀμφότερα τὠυτὸ ποιῆσαι' ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, ἄλλῳ δέ Tew ἐς γούνατα γάρ σφι αὐτὰ πεσέειν, καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ τούτου χρόνον διατέλέειν οὕτω ἔχοντα. ᾿Αθηναίους μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιέειν, σφέας δὲ Αἰγινῆται λέγουσι, πυθομένους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ὡς μέλλοιεν ἐπὶ σφέας στρατεύεσθαι, ἑτοίμους ᾿Αργείους ποιέεσθαι" τούς τε δὴ ᾿Αθηναίους ἀποβεβάναι ἐς τὴν Αὐγιναίην, καὶ παρεῖναι βοηθέοντάς ode τοὺς ᾿Αργείους , καὶ λαθεῖν τε ἐξ ᾿Επιδαύρου διαβάντας ἐς τὴν νῆσον, καὶ οὐ προακὴη- κοόσι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐπιπεσέειν ὑποταμομένους τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν" ἅμα τε ἐν τούτῳ τὴν βροντήν τε γενέσθαι καὶ τὸν σεισμὸν αὐτοῖσι. Λέγεται μέν νυν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων τε καὶ Αὐγινητέων τάδε' ὁμολογέεται δὲ καὶ ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων, ἕνα μοῦνον τὸν ἀποσωθέντα αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν γενέσθαι: πλὴν ᾿Αργεῖοι μὲν λέγουσι, αὐτῶν τὸ ᾿Αττικὸν στρατόπεδον διαφθειράντων τὸν ἕνα τοῦτον περυγενέσθαι, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τοῦ δαιμονίου, περυγενέσθαε μέντοι οὐδὲ τοῦτον τὸν ἕνα, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολέσθαι τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' κομισθεὶς γὰρ ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀπήγγειλε τὸ πάθος" πυθομένας δὲ τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν én’ Αἴγιναν στρατευσαμένων ἀνδρῶν, δεινόν τι ποιησαμένας κεῖνον μοῦνον ἐξ ἁπάντων σωθῆναι, πέριξ τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον λαβούσας καὶ κεντεύσας τῇσι περόνῃσι τῶν ἱματίων, εἰρωτᾶν ἑκάστην αὐτέων ὅκη εἴη ὁ ἑωυτῆς ἀνήρ; καὶ τοῦτον μὲν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι" ’ AOnvai- οἱσι δὲ ἔτι τοῦ πάθεος δεινότερόν τε δόξαι εἶναι τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἔργον" ἄλλῳ μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἔχειν ὅτεῳ ζημιώσωσι τὰς γυναῖκας, τὴν δὲ ἐσθῆτα μετέβαλλον "3 αὐτέων ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιάδα' ἐφόρεον γὰρ δὴ πρὸ 229 οὐ διαναυμαχῇσαι, “abstained from ἐς τὴν Αἰγιναίην, καὶ παρεῖναι βοηθέοντάς deciding the issue at sea.” Compare viii. σφι τοὺς ᾿Αργείοιις, “ exactly now as the 63. Athenians had effected a landing on the 230 κατὰ τοῦτο. Compare § 81], above, Aiginetic shore, there arrived the Argives κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίην τῶν Αἱακιδέων. to help them.” See note 472 on iv. 181. 331 sobs τε δὴ ᾿Αθηναίους ἀποβεβάναι 232 ἄλλῳ μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἔχειν... τὴν δὲ TERPSICHORE. V. 87—89. 59 τοῦ ai τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ryuvaices ἐσθῆτα Δωρίδα, τῇ Kopwbin παρα: γὐγθ ει μὲ πλησιωτάτην᾽ μετέβαλλον ὧν ἐς τὸν λίψεον κιθῶνα, ἵνα δὴ περόνῃσι pie win μὴ χρεώνται (ἔστι δὲ ἀληθέξ λόγῳ χρεωμένοισι οὐκ ᾿Ιὰς αὕτη out of this ἡ ἐσθὴς τὸ παλαιὸν, ἀλλὰ Κάειρα' ἐπεὶ ἥ γε ᾿Ελληνικὴ ἐσθὴς Ὧ8 πᾶσα ἡ apyain τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ αὐτὴ ἦν τὴν νῦν asi καλέο- The so call- μεν") τοῖσι δὲ Ἄῤήηεοισι καὶ τοῖσι Αἰγινήτῃσι καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα δε τς ia real- ἔτε τόδε ποιῆσαι Ἶ νόμον εἶναι παρά σφι ἑκατέροισε" τὰς περόνας © Customs ene of ἡμιολίας ποιέεσθαι τοῦ τότε κατεστεῶτος μέτρου, καὶ ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν ‘Aiinctans ᾿ having the τῶν θεῶν τουτέων περόνας μάλιστα ἀνατιθέναι τὰς γυναῖκας" yame origin. ᾿Αττικὸν δὲ μήτε τι ἄλλο προσφέρειν πρὸς τὸ ἱρὸν, μήτε κέραμον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ χυτρίδων ἐπιχωριέων νόμον τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτόθι εἶναι πίνειν. ᾿Αργείων μέν νυν καὶ Αὐγινητέων αἱ γυναῖκες ἔκ τε τόσου *™ κατ᾽ ἔριν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων περόνας ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἐφόρεον μέζονας ἢ πρὸ τοῦ. Τῆς δὲ ἔχθρης τῆς πρὸς Αὐγινήτας ᾿Αθηναίοισι γενομένης ἀρχὴ 89 κατὰ τὰ εἴρηται ἐγένετο. τότε δὴ Θηβαίων ἐπικαλεομένων, προ- ΤΡ Ε» θύμως τῶν περὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα γενομένων ἀναμιμνησκόμενοε οἱ μὰς Π τοῶδ ας Αὐγινῆται ἐβοήθεον τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι. Aiywifral τε δὴ ἐδήευν τῆς πῶ ee ᾿Αττικῆς τὰ παραθαλάσσια, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι ὁρμεωμένοισι ἐπ᾽ ee is Αὐγινήτας στρατεύεσθαι, ἦλθε pavrniov ἐκ Δελφῶν emir χοντᾶς thirty yeare. ἀπὸ τοῦ Αὐγινητέων ἀδικίου 5 τριήκοντα ἔτεα, τῷ ἑνὶ καὶ τριη- ἐσθῆτα μετέβαλλον. The change of con- struction here appears to rest on the same grounds as that remarked on in the note 227, above. It was a fact that there had been a change of costume in the Athenian women. The cause of this change was in Athenian traditions said to be the outrage just related, a view which the feud between Athens and A‘gina rendered plausible ; although when the matter was looked into, the reputed new dress turned out to be the ancient Carian garb, and the differ- ence between an Ionian and a Dorian costume to be a fiction of recent times, subsequent to the feud between the Dorian and Ionian races acquiring its full deve- lopement. 333 γόδε ποιῆσαι. These words are de- pendent upon the sense of ᾿Αθηναῖοι Aé- γουσι continued on. It was a part of the Athenian tradition that the murder was the origin of the Argive and Aginetan custom. Translate: “ And for the Argives and Aginetans [the Athenians say], that, besides, this incident further caused it to be a custom with each of them,” &c. It must not be supposed that Herodotus intends to represent the Argives and ZEginetans as giving the same account of the origin of their practice. All that he asserts in confirmation of the tradition is the extraordinary magnitude of the “4 brooches.” 334 ἔκ τε τόσου, These words appear to be corrupt. The Sancroft MS has ἐκ τότε. It seems probable that the text grew out of an union of two different readings, ἐκ τότε and ἐκ τόσου. I have left it as Gaisford prints it, because it is impossible to decide between the two, each giving a good sense: ἐκ τότε, “ from that time ;” ἐκ τόσου, ‘ from so far back.’’ In the next section two MSS exhibit such an union of two readings, ἀδικίου and αἰκίου. 335 ἀδικίον. The MSS vary between 12 60 HERODOTUS κοστῷ, Αἰακῷ τέμενος ἀποδέξαντας ἄρχεσθαι τοῦ πρὸς Αὐγινήτας πολέμου" καί σφι χωρήσειν τὰ βούλονται ἣν δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπιστρα- τεύωνται, πολλὰ μέν σῴφεας ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ τοῦ χρόνου πείσεσθαι πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ποιήσειν" τέλος μέντοι καταστρέψεσθαι. ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῷ μὲν Αἰακῷ τέμενος ἀπ- ἐδεξαν, τοῦτο ,“ τὸ νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορῆς ἵδρυται" τριήκοντα δὲ Erea οὐκ ἀνέσχοντο ἀκούσαντες ὅκως χρεὼν εἴη ἐπισχεῖν, πεπονθότας 90 πρὸς Aiywnréwy ἀνάρσια. ᾿Ὲς τιμωρίην δὲ παρασκεναζομένοισε ies eek αὐτοῖσι ἐκ Λακεδαιμονίων πρῆγμα ἐγειρόμενον ἐμπόδιον ἐγένετο. they hea” πυθόμενοι yap of Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αλκμαιωνιδέων ἐς τὴν taken in the Τχυθίῃν μεμηχανημένα Ἦ7, καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Πυθίης ἐπὶ σφέας τε καὶ expulsion of the Pi- rods Πεισιστρατίδας, συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο διπλῆν, ὅτε τε ἄνδρας from. ξείνους σφι ἐόντας ἐξεληλάκεσαν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνων καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ποιήσασι χάρις οὐδεμία ἐφαίνετο πρὸς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἔτι τε πρὸς τούτοισι ἐνῆγόν σφεας οἱ χρησμοὶ, λέγοντες πολλά τε καὶ ἀνάρσια ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσι ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων: τῶν πρότερον μὲν ἦσαν ἀδαέες, τότε δὲ Κλεομένεος κομίσαντος ἐς Σπάρτην ἐξέμαθον. ἐκτήσατο δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκροπόλιος τοὺς χρησμοὺς ᾿", τοὺς ἔκτηντο μὲν πρότερον οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι ἐξελαυ- νόμενοι δὲ ἔλιπον ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ καταλειφθέντας δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης 91 ἀνέλαβε. Τότε δὲ ὡς ἀνέλαβον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς χρησμοὺς, καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἑώρεον αὐξομένους καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἑτοίμους ἐόντας πείθεσθαί oft, νόῳ λαβόντες ὡς ἐλεύθερον μὲν ἐὸν τὸ vo . » A \ oo 8 a ¢ A 230 ’ γέμος TO TTEKOY WOPPOTTOY τῷ EWUTWY YivOLTO , κατέχομενον δὲ ὑπὸ τυραννίδος ἀσθενὲς καὶ πειθαρχέεσθαε éroipor μαθόντες this word and αἰκίον, and ec, d unite both. importance popularly attached to vagrant Both are ΤΡ not foand elsew here. See oracular prophecies : notes 212 226, a : . 5.0 τοῦτο. This word is quite super. “AHMOZ Τα Ὁ SEK ἡβαύμαυκν Τα fluous in a written history, but would be καὶ νὴ AP ἔτι ye μοὔστι κιβωτὸς πλέα. Meee He nee ἴῃ α ἐρεαῖεγ, Who while AAAANTONIQAH2. duol 8° ὑπερῶον καὶ “eg raed ᾿ ae pomt ee ξυνοικία δύο. preci an idiom co y em- ᾿ ployed by Herodotus, even wi ' 5". ah tony, τίνος γάρ εἶσιν of χρη- remains no trace of the original use. KA. οὑμοὶ μέν εἶσι Βάκιδος. AH. of δὲ σοὶ τίνος ; rece μεμηχανημένα. Bee note 1640n ΔΛ γλάνιδος, ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ Βάκιδος γε- 338 τοὺς χρησμούς. See what is related pete (Knights, 998—1004.) been highly patronized by Hipparchus. 238 ίνγοιτο. Gaisford, with the manu- ARISTOPHANEs very happily ridicules the scripts S and V, has ἂν γίνοιτο. TERPSICHORE., V. 90--99. 61 δὲ 5 τούτων ἕκαστα, μετεπέμποντο ᾿ἱππίην τὸν Πεισιστράτου ἀπὸ Σ᾿ υγείου τοῦ ἐν Ελλησπόντῳ "", ἐς ὃ καταφεύγουσι οἱ Πεισι- στρατίδαι" ἐπεί τε δέ σφι ᾿ἱππίης καλεόμενος ἧκε, μεταπεμψά- and send for μενοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἀγγέλους, ἔλεγόν σφι Σπαρτιῆται delege ree τάδε: “ ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, συγγινώσκομεν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν ov ποιή- apy Hip- σασι opbds™* ἐπαρθέντες γὰρ κιβδήλοισι μαντηΐοισι, ἄνδρας ?** ξείνους ἐόντας ἡμῖν τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἀναδεκομένους ὑποχειρίας παρέξειν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, τούτους ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξηλάσαμεν, καὶ ἔπειτα, ποιήσαντες ταῦτα, δήμῳ ἀχαρίστῳ παρεδώκαμεν τὴν πόλιν" ὃς ἐπεί τε δι’ ἡμέας ἐλευθερωθεὶς ἀνέκυψε, ἡμέας μὲν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἡμέων περιύβρίσας ἐξέβαλε, δόξαν δὲ φύσας * αὐξάνεται' ὥστε ἐκμεμαθήκασι μάλιστα μὲν οἱ περίοικοι αὐτῶν Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Χαλκιδέες, τάχα δέ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐκμαθήσεται ἁμαρ- τών. ἐπεί τε δὲ ἐκεῖνα ποιήσαντες ἡμάρτομεν, νῦν πειρησόμεθά σῴεας ἅμα ὑμῖν ἀκεόμενοι τίσασθαι' αὐτοῦ γὰρ τούτου εἵνεκεν τόνδε τε τὸν ᾿Ιππίην μετεπεμψάμεθα, καὶ ὑμέας ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, ἵνα κοινῷ τε λόγῳ καὶ κοινῷ στόλῳ ἐσωγαγόντες αὐτὸν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀποδῶμεν τὰ καὶ ἀπειλόμεθα." Οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλογον' τῶν δὲ συμμάχων τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἐνεδέκετο 99 τοὺς λόγους. οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι ἡσυχίην ἦγον, Κορίνθιος δὲ Σωσι- Soricies, a κλέης ἔλεξε τάδε. 3 deprecates 149 μαθόντες δέ. The particle δὲ in ἡ priate oracles, with breach of faith to this use corresponds nearly to the Latin eir own allies, with making 8 formal com- inquam. It serves to recal the attention to the principal point to be impressed it, after a kind of digression. 241 ἀπὸ Σιγείου τοῦ ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ. See above, § 65, and below, § 94. 342 σνγγινώσκομεν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν ov ποι- ἦσασι ὀρθῶς. Compare ix. 60, συνοίδα- μεν ὑμῖν .... ἐοῦσι πολλὸν προθυμοτά- τοισι. 343 δόξαν φύσας, “ having gained glory.” This could hardly be said of the Athenian commonalty at the time of which Herodo- tus is speaking, and would scarcely have been said of them by a Spartan at any time. But it should be remembered that here it is probably an Athenian speaking under the Spartan mask; and conse- quently it is no more surprising that he should pay a compliment to his own coun- en in the assumed character, than that he should make the Lacedemonians charge themselves with being deceived by pact with tyrants, and end with prophesy- ing evil to themselves from Athens (for it seems scarcely doubtful that they them- selves are indicated by the words ris καὶ ἄλλος). To make such a speech as is here attributed to the Lacedsemonians would, from the Hellenic point of view, be equivalent to proclaiming themselves as the enemies of the gods, led into the path of destruction by their own tutelary deity, the Delphic Apollo. It would be applying to themselves the current senti- ment which is embodied by SopHocies in the well-known words (Antig. 620) : coplg γὰρ Ex του κλεινὸν ἔπος πέφανται τὸ κακὸν δοκεῖν ποτ᾽ ἐσλὸν τῷδ᾽ ἔμμεν ὅτῳ φρένας θεὸς ἄγει πρὸς ἄταν" πράσσει δ᾽ ὀλιγιστὺν χρόνον ἐκτὸς ἄτας. their pro- posal, and reminds them of the times ahh the Cypselids at Corinth. Aetion mar- ried Labda, a lame per- son, daugh- ter of Am- hion, a acchiad. 62 HERODOTUS “ἮΙ δὴ & τε οὐρανὸς ἔσται ἔνερθε τῆς γῆς" καὶ ἡ γῆ μετέωρος ὑπὲρ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ οἱ ἄνθρωποι νομὸν ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἕξουσι καὶ οἱ ἰχθύες τὸν πρότερον ἄνθρωποι, ὅτε γε ὑμεῖς ὦ Μακεδαιμόνιοι, ἰσοκρατίας καταλύοντες τυραννίδας ἐς τὰς πόλιες κατάγειν 5 παρασκενάξεσθε' τοῦ οὔτε ἀδικώτερον οὐδέν ἐστι κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπους οὔτε μιαιφονώτερον. εἰ γὰρ δὴ τοῦτό γε δοκέει ὑμῖν εἶναι χρηστὸν, ὥστε τυραννεύεσθαι τὰς πόλις, αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι τύραννον καταστησάμενοι παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι, οὕτω καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι δίξζησθε κατιστάναι' νῦν δὲ, αὐτοὶ ἄπειροι ἐόντες τυράννων, καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ μὴ γενέσθαι, παραχρᾶσθε ἐς τοὺς συμμάχους ““. εἰ δὲ αὐτοὶ ἔμπεε- pot ἔατε κατάπερ ἡμεῖς, εἴχετε ἂν περὶ αὐτοῦ γνώμας ἀμείνονας συμβάλλεσθαι ἤπερ νῦν. ΚΟΡΙΝΘΙΟΙΣΙῚ yap ἦν πόλιος κατάστασις τοιήδε" ἦν ὀλυγαρ- xin, καὶ οὗτοι" Βακχιάδαι καλεόμενοι ἔνεμον τὴν πόλεν' ἐδίδοσαν δὲ καὶ ἤγοντο ἐξ ἀλλήλων ᾿. ᾿Αμφίονι δὲ, ἐόντι τούτων τῶν ἀν- δρῶν, γίνεται θυγάτηρ χωλή' οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἦν Λάβδα". ταύτην, att 3 τε οὐρανὸς ἔσται ἔνερθε τῆς γῆς. This is one of the passages which show the firm conviction prevalent at the time, that the earth was fixed and the heaven a firmament above it. In the formula of a treaty between the Romans and the Latins, preserved by Dionysius or Ha- LICARNASSUS, the peace was to last μέχρις ἂν οὐρανός τε καὶ γῇ Thy αὐτὴν στάσιν ἔχωσι (vi. 95). This treaty was made in the year 491 s.c. Compare the treachery described by Herodotus iv. 201. But after the times of the Ptolemies, when the real figure of the earth became known, other modes became resorted to for the purpose of illustrating the fixedness of the established order of things (see VIRGIL, Bucol. i. 60; Ovip, Trist. i. 8.5; Sg- neca, Med. 373), and this too by poets especially fond of reproducing ancient images. 345 ὅτε ye ὑμεῖς. Taucypipes (i. 18) remarks that not only the Athenian tyranny, but the same form of government in the rest of Greece, where it generally existed, was, with the exception of Sicily, in almost every case put an end to by the Lacedemonians, who, for the space of more than four hundred years ending with the termination of the Peloponnesian war, had been well governed and free from despotic rulers. 246 κατάγειν. This is the technical phrase for bringing home an exile to his country. See i. 60, where Athene is said κατάγειν els τὴν ἑαυτῆς ἀκρόπολιν the banished Pisistratus. The exile himself was said κατιέναι. The idiom is very dis- tinctly shown in Evripipes, Med. 1015. ΠΑΙΔΑΓΩΓῸΣ. θάρσει: κάτει τοι καὶ σὺ πρὸς τέκνων ἔτι. MHAEIA. ἄλλους κατάξω πρόσθεν ἧ τά- λαιν᾽ eyed. 347 παραχρᾶσθε ἐς τοὺς συμμάχους, ‘you take the matter lightly when it touches your allies.”” παραχρῆσθαι is equivalent to ἐκ παρέργου χρῆσθαι. ® οὗτοι, viz. of προς gathered by inference from the word ὀλιγαρχία. 44s This limitation of the “ connu- bium ” to members of the same body is expressed by Herodotus elsewhere by the words ἐπιγαμίας ποιεῖσθαι (ii. 147). In- stead of διδόναι the more technical phrase is ἐκδιδόναι. See note 136 on ii. 47. 249 οὔνομα δέ of ἦν Λάβδα. If Hero- dotus means to represent this name as a soubriquet, given to Amphion’s daughter from the circumstance of one leg being TERPSICHORE. V. 92. 63 Βακχιαδέων yap οὐδεὶς ἤθελε γῆμαι, ἴσχει Ἠετίων ὁ ᾿Εχεκράτεος, δήμου μὲν [ἐκ Πέτρης] ἐὼν ᾽", ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν “ Λαπίθης τε καὶ Καινείδης ,"5. ἐκ δέ οἱ ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἄλλης παῖδες ἐγίνοντο "ἢ. ἐστάλη ὧν ἐς Δελφοὺς περὶ γόνου: ἐσιόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἰθέως ἡ Πυθίη προσαγορεύει τοισίδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι" Ἠετίων, οὔτις σε τίει πολύτιτον ἐόντα. Λάβδα κύει, τέξει 8 ὁλοοίτροχον" ἐν δὲ πεσεῖται ἀνδράσι μουνάρχοισι, δικαιώσει δὲ Κόρινθον. ταῦτα χρησθέντα τῷ ᾿Ηετίωνι ἐξωγγέλλεταί κως τοῖσι Βακχιά- δῃσε, τοῖσι τὸ μὲν πρότερον γενόμενον χρηστήριον ἐς Κόρενθον ἦν ἄσημον, φέρον τε ἐς τὠντὸ καὶ τὸ τοῦ ᾿Ηετίωνος καὶ λέγον ὧδε' Αἰετὸς ἐν πέτρῃσι κύει" τέξει δὲ λέοντα καρτερὸν, ὠμηστήν" πολλῶν δ᾽ ὑπὸ γούνατα λύσει. ταῦτά yur εὖ φράζεσθε, Ἑορίνθιοι, of περὶ καλὴν Πειρήνην 355 οἰκεῖτε καὶ ὀφρυόεντα Κόρινθον. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοῖσι Βακχιάδῃσι πρότερον γενόμενον ἦν ἀτέκμαρ- σ longer than the other (like the letter 4), the late origin of the story appears. Much later than the time of Cypselus A was written } in inscriptions. 339 δήμου μὲν ἐὼν, ‘‘ being a member of the commonalty.” The words ἐκ Πέ- Tpns appear to me an interpolation by an annotator who took δήμον to mean a local burgh here as below. But the word ἀτὰρ indicates an opposition ; and there would be none whatever if δήμου meant a local burgh in this place. 351 τὰ ἀνέκαθεν. See note 156 on § 62, 252 Καινείδης. Gaisford has Καινίδης. The MSS vary between the two forms. But the eponymous ancestor is Καινεὺς, of whom Nestor speaks in the Iliad (i. 264) as one of the Lapithe, whose ally, in their war against the Centaurs, he was in his youth. 333 ἐς δέ of ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀξ ἄλλης παῖδες ἐγίνοντο. It has been considered that this construction is ἃ pa- rallel to such passages as ARISTOPHANES, Av. 695, γῆ δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀὴρ οὐδ᾽ οὐρανὸς ἦν, i. e. where the negation is omitted in the beginning of the sentence and supplied by inference from the subsequent clauses. But this idiom seems appropriate only to the style of poetry. And it is unneces- sary to suppose it here. Herodotus wishes to say that οι had children by this woman, but by no other, and then goes on to tell the particulars. The legend apparently made him to be a person re- garded as barren; and hence the expres- sion of the oracle: οὔτις σε τίει πολύτιτον ἐόντα. Labda was bestowed upon him under the idea that he would not become a father. 354 Πειρήνην. This fountain is described by Srraso as being immediately under the summit on which the temple of Aphro- dite stood. The spring itself did not over- flow, but was always full of excellent water. Livy, after bis manner, exagge- rates the features of this part, “ Arx inter omnia in immanem altitudinem edita, scatens fontibus”’ (xlv. 28). According to Strabo it was the lower part of the mountain, not the citadel, to which this de- scription applies. Sratius picturesquely remarks the shadow cast by the Acroco- rinthus (see the next note) in the morn- ing on the Cirrhean gulf, in the evening on the Aigean (Thed. vii. 106) :— “‘Summas caput Acrocorinthus in auras Tollit, et alterna geminum mare protegit umbra.” 64 HERODOTUS τον" τότε δὲ, τὸ ᾿Ηετίωνι γενόμενον ὡς ἐπύθοντο, αὐτίκα καὶ τὸ πρότερον συνῆκαν ἐὸν συνῳδὸν τῷ ᾿Ηετίωνος" συνέντες δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, εἶχον ἐν ἡσυχίῃ, ἐθέλοντες τὸν μέλλοντα ᾿Ηετίωνι γενέσθαι γόνον διαφθεῖραι. ws δ᾽ ἔτεκε ἡ γυνὴ τάχιστα, πέμπουσι σφέων αὐτῶν δέκα ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐν τῷ κατοίκητο ᾿Ηετίων, ἀποκτενέοντας τὸ παιδίον: ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οὗτοι ἐς τὴν Πέτρην 3", καὶ παρελθόν- τες ἐς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ᾿Ηετίωνος, αἴτεον τὸ παιδίον: ἡ δὲ Λάβδα, eldvid τε οὐδὲν τῶν εἵνεκα ἐκεῖνοι ἀπικοίατο καὶ δοκέουσά σῴεας φιλοφροσύνης τοῦ πατρὸς εἵνεκα αἰτέειν, φέρουσα ἐνεχείρισε αὐτῶν ἑνί τοῖσι δὲ ἄρα ἐβεβούλευτο κατ᾽ ὁδὸν, τὸν πρῶτον αὐτῶν λα- βόντα τὸ παιδίον προσουδίσαι ἐπεί τε ὧν ἔδωκε φέρουδα ἡ Δάβδα, τὸν λαβόντα τῶν ἀνδρῶν θείῃ τύχῃ προσεγέλασε τὸ παι- δίον" καὶ τὸν, φρασθέντα τοῦτο, oluros τις ἴσχει ἀποκτεῖναι" κατοι- κτείρας δὲ παραδιδοῖ τῷ δευτέρῳ" 6 δὲ, τῷ τρίτῳ' οὕτω δὴ διεξῆλθε διὰ πάντων τῶν δέκα παραδιδόμενον, οὐδενὸς βουλομένου διεργά- σασθαι ἀποδόντες ὧν ὀπίσω τῇ τεκούσῃ τὸ παιδίον καὶ ἐξελ- θόντες ἔξω, ἑστεῶτες ἐπὶ τῶν θυρέων ἀλλήλων ἅπτοντο καταιτιώ- μενοι, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πρώτου λαβόντος ὅτι οὐκ ἐποίησε κατὰ τὰ δεδογμένα" ἐς ὃ δή σφι, χρόνου ἐγγινομένου, ἔδοξε αὗτις παρελ- θόντας πάντας τοῦ φόνου μετίσχειν. ἔδει δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ηετίωνος γόνου Κορίνθῳ κακὰ ἀναβλαστεῖν' ἡ Δάβδα γὰρ πάντα ταῦτα ἤκουε ἑστεῶσα πρὸς αὐτῇσι τῇσι θύρῃσι' δείσασα δὲ μή ods μετα- δόξῃ καὶ τὸ δεύτερον λαβόντες τὸ παιδίον ἀποκτείνωσι, φέρουσα κατακρύπτει ἐς τὸ ἀφραστότατόν οἱ ἐφαίνετο εἶναι, ἐς κυψέλην" ἐπισταμένη ὡς εἰ ὑποστρέψαντες ἐς ζήτησιν ἀπικοίατο, πάντα ἐρευνήσειν μέλλοιεν" τὰ δὴ καὶ ἐγίνετο. ἐλθοῦσι δὲ καὶ διξημένοισι αὐτοῖσι ὡς οὐκ ἐφαίνετο, ἐδόκεε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς ἀποπέμψαντας ὡς πάντα ποιήσειαν τὰ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνετείλαντο. Acrocorinthus appropriated toit. This last 355 τὴν Πέτρην. It appears from this expression that the house of Aetion was in a part of Corinth which was called ἡ πέτρα, but it does not follow that such was the name of the local deme in which he re- sided. And there is no trace of a Co- rinthian deme being so named any where except in the present narrative. In Srra- Bo’s time the town lay under the rock on which the citadel was built, the sharp summit of which was surmounted with a temple of Aphrodite, and had the name is the “ beetling Corinth”’ of the oracle ; but the term 7 πέτρα might well have been applied to the whole mountain, which extended so far that the ascent was thirty stades (viii. p. 211). 256 προσουδίσαι. Compare Euripipss, Med. 1151, βρέφος τε τοὐμὸν (ev προσού- δισας πέδῳ. In Psalm cxxxvi. 9 the ex- pression for the same act is in the Sep- tuagint ἐδαφίζειν. TERPSICHORE. V. 92. 65 οἱ μὲν δὴ ἀπελθόντες ἔλεγον ταῦτα' ᾿Ηετίωνι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ who, = πάϊς αὐξάνετο: καί οἱ διαφυγόντι τοῦτον τὸν κίνδυνον ἀπὸ τῆς encouraged κυψέλης ὄπωνυμίην Κύψελος οὔνομα ἐτέθη. ἀνδρωθέντε δὲ καὶ from Delphi, μαντενομένῳ Κυψέλῳ ἐγένετο ἀμφιδέξιον χρηστήριον ἐν Δελφοῖσι, self here τῷ πίσυνος γενόμενος ἐπεχείρησέ τε καὶ ἔσχε Kopw0ov™’. ὁ δὲ ne χρησμὸς ὅδε ἦν" “OABwos οὗτος ἀνὴρ ὃς ἐμὸν δόμον ἐσκαταβαίνει 358, Κύψελος ᾿Ηετίδης 359, βασιλεὺς κλειτοῖο Κορίνθου" αὐτὸς, καὶ παῖδες, παίδων γε μὲν οὐκέτι παῖδες. Τὸ μὲν δὴ χρηστήριον τοῦτο ἦν. τυραννεύσας δὲ 6 Κύψελος, τοιοῦτος δή τις ἀνὴρ ἀγένετο' πολλοὺς μὲν Κορινθίων ἐδίωξε, πολ- λοὺς δὲ χρημάτων ἀπεστέρησε", πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλείστους τῆς ψυχῆς. ἄρξαντος δὲ τούτου ἐπὶ τριήκοντα ἔτεα καὶ διαπλέξαν- τος ** τὸν βίον εὖ, διάδοχός οἱ τῆς τυραννίδος ὁ παῖς Περίανδρος He is suc- , ς , > 9 \ 3 ’ . ceeded Ὁ γίνεται. ὁ τοίνυν Περίανδρος κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἦν ἠπιώτερος τοῦ his son πατρός" ἐπεί τε δὲ ὡμίλησε" δι’ ἀγγέλων Θρασυβούλῳ τῷ bara 57 ξπεχείρησέ τε καὶ ἔσχε Κόρινθον. These words seem to indicate that the tradition here followed made Cypselus effect a revolution by force. ARISTOTLE however couples him with Paneetius in Leontium, Pisistratus in Athens, and Dionysius in Syracuse, as an instance of a person becoming a tyrant from a dema- gogue. (Politic. v. p. 1310, 1. 29.) And in another passage (v. p. 1315, 1. 22) he says of him that throughout his whole reign, which lasted thirty years, he had no body-guard (κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν διετέλεσεν ἀδορυφόρητοο). The Corinthian speaker appears rather to conceive a case like that of Cylon at Athens. For other differences between his representations and other traditions, see notes 260 and 267. 2588 ἐσκαταβαίνει. Valcknaer well re- marks that this phrase is more appropriate to a person consulting the oracle of Tro- phonius, or some deity whose shrine was a cave, than to the case of the Delphic oracle. 356 ᾿ἨἬετίϑης. Eusrsius (Prep. Evang. v. 35), quoting this verse, has the variation Αἰακίδης. It has been ingeniously conjec- tured that the true reading is Αἰετίδης, a gentile name formed from αἰετὸς, under which term the father of Cypselus, Aetion, was symbolized in a former oracle. 3696 χρημάτων ἀπεστέρησε. This, if the case at all, was apparently, according to VOL. Il. other accounts, by excessive taxation. See note 267, below. AnisToTLE (Cco- nom. ii. p. 1346, 1. 32) says that Cypselus had made a vow to Zeus, that if he be- came sovereign of Corinth, he would offer up the whole property of the country. He fulfilled this vow by taking the tenth part every year for ten years; 80 that, says Aristotle, he fulfilled his vow, and yet /¢/t the country as rich as before. 361 διαπλέξαντος. Some MSS have διαπλεύσαντος. Neither of these read- ings look like a corruption from the other. The former may be illustrated by iv. 205: οὐδὲ Φερετίμη εὖ τὴν ζωὴν κατέπλεξε, the latter by Puato, Phedon. § 78: ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σχεδίας κινδυνεύοντα διαπλεῦσαι τὸν ν. 362 ἐπεί τε δὲ ὡμίλησε. ARISTOTLE (Politic. iii. p. 1284, a, 1. 28) tells the same story as Herodotus, except that he makes Periander the giver and Thrasybu- lus the recipient of the advice. That this is not an oversight is clear from his refer- ring to the same transaction in another passage (Politic. v. p. 1311, a, 1. 20), as Td Περιάνδρου πρὸς Θρασύβουλον συμβού- λευμα, ἡ τῶν ὑπερεχόντων σταχύων κό- Aovots. In Lrvy we find the story trans- planted to the soil of Latium, and the dramatis persone the king Tarquin and his son Sextus. See note 494 on ii. 160 K comes & more cruel tyrant than himeelf. 66 HERODOTUS Μιλήτου τυράννῳ, πολλῷ ἔτι ἐγένετο Κυψέλου μιαιφονώτερος. πέμψας γὰρ παρὰ Θρασύβουλον κήρυκα, ἐπυνθάνετο ὅντινα ἂν ’» Anecdote of τρόπον ἀσφαλέστατον καταστησάμενος τῶν πρηγμάτων, κάλλεστα 7 Miletus, τὴν πόλιν ἐπυτροπεύοι ; Θρασύβουλος δὲ τὸν ἐλθόντα παρὰ τοῦ Περιάνδρου ἐξῆγε ἔξω τοῦ ἄστεος: ἐσβὰς δὲ ἐς ἄρουραν ἐσπαρ- μένην, ἅμα τε διεξήϊε τὸ λήϊον, ἐπειρωτῶν τε καὶ ἀναποδίζων τὸν κήρυκα," κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ Κορίνθον ἄπιξιν, καὶ ἐκόλονε αἰεὶ ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοι τῶν ἀσταχύων ὑπερέχοντα' κολούων δὲ, ἔρριπτε" ἐς ὃ τοῦ ληΐου τὸ κάλλιστόν τε καὶ βαθύτατον διέφθειρε τρόπῳ τοι- ούτῳ' διεξελθὼν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὑποθέμενος ἔπος οὐδὲν, ἀπο- πέμπει τὸν κήρυκα. νοστήσαντος δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον, ἣν πρόθυμος πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ὑποθήκην ὁ Περίανδρος" ὁ δὲ οὐδέν οἱ ἔφη Θρασύβουλον ὑποθέσθαι: θωμάζειν τε αὐτοῦ, παρ᾽ οἷόν μιν ἄνδρα ἀποπέμψειε, ὧς παραπλῆγά τε καὶ τῶν ἑωντοῦ σινάμωρον" ἀπηγεόμενος τάπερ πρὸς Θρασυβούλον ὀπώπεε. Περίανδρος δὲ συνιεὶς τὸ ποιηθὲν, καὶ νόῳ ἴσχων ὥς οἱ ὑπετίθετο Θρασύβουλος τοὺς ὑπειρόχους τῶν ἀστῶν φονεύειν, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ πᾶσαν κακότητα ἐξέφαινε ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας. ὅσα γὰρ Κύψελος ἀπέλιπε κτείνων τε Anecdote of Kad διώκων, Περίανδρός opea ἀπετέλεσε. μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπέδυσε Periander and of his wife Me- ἔξοδα. πάσας τὰς Κορινθίων γυναῖκας, διὰ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γυναῖκα Μέλισσαν' πέμψαντι γάρ οἱ ἐς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αχέροντα ποταμὸν Ἶ“ ἀγγέ- λους ἐπὶ τὸ νεκυομαντήϊον παρακαταθήκης πέρι ξεινικῆς, οὔτε σημανέειν ἔφη ἡ Μέλεσσα ἐπιφανεῖσα, οὔτε κατερέειν ἐν τῷ κέεται χώρῳ ἡ παρακαταθήκη" ῥυγοῦν τε γὰρ καὶ εἶναι γυμνή" τῶν γάρ and 368 on iv. 144. The intimate con- nexion that existed between Periander and Thrasybulus appears from what Hero- dotus relates of the information sent by the former to Miletus (i. 20). 368 ἀναᾳποδίζων τὸν κήρυκα, “ bringing the messenger back to his story.” Aiscui- NES (Clesiph. § 193) enlarging on the exactness of the jurymen formerly in tech- nical matters, says: πολλάκις ἀνεπόδιζον τὸν γραμματέα, καὶ ἐκέλενον πάλιν dva- γινώσκειν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ ψήφισμα. 264 ἧς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αχέροντα ποτα- μόν. In Ambracia (which was in Thes- protia) another Periander (whom some accounts made to be the sage) possessed sovereign power. He was expelled by a conspiracy got up by one of the nobles in revenge for a gross insult, the commons siding with the conspirators. (ARISTOTLE, Polit. v. p. 1311, 1. 40, and p. 1304, L. 32.) NEANTHES oF Crzicum made him to be cousin-german of the Corinthian (ap. Diog. Laert. i. 98); but this does not appear on any earlier authority than his, #. 6. about the time of Ptolemy Phila- delphus. Srraxno says that Ambracia was founded by Tolgus, the son of Cypse- lus (and therefore brother of the Corinthian Periander), and not far from the mouth of the river Acheron stood the Thesprotian Ephyra—the name anciently borne by Corinth (vii. ο. 7, p. 120). It seems plain that Thesprotia was at this time under Cypselid influence; and also that a Peri- ander, in some way nearly connected with the Corinthian tyrant, reigned there. TERPSICHORE. V. 92. 67 οἱ συγκατέθαψε εἱμάτων ὄφελος εἶναι οὐδὲν, οὐ κατακαυθέντων' μαρτύριον δέ οἱ εἶναε ὡς ἀληθέα ταῦτα λέγει, ὅτι ἐπὶ ψυχρὰ» τὸν irvov Περίανδρος τοὺς ἄρτους ἐπέβαλε. ταῦτα δὲ ὡς ὀπίσω ἀπηγγέλθη τῷ Περιάνδρῳ, (πιστὸν γάρ οἱ ἦν τὸ συμβόλαιον, ὃς νεκρῷ ἐούσῃ Μελίσσῃ"" ἐμύγη,) ἰθέως δὴ μετὰ τὴν ἀγγελίην κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο, ἐς τὸ “Hpaiov™ ἐξιέναι πάσας τὰς Κορινθίων γυναῖκας. αἱ μὲν δὴ, ὡς ἐς ὁρτὴν, ἤσαν κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ χρεώμεναι: ὁ δ' ὑποστήσας τοὺς δορυφόρους, ἀπέδυσέ σφεας πάσας ὁμοίως τάς τ᾽ ἐλευθέρας καὶ τὰς ἀμφιπόλους: συμφορήσας δὲ ἐς ὄρυγμα, Μελίσσῃ ὀπευχόμενος κατέκαιε' ταῦτα δέ οἱ ποιήσαντε καὶ τὸ δεύτερον πέμψαντι ἔφρασε τὸ εἴδωλον τὸ Μελίσσης ἐς τὸν κατέθηκε χῶρον τοῦ ξείνου τὴν παρακαταθήκην. τοιοῦτο μέν ἐστι ὑμῖν ἡ τυραννὶς “7, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τοιούτων 365 Μελίσσῃ. This was not only a pro- per name, but a technical term of the female hants of Demeter and Per- sephone. (Hesyow. sud v. μέλισσαι, and Ponruyry, De £ σεωυτὸν ἐν αἰτίῃ σχῆς." εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Ἱστιαῖος" “ βασιλεῦ, κοῖον ἐφθέγξαο ἔπος ; ἐμὲ βουλεῦσαι πρῆγμα, ἐκ τοῦ σοί τε ἢ μέγα ἢ σμικρὸν 0? Γόργος... ἔφευγε ἐς Μήδους. He bearded, and with a sceptre in her hand appears again holding a prominent rank re the aaa of Xerxes against Hellag 303 οὐ βουλομένους of πείθεσθαι. The Amathusians were probably free from commixture of the Hellenic race in a greater degree than the population of the other Cyprian towns. Scy1ax (p. 41) de- ecribes them as autochthonous. And Sre- PHANUS BYZANTINUS (sud v.) states that the Adonis-Osiris was worshipped there as an aboriginal deity, although really Egyp- tian. There was also a temple of Aphro- ditus,in which Aphrodite was represented (Hesycuivs, sud v. Zevs ξένιος.) Such a deity would be a θεὸς γαμήλιος, analo- gous to the Here of Mycenez, a goddess of the very earliest times (see note 422 on ii. 141), and perhaps originally androgy- nous. (See the curious practice connected with ber ritual related by Piurarcs, quoted in the note on viii. 104.) A repre- sentation of a bearded female is given by MINUTOLI (t. xxix. 3) as that of an Egyp- tian priestess. 894 οὐ xaraxpoltorra. See note 106 on iii. 36. 305 ἐξ ὑστέρης. See note 382 on i. 108. TERPSICHORE. V. 105—108. 77 ἔμελλε λυπηρὸν avacynoew ; τί δ᾽ ἂν ἐπιδιζήμενος ποιέοιμε ταῦτα ; τεῦ δὲ ἐνδεὴς ἐών, τῷ πάρα μὲν πάντα ὅσα περ σοὶ, πάν- των δὲ πρὸς σέο βουλευμάτων ἐπακούειν ἀξιεῦμαι ; ἀλλ᾽ εἴ περ τι - τοιοῦτον οἷον σὺ εἴρηκας πρήσσει ὁ ἐμὸς ἐπίτροπος, ἴσθι αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ βαλλόμενον πεπρηχέναι. ἀρχὴν δὲ ἔγωγε οὐδὲ ἐνδέκομαι τὸν λόγον, ὅκως τε Μιλήσιοι καὶ ὁ ἐμὸς ἐπίτροπος νεώτερον πρήσ- covet περὶ πρήγματα τὰ cd: εἶ δ᾽ ἄρα τι τοιοῦτο ποιεῦσι, καὶ σὺ τὸ ἐὸν ἀκήκοας, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μάθε οἷον πρῆγμα ἐργάσαο ἐμὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀνάσπαστον ποιήσας. Ἴωνες γὰρ οἴκασι, ἐμεῦ ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν σφι γενομένου, ποιῆσαι τῶν πάλαε ἵμερον εἶχον" ἐμέο δ᾽ ἂν ἐόντος ἐν ᾿Ιωνίῃ οὐδεμία πόλις ὑπεκίνησε' νῦν ὧν ὡς τάχος με ἄφες πορευθῆναι ἐς ᾿Ιωνίην, ἵνα τοι κεῖνά τε πάντα καταρτίσω ἐς τὠυτὸ "“, καὶ τὸν Μιλήτου ἐπίτροπον τοῦτον τὸν ταῦτα μηχα- νησάμενον ἐγχειρίθετον παραδῶ' ταῦτα δὲ κατὰ νόον τὸν σὸν ποιήσας, θεοὺς ἐπόμνυμι τοὺς βασιληΐους, μὴ μὲν πρότερον ἐκδύ- σασθαι τὸν ἔχων κιθῶνα καταβήσομαι ἐς ᾿Ιωνίην, πρὶν ἄν τοι Σαρδὼ νῆσον τὴν μεγίστην “Ἶ δασμοφόρον ποιήσω." Ἱστιαῖος 107 μὲν δὴ λέγων ταῦτα διέβαλλε," "- Δαρεῖος δὲ ἐπείθετο καί μεν 204 sends him to put ἀπίει, ἐντειλάμενος ἐπεὰν τὰ ὑπέσχετό οἱ ἐπιτελέα ποιήσῃ, παρα- own the revolt. γίνεσθαί οἱ ὀπίσω ἐς τὰ Σοῦσα. Ἔν ᾧ δὲ ἡ ἀγγελίη τε περὶ τῶν Σαρδίων παρὰ βασιλέα ἀνήϊε, 108 καὶ “Δαρεῖος τὰ περὶ τὸ τόξον ποιήσας ᾿ἱΙστιαίῳ ἐς λόγους ἦλθε, 306 καταρτίσω ἐς τὠντὸ, “ get them into order, as they were.” See note 72 on δ. 28. 307 νῇσον τὴν μεγίστην. Sardinia pro- bably obtained this reputation from its commercial importance,—it being for the Carthaginians what Sicily was for the Roman Republic and Egypt for the Roman Empire,—the place from which they habitually drew their supplies. They held firm possession of the plains, the ab- original inhabitants retiring to the moun- tainous interior, where they bred cattle and sheep with extraordinary success. (Diop. Sic. v. 15.) No doubt it was mercenaries drawn from these highlanders which constituted the Sardinian force in the army with which Hamilcar attacked Gelon (vii. 165). The knowledge which the Hellenic cities of Herodotus’s time had of all the islands west of Sicily was con- fined to the accounts brought by traders ; in which nothing would be more natural than that the geographical size of any place should be inferred from the magnitude of ita exports, estimated in the rough manner which alone at that time was possible. And these accounts no doubt came directly or indirectly from Carthaginian sources ; as the Carthaginian policy prohibited even their allies, the Tyrrhenes and Romans, from trading with the parts in question, except either at Carthage or the factories in Sicily. (Porysivs, iii. 24.) Erato. STHENES (ap. Strabon. xvii. c. 1, p. 440) related that the Carthaginians made it a regular practice to sink any strange sail they fell in with, bound either for Sar- dinia or the straits. It was the import- ance of the island to them which sug- gested the advice of Bias to the lonians (i. 170). 308 διέβαλλε. See note 124 on § 50, above. 78 HERODOTUS Events καὶ Ἱστιαῖος μεμετιμένος "5 ὑπὸ Δαρείου ἐκομίζετο ἐπὶ θάλασσαν: πάλαι in’ ἐν τούτῳ παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐγίνετο τάδε' πολιορκέοντι τῷ Σ΄αλα- tween the μενίῳ ᾿Ονησίλῳ ᾿Αμαθουσίους ἐξωγγέλλεται, νηυσὶ στρατιὴν πολ- Berdis and λὴν ἄγοντα Περσικὴν ᾿Αρτύβιον, ἄνδρα Πέρσην", wrpoodoxtpov of Histieus ἐς τὴν Κύπρον εἶναι' πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Ονήσιλος, κήρυκας canoer διέπεμπε ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην ἐπικαλεύμενός σῴφεας" Ἴωνες δὲ οὐκ ἐς μακρὴν βουλευσάμενοι ἧκον πολλῷ στόλῳ. "Ιωνές τε δὴ παρῆσαν An Ionian ἐς τὴν Κύπρον, καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι νηυσὶ διαβάντες ἐκ τῆς Κιλικίης ᾿" Ahad ἤϊσαν ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα πεζῇ τῇσι δὲ νηυσὶ οἱ Φοίνικες περι- hal ead ἔπλωον τὴν ἄκρην at καλεῦνται Κληΐδες τῆς Κύπρου. Τούτου δὲ 109 τοιούτου γινομένου, ἔλεξαν οἱ τύραννοι τῆς Κύπρου συγκαλέσαντες clu agian τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τοὺς στρατηγούς" " ἄνδρες Ἴωνες, αἴρεσω ὑμῖν δίδομεν ΣΡ, ἡμεῖς οἱ Κύπριοι, ὁκοτέροισι βούλεσθε προσφέρεσθαι, ἢ Πέρσῃσι cian armada ἢ Φοίνιξι" εἰ μὲν γὰρ wel βούλεσθε ταχθέντες Περσέων δια- under Arty- qrevpdcGat, ὥρη ἂν εἴη ὑμῖν ἐκβάντας ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τάσσεσθαε πεξῇ, ἡμέας δὲ ἐς τὰς νέας ἐμβαίψειν τὰς ὑμετέρας Φοίνιξι ἀντωγωνιευ- μένους" εἰ δὲ Φοινίκων μᾶλλον βούλεσθε διαπειρᾶσθαι, "ποιέειν χρεόν ἐστι ὑμέας, (ὁκότερα ἂν δὴ τούτων ἔλησθε,) ὅκως τὸ Kat’ ὑμέας ἔσται ἥ τε ᾿Ιωνίη καὶ ἡ Κύπρος ἐλευθέρη." εἶπαν [οἱ] 309 μεμετιμένος. The manuscripts 8 and V have the form μεμετημένος (per- haps a genuine one) both here and in vi. 1. But in vii. 229 all the MSS have pe- μετιμένοι. Whichever reading be adopted, the reduplication of the preposition is re- markable. 310 ᾿Αρτύβιον, ἄνδρα Πέρσην. The same name was borne by a Persian, who proba- bly was the nephew of king Darius (vii. 66), if the reading of the manuscripts 8, V, and d be genuine. But the others have "Apr dios. 811 διαβάντες ἐκ τῆς Κιλικίης. The transit probably took place from Anemu- rium, a headland of Cilicia, from whence the run to Κρομμύου ἄκρα in Cyprus was estimated at only 350 sfades, while the name of the Cilician cape (Fair-wind) would induce the belief that the predomi- nant wind was favourable to persons who wished to cross. From ‘ Point Onion’ to ‘the Keys’ was a run to the east of 700 stades ; but in the interval the coast was favourable to such navigation as that of the ancients. In it was the ᾿Αχαιῶν ἀκτὴ, where the legend made Teucer, the foun- a der of Salamis, first land ; and from Aphro- sidisium (which was a little to the west of this), the march over land to Salamis was only 70 stades. ‘ The Keys’ were really two little islands among a group lying off the mountainous promontory Olympus, on which was a temple of Aphrodite, and which is visible from the coast of Syria as well as that of Cilicia. The run to them direct from the mouth of the Pyramus was estimated at 700 stadee, and from them to the high promontory Πηδάλιον, also crowned with an Aphrodite-temple, at 680 more. (StRABO, xiv. c. 6, pp. 242, 3.) From their name and from the circumstance of their distances from several points being recorded, it may probably be inferred that it was the practice for the coasting mer- chant vessels to paes through them or by them. 10 is very clear that Herodotus's informant knew the coast only as a navi- gator, who called the promontory and group of islets by the name which his landmark bore; just as a pilot on the south coast of England will call the point of the Isle of Wight “ the Needles.’’ TERPSICHORE. V. 109—111. 79 Ἴωνες πρὸς ταῦτα' “ ἡμέας ἀπέπεμψε τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ᾿Ιώνων φυλάξοντας τὴν θάλασσαν "", ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἵνα Κυπρίοισι τὰς νέας παραδόντες αὐτοὶ Πέρσῃσι πεζῇ προσφερώμεθα. ἡμεῖς μέν νυν ἐπ᾽ οὗ ἐτάχθημεν, ταύτῃ πειρησόμεθα εἶναι χρηστοί: ὑμέας δὲ χρεόν ἐστε ἀναμνησθέντας οἷα ἐπάσχετε δουλεύοντες πρὸς τῶν Μήδων "" γίνεσθαι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς." Ἴωνες μὲν τούτοισι ἀμείψαντο' μετὰ 110 δὲ, ἡκόντων ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Σαλαμινίων τῶν Περσέων, διέτασσον ἡ Pinot οἱ βασιλέες τῶν Κυπρίων τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Κυπρίους κατὰ τοὺς 0s ἄλλους στρατιώτας ἀντυτάσσοντες, Σαλαμινίων δὲ καὶ Σολίων """ ἀπολέξαντες τὸ ἄριστον ἀντέτασσον Πέρσῃσι. ᾿Αρτυβίῳ δὲ τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Περσέων ἐθελοντὴς ἀντετάσσετο ᾿Ονήσιλος. Ἤλαυνε δὲ ἵππον ὁ ᾿Αρτύβιος Seddaypévov πρὸς ὁπλίτην ἵστα- chaz ὀρθόν. πυθόμενος ὧν ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Ονήσιλος, ἦν γάρ οἱ ὑπ- ασ-πιστὴς γένος μὲν Κὰρ τὰ δὲ πολέμια κάρτα δόκιμος, καὶ ἄλλως λήματος πλέος, εἶπε πρὸς τοῦτον" “πυνθάνομαι τὸν ᾿Αρτυβίου ἵππον ἱστάμενον ὀρθὸν, καὶ ποσὶ καὶ στόματι κατεργάζεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἂν προσενεχθῇ' σὺ ὧν βουλευσάμενος αὐτίκα etme ὁκότερον βούλεαι φυλάξας πλῆξαι, εἴτε τὸν ἕτπον εἴτε αὐτὸν ᾿Αρτύβιον." εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ὀπάων αὐτοῦ! ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἑτοῖμος μὲν ἀγώ εἰμι ποιέειν καὶ ἀμφότερα καὶ τὸ ἕτερον αὐτῶν, καὶ πάν- τῶς τὸ ἂν ἐπιτάσσῃς ov ὡς μέντοι ἔμουγε δοκέει εἷναι τοῖσι σοῖσι πρήγμασι προσφερέστερον, φράσω' βασιλέα μὲν καὶ στρατηγὸν χρεὸν εἶναί φημι βασιλέϊ τε καὶ στρατηγῷ προσφέρεσθαι ἤν τε γὰρ κατέλῃς ἄνδρα στρατηγὸν, μέγα tot γίνεται" καὶ δεύτερα, ἣν 111 σὲ ἐκεῖνος τὸ μὴ γένοιτο, ὑπὸ ἀξιόχρεω καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ἡμίσεα συμφορή: ἡμέας δὲ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἑτέροισί τε ὑπηρέτῃσι προσ- φέρεσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἵππον" τοῦ σὺ τὰς μηχανὰς μηδὲν φοβηθῇς" ἐγὼ γὰρ [δή] τοι inrodéxopas μή μιν ἀνδρὸς ἔτι ye μηδενὸς στή- of Cambyses. (See note 56, a, on iii. 19.) 312 φυλάξοντας τὴν θάλασσαν. Bee note on vi. 5. 812 ἀγαμνησθέντας οἷα ἐπάσχετε δου- λεύοντες πρὸς τῶν Μήδων. There is no- thing to show the bad condition of the Cyprians under the Median rule. Cyprus was reduced (for the first time according to Herodotus) by Amasis (ii. ui¢.), and it would seem that the desire of throwing off the Egyptian yoke induced them volun- tarily to put themselves under the empire Yet there may have been an Egyptian party in Cyprus of whom what is said in the text was true. 314 Σαλαμινίων δὲ Kal Σολίων. Soli was on the opposite side of the island from Salamis, but only a little to the west of ‘Point Onion.’ (Srraso, xiv. c. 6, p. 245.) The distance therefore between it and Salamis (see note 311, above) cannot have been great. 112 in which the Phenician fleet is beaten by the Ionian, and the Per- sian general slain by Oneailus ; 113 but the treachery of Stesanor of Curtum turns the scale, and the Persian army ie vic- torious. 114 80 HERODOTUS σεσθαι ἐναντίον." Ταῦτα εἶπε, καὶ μεταυτίκα συνέμισγε τὰ νηυσὶ μέν νυν Ἴωνες, ἄκροι Και στρατόπεδα πεζῇ καὶ νηυσί", γενόμενοι ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην, ὑπερεβάλοντο τοὺς Φοίνικας" τούτων Σάμιοι ἠρίστευσαν' πεζῇ δὲ, ὡς συνῆλθε τὰ στρατόπεδα, συμπεσόντα ἐμάχοντο. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀμφοτέρους τάδε éyivero’ ὡς προσεφέρετο πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ονήσιλον ὁ ᾿Αρτύβιος ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππον κατήμενος, ὁ ᾿Ονήσιλος κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο “5 τῷ ὑπασπιστῇ παίει προσφερόμενον αὐτὸν τὸν ᾿Αρτύβιον' ἐπειβαλόν- τος δὲ τοῦ ἵππου τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ονησίλου ἀσπίδα, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κὰρ δρεπάνῳ πλήξας ἀπαράσσει τοῦ ἵππον τοὺς πόδας. ᾿Αρτύ- βιος μὲν δὴ ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Περσέων ὁμοῦ τῷ ἵππῳ πίπτει αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ. Mayopuévwy δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, Σ᾽ τησήνωρ, τύραννος ἐὼν Κουρίου""Ἷ, προδιδοῖ ἔχων δύναμιν ἀνδρῶν περὶ ἑωντὸν οὐ σμεκρήν" (οἱ δὲ Κουριέες οὗτοι λέγονται εἶναι ᾿Αργείων ἄποικοι") προδόντων δὲ τῶν Κουριέων, αὐτίκα καὶ τὰ Σαλαμινίων πολεμιστήρια ἅρματα τὠντὸ τοῖσι Κουριεῦσι ἐποίεε" γινομένων δὲ τούτῳν, κατυπέρτεροι ἦσαν οἱ Πέρσαι τῶν Κυπρίων. τετραμμένου δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, ἄλλοι τε ἔπεσον πολλοὶ καὶ δὴ καὶ ᾿οθνήσιλός τε ὁ Χέρσιος, ὅσπερ τὴν Κυπρίων ἀπόστασιν ἔπρηξε, καὶ ὁ Σολίων βασιλεὺς "Ape στόκυπρος ὁ Φιλοκύπρου, (Φιλοκύπρου δὲ τούτου, τὸν Σόλων ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἀπικόμενος ἐς Κύπρον ἐν ἔπεσε αἴνεσε τυράννων μά- Mota.) ᾿Ονησίλου μέν νυν ᾿Αμαθούσιοι "", ὅτι σφέας ἐπολιόρκησε, 815 πε(ῇ καὶ νηυσί. Although the Phoe- nician fleet had to sail round the eastern- most point of Cyprus, and then a consi- derable distance along the s.&. coast of the island before reaching Salamis, the engagement of the land and sea forces is described as simultaneous. But from the narrowness of the island in this part (see note 311, above), it would be very easy to gain a point from which the arrival of the fleet of Salamis could be signaled to the Persian commander at or near Aphrodi- sium, and he would time his movements so as to produce a combined operation. By this he doubtless expected so fully to employ the Cyprian troops as to relieve Amathus, and enable the Amathusians to come out in force and menace the rear of Onesilus. 816 κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο. on iv. 76. 317 χύραννος ἐὼν Kovplov. The terri- See note 211 tory of Curium was conterminous to that of Amathus. (StTraso, xiv. c. 6. 243.) From this circumstance, and those pointed out in the note 315, one may infer that the plan of Onesilus was to keep Amathus in check by means of the Curian contin- gent, and to stop the Phoenician fleet by means of the Ionian, while he himself fought a pitched battle with the Persian army advancing from the north of the island. This plan was defeated by the treachery of Stesanor, who, instead of ful- filling his engagement, appears to have combined his forces with those of the Amathusians (see next note), and attacked Onesilus in the rear. 318 ᾿Αμαθούσιοι. The mention of Ama- thusians on the field of battle seems to indicate that in some way or other the siege of their town had been raised. See the last note. TERPSICHORE. V. 112—118. 81 ἀποταμόντες τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκόμεσαν ἐς ᾿Αμαθοῦντα, καί psy ἀνεκρέ- The Ama- μασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν πυλέων: κρεμαμένης δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ ἤδη fara ἐούσης κοίλης, ἐσμὸς μελισσέων ἐσδὺς ἐς αὐτὴν, κηρίων μὲν ἐν- ot τς ἔπλησε: τούτου δὲ γενομένου τοιούτου, ἐχρέωντο γὰρ epi αὐτῆς οἱ but αἴιοτ- ᾿Αμαθούσιοει, ἐμαντεύθη σφι τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν xatedovras θάψαι, μὐράρα φὸς δ ᾿Ονησέλῳ δὲ θύειν ὡς ἥρωϊ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος" καί σφι ποιεῦσι ταῦτα by oa ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. ᾿Αμαθούσιοι μέν νυν ἐποίευν ταῦτα καὶ τὸ Bim * μέχρε ἐμεῦ. “Iwves δὲ οἱ ἐν Κύπρῳ ναυμαχήσαντες, ἐπεί τε ἔμαθον 115 τὰ πρήγματα τὰ ᾿Ονησίλονυ διεφθαρμένα καὶ τὰς πόλιας τῶν The Tonians return to Κυπρίων πολιορκευμένας τὰς ἄλλας πλὴν Σαλαμῖνος, ταύτην δὲ their own cities, and Γόργῳ τῷ προτέρῳ βασιλέϊ τοὺς Σαλαμινίους παραδόντας, αὐτίκα the cheer μαθόντες ot Ἴωνες ταῦτα ἀπέπλωον ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην. τῶν δὲ ἐν pms. ᾿ Κύπρῳ πολίων ἀντέσχε χρόνον ἐπὶ γτλεῖστον πολιορκευμένη Zoro τὴν πέριξ ὑπορύσσοντες τὸ τεῖχος ᾿ πέμπτῳ μηνὶ εἷλον οἱ Πέρσαι. Κύπριοι μὲν δὴ “3, ἐνιαυτὸν ἐλεύθεροι γενόμενοι, αὗτις ἐκ νέης 116 κατεδεδούλωντο. Δαυρίσης δὲ ἔχων Δαρείου θυγατέρα, καὶ Ὕμέης 1.5 Per sian arm τε καὶ Ordvns καὶ ἄλλοι Πέρσαι otparnyoi™ ὄχοντες καὶ οὗτοι in threo Δαρείου θυγατέρας, ἐπιδιώξαντες τοὺς ἐν Σ᾿ ἄρδισι στρατευσαμένους Greek 188 Ἰώνων, καὶ ἐσαράξαντές σφεας ἐς τὰς νέας τῇ μάχῃ ὡς ἐπεκράτη.- “ities. σαν, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐπιδιελόμενοι τὰς πόλις ἐπόρθεον. Δαυρίσης μὲν 117 τραπόμενος πρὸς τὰς ἐν ᾿Ελλησπόντῳ πόλιες, εἷλε μὲν Δάρδανον, rons εἷλε δὲ "Δβυδόν τε καὶ Περκώτην καὶ Λάμψακον καὶ Παισόν' Hellespont ταύτας μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρης ἑκάστης aipee ἀπὸ δὲ Παισοῦ ἐλαύνοντί pelted a of ἐπὶ Πάριον πόλεν ἦλθε ἀγγελίη, τοὺς Kapas*” τὠυτὸ "Ιωσι more in φρονήσαντας ἀπεστάναι ἀπὸ Περσέων: ἀποστρέψας ὧν ἐκ τοῦ Put down a “Ελλησπόντου ἤλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Καρίην. Καί κως 118 819 πέριξ ὑπορύσσογτες τὸ τεῖχος. Bee note 512 on iv. 200. 329 Κύπριοι μὲν δῆ. The thread of the narrative is resumed from § 103. $21 ἄλλοι Πέρσαι στρατηγοί. These different officers, all of them sons-in-law of Darius, must be conceived of as holding subordinate rank to his brother Artapher- nes. Otanes may perhaps be the same person who is mentioned as the στρατη- yos τῶν παραθαλασσίων ἀνδρῶν (v. 25). As the husbands of different daughters, VOL. I. they were unlikely to combine together against their father, and orajened head haps operated as a check upon eaala” (See note 65, above.) Indeed it is possible that two of them may have been husbands of daughters borne by Darius’s firet wife, the daughter of Go- bryas. (See vii. 2.) It is very plain how- ever (from § 123) that the three here named were superior in rank to the rest of the Persian generals. 322 robs Κᾶρας. See § 103, above. M movement in Caria, 119 The Cari- ans are beaten on the bank of the Mar- 82 HERODOTUS ἢ τὸν Aavpiony ἀπικέσθαι: πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ Κᾶρες, συνελέγοντο ἐπὶ Aevxds τε Στήλας καλεομένας καὶ ποταμὸν Μαρσύην' ὃς ῥέων ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ι1δρι- ddos χώρης ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ συλλεχθέντων δὲ τῶν Καρῶν ἐνθαῦτα, ἐγίνοντο βουλαὶ ἄλλαι τε πολλαὶ καὶ ἀρίστη γε δοκέουσα εἶναι ἐμοὶ Πιξωδάρου τοῦ Μαυσώλου, ἀνδρὸς Κινδυέος *, ὃς τοῦ Κιλίκων βασιλέος Συεννέσιος εἶχε θυγατέρα *** τούτου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡ γνώμη ἔφερε, διαβάντας τὸν Μαίανδρον τοὺς Κᾶρας καὶ κατὰ νώτου ἔχοντας τὸν ποταμὸν οὕτω συμβάλλειν, ἵνα μὴ ἔχοντες ὀπίσω φεύγειν οἱ Κᾶρες αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἀνωγκαζόμενοι γενοίατο ἔτει ἀμείνονες τῆς φύσιος. αὕτη μέν νυν οὐκ ἐνίκα ἡ γνώμη, ἀλλὰ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι κατὰ νώτου γίνεσθαι τὸν Μαίανδρον μᾶλλον ἢ σφίσι: δηλαδὴ, ἣν φυγὴ τῶν Περσέων γένηται καὶ ἑσσωθέωσι τῇ συμβολῇ, ὡς οὐκ ἀπονοστήσουσι ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐσπίπτοντες. Mera. δὲ, παρεόντων καὶ διαβάντων τὸν Μαίανδρον τῶν Περσέων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐπὶ τῷ Μαρσύῃ ποταμῷ "5 συνέβαλόν τε τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι οἱ Κᾶρες, καὶ μάχην ἐμαχέσαντο ἰσχυρὴν καὶ ἐπὶ χρόνον πολλόν" τέλος δὲ ἑσσώθησαν διὰ πλῆθος. Περσέων μὲν δὴ ἔπεσον ἄνδρες ταῦτα τοῖσι Καρσὶ ἐξαγγέλθη πρότερον πρὶν 828 πρότερον πρίν. Several of the MSS omit πρὶν, which undoubtedly is not re- quired. But in vii. 8 all without exception have οὐ πρότερον παύσομαι πρὶν ἣ ἕλω. 8 PoLYBIUS (xvi. 12) speaks οὗ a statue of Artemis Κινδυὰς, (which was not far from Carysanda, according to STRABO, xiv. c. 2, p. 203), that although in the open air, never had either snow or rain fall upon it. The inhabitants of the neigh- bouring town Jasus believed exactly the same of their statue of Hestia. Strabo says that there once was a place called Κινδύη, but neither he nor Polybius speak of it as existing. Possibly the original is @ mere sanctuary of the goddess whose native name was Κινδυὰς, an Enyo, or Bellona, or Amazon. The advice of Pix- odarus is quite in accordance with the worshipper of a war goddess. Kaydaios is a war god (see note 9 on v. 3), and Candaules a Lydian deity, identified sometimes with Heracles, sometimes with Hermes (HEsycuivs, sud v.). 324 ὃς τοῦ Κιλίκων βασιλέος Συεννέσιος εἶχε θυγατέρα. It seems not improbable that the word Syennesis really denotes some title of honour assumed by the Cilician chiefs, and (like Battus) is not strictly speaking a proper name. Hero- dotus here represents the son-in-law of a Syennesis as taking part with the Carians against Darius, while ZscHyivus (Perse, 326) mentions a Syennesis as among the distinguished warriors on the Persian side slain at Marathon. He is described as Κιλίκων ἄπαρχοΞς. Another Syennesis (a Cilician), together with Labynetus the Babylonian, mediates a peace between the Lydian and Median monarchs in the year 610 8.0. (i. 74.) And a third, the son of Oromedon, commands a Cilician galley in the expedition of Xerxes (vii. 98 325 ἐπὶ τῷ Μαρσύῃ ποταμῷ. This river is not to be confounded with that which issued from a grotto at Celene, and fell almost immediately afterwards into the upper Meander. That one, which is called Marsyas by XENoPHON, Herodotus designates by the name Cataract. See the notes on vii. 26, below. The Mar- syas of the text is one of the streams from the south of Caria which fall into the lower Meeander. TERPSICHORE. V. 119—121. 83 ἐς δισχελίους, Καρῶν δὲ és μυρίους" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οἱ διαφυγόντες yas, but 2- ᾽ “ι , 4 325. 3 ‘ ’ εν 997 rally in the αὐτῶν κατειλήθησαν ἐς Λάβρανδα 3, és Διὸς Στρατίου ἱρὸν “27, sacred wood , ᾿ A Ξ e a of Zeus μέγα τε καὶ ἅγιον ἄλσος πλατανίστων. μοῦνοι δὲ, τῶν ἡμεῖς Stratius. ἴδμεν, Kapés εἰσι of Act Στρατίῳ θυσίας ἀνάγουσι. κατειληθέντες ὧν οὗτοι ἐνθαῦτα ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ σωτηρίης, ὁκότερα, ἢ παρα- δόντες σφέας αὐτοὺς Πέρσῃσε ἢ ἐκλιπόντες τὸ παράπαν τὴν ᾿Ασίην, ἄμεινον πρήξουσι. Βουλενομένοισε δέ σφι ταῦτα παρα- 120 γίνονταε βοηθέοντες Μιλήσιοίέ τε καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι αὐτῶν' Πρ ἐνθαῦτα δὲ τὰ μὲν πρότερον οἱ Κᾶρες ἐβουλεύοντο μετῆκαν, οἱ δὲ them, and. αὖτις πολεμεῖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀρτέοντο" καὶ ἐπιοῦσί τε τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι tattle the συμβάλλουσι, καὶ μαχεσάμενοι ἐπὶ πλεῦν "" ἢ πρότερον ἑσσώθη- vision gains σαν" πεσόντων δὲ τῶν πάντων πολλῶν, Μιλήσιοε μάλιστα victory, ἐπλήγησαν. Μετὰ δὲ, τοῦτο τὸ τρῶμα ἀνέλαβόν τε καὶ ἀνεμα- 19] χέσαντο οἱ Κᾶρες" πυθόμενοι γὰρ ὡς στρατεύεσθαι ὁρμέαταε οἱ κα ταν Πέρσαι ἐπὶ τὰς πόλις σφέων, ἔλόχησαν τὴν ἐν Πηδάσῳ "" ὁδόν" Ct οἵ ἐς τὴν ἐμπεσόντες οἱ Πέρσαι νυκτὸς διεφθάρησαν καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ Bic near 326 ἧς Λάβρανδα. Several MSS, in- which separated Alabanda from Mylasa. A made-road ran from the latter town to cluding S and V, have Λάβρυνδα, and one (M) Λάβραυνδα, which is the form given by the Oxford marble. 327 Διὸς Στρατίου ἱρόν. The image of Zeus here was represented holding not a sceptre, or a thunderbolt, but a double- headed axe, a symbol identical with the Amazonian hatchet, and probably also with the Aammer of the Scandinavian Thor. PiurarcH (Questiones Grece, § 45) gives the following legend account- ing for this. When Heracles slew the Amazon Hippolyta, he took away her hatchet as a trophy and presented it to Omphale. From her time the kings of the Lydians themselves bore it until the time of Candaules. He, disdaining the ensign, committed it to a companion to carry. When Gyges revolted from him, one Arselis, a Carian from Mylasa, was his ally, and succeeded in destroying both Candaules and his friend. After this ex- ploit he carried the axe among other spoils back to Caria, and making an image of Zeus, put the axe into its hands, and called the deity Labradeus, from the cir- cumstance that λάβρα was the Lydian word for an axe. This deity is an entirely different one from the Ζεὺς Kdpios of i. 171, where see the note 577. Labranda was a village situated on the mountain the temple, which was sixty efades off, and sacred processions used to take place along it, the principal Mylasians being priests of the deity. In the town of My- lasa itself there was another temple of Zeus under the local name of Osogos, the worship in which was confined to the Mylasians. That of Ladrandeus seems to have been common to the Mylasians and the rural population, while again that of Ogos, the Ζεὺς Kdpios of i. 171 and Pausanias (viii. 10. 4), was shared in by Lydians and Mysians as well. (Srrapo, xiv. c. 2, p- 204.) 328 πλεῦν. Gaisford adopts this form on the authority of the two manuscripts 8S and V, but the rest have πλέον, which is the form generally used in Herodo- tas 819 τῶν πάντων, i.e. τῶν συμμάχω». 330 ἐν Πηδάσῳφ. The MSS vary be- tween ἐν Πιδάσῳ, ἐμπιδάσῳ, ἐπὶ δάσῳ, ἐπὶ δαύσψ, and ἐπὶ λασοῖσιν (which last is the reading of 8 and Valcknaer’s conjecture ἐν Πηδασεῦσι Is a very plau- sible one; but the reading adopted by Gaisford was found by Srrazo in the text. If therefore a corruption (which is not improbable), it is a very ancient one. M 2 84 HERODOTUS στρατηγοὶ αὐτῶν, Aavpions καὶ ᾿Αμόργης καὶ Jrotpaens™' σὺν δέ σφι ἀπέθανε καὶ Μύρσος ὁ Γύγεω ". τοῦ δὲ λόχου τούτου διγεμὼν ἣν Ηρακλείδης ᾿Ιβανώλιος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεύς 5. οὗτοι μέν νυν τῶν Περσέων οὕτω διεφθάρησαν. 1292 ῬὝὙμέης δὲ, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐὼν τῶν ἐπιδιωξάντων τοὺς ἐς Σάρδις se rig στρατευσαμένους ᾿Ιώνων, τραπόμενος ἐς τὴν Προποντίδα εἷλε hie ἊΣ “Κῖον τὴν Μυσίην. ταύτην δὲ ἐξελὼν, ὡς ἐπύθετο τὸν ᾿Ελλήσπον- eign tie Tov ἐκλελοιπέναι Δαυρίσην καὶ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Kapins, καταλε- nt, and ‘ 3 Ἁ ς “ φ XN la N one τῶν τὴν Προποντίδα ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἦγε τὸν στρατόν" καὶ εἷλε μὲν Αἰολέας πάντας ὅσοι τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα " νέμονται, εἷλε δὲ Γέργιθας τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων Τευκρῶν ἦ“- αὐτός τε Ὑμέης αἱρέων ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνεα νούσῳ τελευτᾷ ἐν τῇ Τρῳάδι. 129 Οὗτος μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἐτελεύτησε' ᾿Αρταφέρνης δὲ ὁ Σαρδίων ὕπαρ- pa ορδόρκί χος καὶ ᾿Οτάνης ὁ τρίτος στρατηγὸς ᾿“, ἐτάχθησαν" ἐπὶ τὴν 331 ᾿Αμόργης καὶ Σισιμάκης. The ma- nuscripts ὃ and V have ᾿Αρμόγης καὶ Συσαμάγκης-. 382 Μύρσος ὃ Τύγεων The individual here spoken of is probably the agent of Orcetes in his treachery against Poly- crates ; and perhaps owes his mention in this place to the evil notoriety which he acquired by connexion with the story of that remarkable prince. See iii. 122. Some MSS have the form Μύρσης instead of Mépoos. $33 Μυλασεύς. The MSS have Μυλασ- oevs, which Gaisford follows. But Μυ- λασὰ is unquestionably the true form of the town, and therefore both here and above (§ 37) I have adopted the ethnic Μυλασεύς. 884 hy Ἰλιάδα. Valcknaer’s conjec- ture, γῆν Ἰλιάδα, has great plausibility ; for ἡ Ἰλιὰς can scarcely mean any thing else than ἡ Tpyds, which immediately follows. 333 robs ὑπολειφθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων Τευκρῶν. See note on vii. 20. 236 ὁ τρίτος στρατηγὺς, i.e. with two others (Hymeas and Daurises), in co- ordinate rank with himself. See note $21 on § 116. 337 ἀγάχθησαν. This word is appropriate to the case of orders received from a higher quarter. It is not impossible that Darius sent a sketch of the plan of operations which he desired to have followed out. It was quite in accordance with a system of centralization that the satrap of Sardis, even if formally the military superior of the generals commanding the troops in Asia, should not be selected for his military talents, and therefore might prove unfit on & great emergency for directing extensive combinations ; and here we see him acting under special instructions, co-ordinately with an officer who usually must have been hisinferior. (See notes 79 and 321, above.) Such a state of things offers a curious parallel to the conduct of Napoleon twenty- three centuries later, directing the opera- tions of his generals in Spain (among whom was his own brother, ἐπιτροπαίην λαβὼν τὴν βασίλειαν) from his own camp at Moscow. The great importance attached to the command of the Hellespont shows itself in the proceedings of the Persian generals, The towns captured so rapidly by Daurises (§ 117) all lie, one after the other, along the Asiatic shore of the strait, while Hymeas, moving apparently from Dascyleum upon Cius, no sooner finds that the division which had occupied the Hellespontine towns is withdrawn in order to crush the Carian revolt, than he at once puts himself by a retrograde move- ment in a position to supply their place (8 120). It is plain that the Carian movement must have been a very danger- ous one, otherwise troops would not have been marched from such a distance as the Hellespont to put it down. Another cir- cumstance worthy of remark is, that no Persian troops seem to have been directed upon any place between Dardanus on the north and Cusa on the south, although in the interval lies Lesbos, which contri- TERPSICHORE. V. 122—126. 85 ἸΙωνίην καὶ τὴν προσεχέα Αἰολίδα στρατεύεσθαι. Κλαζομενὰς αἱρέουσι, Αἰολέων δὲ Κύμην. “Αλισκομενέων δὲ τῶν πολέων, ἦν γὰρ δὴ, as διέδεξε, ᾿Αριστα- 124 γόρης ὁ Μιλήσιος ψυχὴν οὐκ ἄκρος, ὃς ταράξας τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην καὶ Atistegoras ἐγκερασάμενος πρήγματα μεγάλα δρησμὸν ἐβούλευε, ὁρέων ταῦτα" 8° and πρὸς δέ οἱ καὶ ἀδύνατα ἐφάνη βασιλέα “Δαρεῖον ὑπερβαλέσθαι" sbendon ᾿ πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ ὧν συγκαλέσας τοὺς συστασιώτας ἐβουλεύετο, ξο pe citer λέγων ws ἄμεινόν σφι εἴη κρησφύγετόν τι ὑπάρχον εἶναι, ἣν dpa or li do ἐξωθέωνται ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου: εἴτε δὴ ὧν ἐς Σαρδὼ ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τούτου ἄγοι ἐς ἀποικίην, εἴτε ἐς Μύρκινον τὴν ᾿Ηδω- νῶν τὴν ‘Iortaios ἐτείχεε "" παρὰ Δαρείου δωρεὴν λαβών "" ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης" ‘Exaraiov™ μέν νυν τοῦ ‘Hyn- 125 σάνδρου, ἀνδρὸς λογοποιοῦ, τουτέων μὲν ἐς οὐδετέρην στέλλειν epee ae ἔφερε ἡ γνώμη, ἐν Λέρῳ δὲ τῇ νήσῳ τεῖχος οἰκοδομησάμενον pa re. ἡσυχίην ἄγειν, ἣν ἐκπέσῃ ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτον' ἔπειτα δὲ ἐκ ταύτης ὁρμεώμενον κατέλεύσεσθαι ἐς τὴν Μίλητον. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ‘Exa- ταῖος συνεβούλευε. Αὐτῷ δὲ "Apsorayopn ἡ πλείστη γνώμη ἦν 126 ἐς τὴν Μύρκινον ἀπάγειν. τὴν μὲν δὴ Μίλητον ἐπιτρέπει Πνθα- i τεϊφοιο, γόρῃ, ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἀστῶν δοκίμῳ “3 αὐτὸς δὲ παραλαβὼν πάντα ν Myre τὸν βουλόμενον ἔπλεε ἐς τὴν Θρηΐκην, καὶ ἔσχε τὴν χώρην ἐπ᾽ Dus, where ἣν ἐστάλη. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ὁρμεώμενος ἀπόλλυται ὑπὸ Θρηΐκων ed. αὐτός τε 6 ᾿Αρισταγόρης καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, πόλιν περικατ- ήμενος, καὶ βουλομένων τῶν Θρηΐκων ὑποσπόνδων ἐξιέναι. ᾿Ιωνίης μέν νυν stack Tonia. 341 ‘Exarafov. See note 85, above. It is rather curious that having mentioned buted no less than seventy to the allied fleet (vi. 8). But it will be ob- served that the Lesbians were the first to follow the example of the treacherous Samians (vi. 14). Perhaps therefore Da- rius felt all along secure of the Aolian interest, even when matters looked worst. (See notes 476 and 593 on Book i.) 338 etre δὴ ὧν ἐς Σαρδώ. See note 565 on i. 170. 339 drefyee. The more common ex- pression would be ἐτείχιζε, and S and V have the variation ἐτείχισε. But the form τειχέονστος appears in § 23. 340 γὴν Ἱστιαῖος érelxee παρὰ Aapelov δωρεὴν λαβών. Bee §§ 1]. 23. Hecateeus more than once in a way to show his notoriety, Herodotus should here describe him as he might have done had he been naming him for the first time. See the note 566 on i. 170. It is not impessible that in this brief summary of the Ionian war he has the written work of Hellanicus before him. 342 ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἀστῶν δοκίμῳ. Nearly the same phrase is applied to Telesarchus, the individual whose violence thwarted Meeandrius in his desire to establish a more liberal government at Samos. See note 396 on iii. 143, and on vi. 5. ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩ͂Ν ‘HPOAOTOT Ε΄. ἩΡΟΔΟΤΟΥ ᾿ ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩΝ ‘EKTH. ἘΡΑΤΩ. 1 "APISTATOPHS μέν νυν ᾿Ιωνίην ἀποστήσας, οὕτω τελευτᾷ. Histiwas “Ἱστιαῖος δὲ ὁ Μιλήτου τύραννος μεμετιμένος ' ὑπὸ Δαρείου παρῆν Sardis, ἐς Σάρδις. ἀπυγμένον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν Σούσων εἴρετο ᾿Αρταφέρνης ὁ Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος, κατὰ κοῖόν τι δοκέοι Ἴωνας ἀπεστάναι ; 6 δὲ οὔτε εἰδέναι ἔφη ἐθώμαξέ τε τὸ γεγονὸς, ὡς οὐδὲν δῆθεν τῶν Tapeiv- and finding τῶν πρηγμάτων ἐπιστάμενος" ὁ δὲ ‘Apragipyys coe αὐτὸν τεχνά- ren ἼΩΝ Covra, εἶπε, εἰδὼς τὴν ἀτρεκίην τῆς ἀποστάσιος" “ οὕτω τοι, Ἱστιαῖε, ΠΣ ὄχει κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ πρήγματα" τοῦτο τὸ ὑπόδημα ἔρραψας μὲν σὺ, Q ὑπεδήσατο δὲ ᾿Αριστωγόρης ᾿." ᾿Αρταφέρνης μὲν ταῦτα ἐς τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἔχοντα εἶπε' ἹΙστιαῖος δὲ δείσας ὡς συνιέντα ᾿Αρτα- φέρνεα, ὑπὸ τὴν πρώτην ἐπελθοῦσαν νύκτα ἀπέδρη ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, flies to βασιλέα Δαρεῖον ἐξηπατηκώς: ὃς Σαρδὼ νῆσον τὴν μεγίστην" ae i. ὑποδεξάμενος κατεργάσασθαι, ὑπέδυνε τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τὴν ἡγεμονίην τοροῖνοὰ τοῦ πρὸς Δαρεῖον πολέμου. διαβὰς δὲ ἐς Χίον ἐδέθη ὑπὸ Χίων, ceeds in 0 4 \ 2A , 7 , ἐς ε ι, justifying KATHYVOOCUELS TTPOS αὐτῶν VEWT €pa Τρῆσ. σειν πρηγματα εῶὠύυύτους imelf = ἐς Δαρείου “ μαθόντες μέντοι οἱ Χῖοι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ὡς πολέ- 1 μεμετιμένος. See note 309 on v. mouth of Cleon the words: οἶδ᾽ ἐγὼ ΐ : τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦθ᾽ ὅθεν πάλαι καττύεται 3 τοῦτο τὸ ὑπόδημα ἔρραψας, «.7.A. (Equit. 314). This saying seems very early to have νῆσον Thy μεγίστην. See note 307 | passed into a proverb. It must havedone on v. 106. so at the time AgisTOPHANEs put into 4ἍὍ νεώτερα πρήσσειν πρήγματα ἐς ἕωυ- ERATO. VI. 1—4. 87 μίος εἴη βασιλέϊ, ἔλυσαν αὐτόν. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ " eipwredpevos ὑπὸ 3 τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ὁ Ἱστιαῖος, κατ᾽ ὅ τι προθύμως οὕτω ἐπέστειλε τῷ doth to the ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ βασιλέος, καὶ κακὸν τοσοῦτον εἴη Yonians. Ἴωνας ἐξεργασμένος ; τὴν μὲν γενομένην αὐτοῖσι αἰτίην οὐ μάλα ἐξέφαινε, ὁ δὲ ἔλογέ σφι, ὡς βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος ἐβουλεύσατο Φοίνι- κας μὲν ἐξαναστήσας ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιωνίῃ κατοικίσαι, Ἴωνας δὲ ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ καὶ τούτων εἵνεκα ἐπιστείλειε' οὐδέν TL πάντως ταῦτα βασιλέος βουλευσαμένου. ἐδειμάτου τοὺς Ἴωνας ". Mera δὲ, ὁ ἹΙστιαῖος δι’ ἀγγέλου ποιεύμενος ᾿Ερμίππου, ἀνδρὸς 4 ᾿Αταρνεΐτεω, τοῖσε ἐν Σάρδισι ἐοῦσι Περσέων ἔπεμπε βυβλία, ὡς cee προλελεσχηνευμένων αὐτῷ ᾽" ἀποστάσιος πέρι. ὁ δὲ “Ερμιππος epiacy a πρὸς τοὺς μὲν ἀπεπέμφθη οὐ διδοῖ, φέρων δὲ ἐνεχείρισε τὰ βυβλία wry eat ᾿Αρταφέρνεϊ: ὁ δὲ μαθὼν ἅπαν τὸ γινόμενον, ἐκέλευε τὸν “Ἑρμεπ- *8,tscover- πον τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ [Ἱστιαίου δοῦναι φέροντα τοῖσί περ ἔφερε, τὰ Hed. δὲ ἀμοιβαῖα τὰ παρὰ τῶν Περσέων ἀντιπεμπόμενα “Ἱστιαίῳ ἑωυτῷ δοῦναι. τούτων δὲ γενομένων φανερῶν, ἀπέκτεινε ἐνθαῦτα τοὺς ἐκ Aapelov. Chios was apparently, sible defence; but then the objection even if inferior in resources to Miletus, — which the number of ships furnished by it (§ 8) renders doubtful,—at any rate sufficiently powerful to avoid being sub- jected to it by an unequal alliance. The dynast of Chios, Strattis, was an imme- diate vassal of the Persian crown at the time of the Scythian expedition. (See the note 354 on iv. 137.) It seems far from unlikely that Histiszeus had been in- triguing with Darius for the purpose of getting Chios put upon the same footing on which it would appear the majority of the Ionian cities at that time were, i.e. in immediate subjection to himself, he receiving the whole as a grant from the Persian king. (See the note above cited.) Histiseus, in this case, would be able to clear himself by pleading that his pro- ceeding was one step in the scheme by which he hoped to render the whole of Ionia independent of Persia; that his in- trigue was directed not against Chios, but against Strattis, the nominee of Darius; —a proof of which would be that when the revolt broke out, in pursuance of his instructions, all the dynasts were seized and delivered up to their respective com- patriots (v. 37). This would be a plau- would occur, ‘why so precipitately (xpo- θύμως οὕτω) send orders exactly when the pecuniary resources of Miletus were ex- hausted?’ (See v. 34. 36.) It would not do to declare the truth, that the failure of the expedition against Naxos threatened in its consequences to deprive Aristagoras of his position (see vi. 35). Accordingly Histiseus with ready wit ex- temporised a project for Darius, quite in keeping with the ordinary proceedings of oriental sovereigns. (See 2 Kings xvii. 24; xviii. 31, 32; and the case of the Peeonians, v. 14.) 5 ἐνθαῦτα 8h. These words imply that the question put by the Ionians arose out of the defence which Histizus made for himself to the Chians. See the last note. 8 δδειμάτον τοὺς Ἵωνας. Some of the MSS have ἐδειμᾶτο or ἐδείματο, and one (F) has’EAAnvas. The clause appears to me an interpolated marginal note explain- ing the effects of Histiseus’s statement upon his audience. 7 ὡς προλελεσχηνευμένων αὑτῷ, ‘as if y had in former days chatted with him.”’ See the note 513 on i. 153, and that on ix. 71. 5 The Mile- - sians refuse to receive him, and he commences 8 partisan warfare, ca) turin the Pontine mex Meg sels b aid o ity 88 HERODOTUS πολλοὺς Περσέων ὁ ᾿Αρταφέρνης. περὶ Σάρδις μὲν δὴ ἀγίνετο ταραχή. Ἵστιαῖον δὲ ταύτης ἀποσφαλέντα τῆς ἐλπίδος Χῖοι κατῆγον ἐς Μίλητον, αὐτοῦ ᾿Ἰστιαίου δεηθέντος. οἱ δὲ Μιλήσιοι ἄσμενοι ἀπαλλαχθέντες καὶ ᾿Αρισταγόρεω, οὐδαμῶς πρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἄλλον τύραννον δέκεσθαι" ἐς τὴν χώρην, οἷά τε ἐλευθερίης γευσάμενοι. cap- καὶ δὴ, νυκτὸς γὰρ ἐούσης βίῃ ἐπειρᾶτο κατιὼν ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, τιτρώσκετας τὸν μηρὸν ὕπό τευ τῶν Μιλησίων. ὁ μὲν δὴ ὡς ἀπωστὸς τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γίνεται, ἀπικνέεται ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν ΣΧ ον’ Mytilene- ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ, οὐ γὰρ ἔπειθε τοὺς Χίους " ὥστε εὐντῷ δοῦναι νέας, διέβη ἐς Μυτιλήνην * καὶ ἔπεισε Λεσβίους δοῦναί οἱ νέας. οὗ δὲ πληρώσαντες ὀκτὼ τριήρεας ἔπλεον ἅμα ‘Iotiaip ἐς Βυζάντιον" ἐνθαῦτα δὲ ἱζόμενοι, τὰς ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἐκπλωούσας τῶν νεῶν ἐλάμβανον * “πείθεσθαι ᾿2 © οὐδαμῶς πρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἄλλον τύρα»- μὸν δέκεσθαι. From this expression it would appear that Pythagoras, who held the most prominent position in Miletus on uently to the departure of Arista- seas αι 126), was by no means a retainer of the dynasty of Histiszeus. Probably, in deference to the circumstances of the time, he was selected from the number of the commercial aristocracy, whose houses had been thrown into obscurity by the peculiar splendour of the family of His- tieeus, elevated through its connexion with Persia. See note 396 on iii. 143, and 409 on iii. 148. 9 ob γὰρ ἔπειθε τοὺς Χίους. See note 17, below. 10 διέβη és Μυτιλήνην. The feeling against Darius was probably much stronger here than in the Ionian states. Coés was the only one of the dynasts seized upon by Aristagoras, who was put to death by his emancipated subjects (v. 38). In the affair of Cyprus too, the Ionians were obviously unwilling to be brought into personal collision with the Persians, al- though glad of any opportunity of crip- pling the naval power of their commercial rivals the Phoenicians (v. 109). 11 gas ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἐκπλωούσας τῶν νεῶν ἐλάμβανον. This was not so petty a warfare as it appears at first sight. By- zantium entirely commanded the Pontine traffic; and therefore the trade of all the 1 πλὴν ἢ ὅσοι αὐτῶν ᾿Ιστιαίῳ ἔφασαν ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι Milesian colonies in the Euxine (see note 64 on i. 17) was at Histiseus’s mercy. He would prevent them from taking their car- goes either to Miletus or to any port on the main which was in the possession of the Persians, and thus cripple their reve- nue. Besides this a more direct injury would be inflicted upon the enemy’s army. For the commissariat of the large bodies of troops maintained by them in Asia, doubtless the corn grown in the valley of the Borysthenes and shipped at the Mile- sian ports Olbia and Odessus was resorted to. The only other corn country available was Egypt, and independently of the re- sources of that country having beencrippled by Cambyses, and required for the purpose of maintaining the standing army there, the expense of transport would be great. And it was the belief of the ancients (AnisToTLE, Prod. xiv. 2, p. 909, A), that the grain grown in northern countries kept far bet- id than any other, and consequently was darted for military magazines. His. rod ean ie therefore expect to starve out the garrisons at Doriscus and Dascyleum, or at any rate to make supplies so difficult as to prevent any considerable army from operating together for a length of time. Besides all this a great part of Hellas was at this time mainly dependent upon the Euxine trade for supplying the bulk of the population with their only articles of food, bread and salt fish (ὄψον). (See vii. 147.) ERATO. VI. 5—8. 89 ἐπὶ δὲ 6 Proceedings of the Ionian Ἱστιαῖος μέν νυν καὶ Μυτιληναῖοι ἐποίευν ταῦτα" Μίλητον αὐτὴν ναυτικὸς πολλὸς καὶ πεζὸς ἦν oTparos προσδόκι- μος. συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ oipsmryo. τῶν Περσέων, καὶ ἕν ποιή- confederates σαντες στρατόπεδον, ἤλαυνον ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον, τὰ ἄλλα πολίσ- time. ματα περὶ ἐλάσσονος ποιησάμενοι" τοῦ δὲ ναυτικοῦ Φοίνικες μὲν ἧσαν “ππροθυμότατοι .ἧ- συνεστρατεύοντο δὲ καὶ Κύπριοι νεωστὶ κατεστραμμένοι, καὶ Κίλικές " τε καὶ Αὐγύπτιοι. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Ιωνίην ἐστράτευον 1. “Iwves δὲ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, ἔπεμπον προβούλους σφέων αὐτῶν ἐς Πανιώ- νιον ᾽“- ἀπικομένοισι δὲ τούτοισι ἐς τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον καὶ βου- λευνομένοισε ἔδοξε πεζὸν μὲν στρατὸν μὴ συλλέγειν ἀντίξοον Πέρ- σῃσι, ἀλλὰ τὰ τείχεα ῥύεσθαι αὐτοὺς Μιλησίους "Ἴ τὸ δὲ ναυτικὸν πληροῦν ὑπολειπομένους μηδεμέαν τῶν νεῶν' πληρώσαντες δὲ συλ»- λέγεσθαι τὴν ταχίστην ἐς Λάδην, προναυμαχήσοντας Μιλήτου. ἡ δὲ Adin ἐστὶ νῆσος σμικρὴ ἐπὶ τῇ πόλι τῇ Μιλησίων κειμένη. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, πεπληρωμένῃσε τῇσι νηυσὶ παρῆσαν οἱ “Iwves, σὺν δέ σφι καὶ Αἰολέων of Λέσβον νέμονται' ἐτάσσοντο δὲ ὧδε: τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἕω εἶχον κέρας αὐτοὶ Μιλήσιοι, νέας παρεχόμενοι ὀγδώ- Hence the possession of Byzantium was the most powerful lever Histiseus could — for furthering any diplomatic com- inations he might contemplate. He would also cut off the communication with the military posts of the Persians in Thrace. See note 111 on § 44. 12 πείθεσθαι. This is the reading of the majority of the MSS. Gaisford, on the authority of a few, reads πείσεσθαι. 13 ἦσαν προθυμότατοι. See note 10, ve. 18 κίλικες.ς These Cilicians are not the mountaineers of v. 52, but the inhabitants of the southern flanks of Taurus in the immediate neighbourhood of the bay of Isgus. 18 ἐστράτευον. See note 687 on i. 16 gs ΤΙανιώνιον. It would seem from this that whatever modifications the Per- sian conquest under Harpagus had intro- daced, the form of a congress still con- tinued, but that a predominant influence by Miletus. Apparently Miletus, under the influence of Histizeus, was made the seat of the federal govern- ment for certain purposes (probably those VOL. Il. connected with the employment of the military and naval contingents; see note 81 on v. 33); and hence the advice of Thales (i. 170): ὃ» βουλευτήριον “Iwvas ἐκτῆσθαι, τὸ δὲ εἶναι ἐν Téy. He would have selected Teos somewhat on the prin- ciple on which the site of Washington was selected for the capital of the United States of America. Teos could never become formidable to the independence of the members of the confederation. Thales obviously belonged to a different party in Miletus from Histiseus, as appears from the circumstances brought together in the note 566 on i. 170. Now, a revolution having been effected, commissioners are sent, with a special reference to the con- duct of the war, to sit in congress. See vii. 172. 17 αὐτοὺς Μιλησίους, ‘the Milesians themselves,” i.e. that no confederate force should be allowed. This probably would have been under the command of a Mile- sian chief, under the system which had prevailed since the downfall of the Lydian monarchy. Jealousy of this Milesian in- fluence perhaps affected the conduct of the Chians to Histiseus (above, § 5). N They as- semble a fleet of 353 ships against 600 of the enemy. The Per- sian com- manders have re- course to treachery, 90 HERODOTUS κοντα. εἴχοντο δὲ τουτέων Πριηνέες δυώδεκα vyvol*, καὶ Μνούσιοι τρισὶ νηυσί" Μνουσίων δὲ ΤήϊοιΝ εἴχοντο ἑπτακαίδεκα νηυσί: Τηΐων δὲ εὔχοντο Χῖοι ἑκατὸν νηυσί: πρὸς δὲ τούτοισι ᾿Ερυθραῖοί τε ἐτάσ- σοντο καὶ Φωκαέες"", ᾿Ερυθραῖοι μὲν ὀκτὼ νέας παρεχόμενοι Φωκαέες δὲ τρεῖς. Φωκαέων δὲ εἴχοντο Μέσβιοι νηυσὶ ἑβδομήκοντα. τελευταῖοι δὲ ἐτάσσοντο ὄχοντες τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρην κέρας, Σάμιοι ἑξήκοντα νηυσί"... πασέων δὲ τουτέων ὁ σύμπας ἀριθμὸς ἐγένετο τρεῖς Kal πεν- τήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσια: τριήρεες" αὗται μὲν ᾿Ιώνων joav™. Τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν ἦσαν ἑξακόσιαι. ὡς δὲ καὶ αὗται ἀπίκατο πρὸς τὴν Μιλησίην καὶ ὁ ππεζός σφι ἅπας παρῆν, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Περσέων στρατηγοὶ πυθόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ιάδων νεῶν, καταρρώδησαν μὴ οὐ δυνατοὶ γένωνται ὑπερβαλέσθαι, καὶ οὕτω οὔτε τὴν Μίλητον οἷοί τε ἔωσι ἐξελεῖν μὴ οὐκ ἐόντες ναυκράτορες *, 18 Πριηνέες δυώδεκα νηυσί. The Pri- enians were sold as slaves by Mazares shortly after the fall of Croesus (i. 161). Possibly a fresh population was sent to the territory from Miletus, which had made terms with the Persian conqueror (i. 143. 169); and it may have been put on the footing of a dependency of that state after the usual Persian policy : προ- βαίνειν ἄρχον τε καὶ ἀπτραπετον ἢ 134). If so, there is an especial reason for the Prienian galleys flanking those of Miletus. See also note 354 on iv. 138. 19 καὶ Μνυούσιοι τρισὶ νηνσί. In the place of these words the manuscript S has the words Πριηγνέων δὲ εἴχοντο Τηΐοι εἴκοσι νηυσὶ, and omits Μνουσίων δὲ Τήϊοι εἴχοντο ἑπτακαίδεκα νηυσί. This vari- ation is one which cannot have arisen from any casualty. It will be observed that the ships of Myus are entirely omit- ted, but that the Teian contingent is pro- portionally increased. 20 Τήϊοι. These Teians were a popu- lation imported since the time when Har- pagus ovetran Ionia. On that occasion the whole original population deserted the city, and went as colonists to Abdera (i. 168). It is not unlikely that the gap may have been filled by Milesians; Mile- tus and Teos being the exact opposite among all the Ionian confederate towns in their feeling towards Persia at the time of the conquest by Cyrus. 31 πρὸς δὲ τούτοισι ᾿Ερυθραῖοί re ἐτάσ- govro καὶ Φωκαέες. Erythre and Phocea do not appear in the list of towns given in iv. 188, From the small numbers of the ships furnished, it seems possible that they were manned not by the towns, but by exiles who had fled at the time of the con- quest by Harpagus,—at any rate those of Phocea, the popuistion of which must have been mainly changed (i. 165). The Erythreeans may possibly have been placed (or confirmed) in the position of depen- ants on the Chians at the time of Cyrus’s invasion. See notes 67 oni. 19 and 354 on iv. 138. The hardihood of the Pho- ceean commander (δ 12) bespeaks a man seasoned by a semi-piratical life such as that of exiles would have been. 22 Σάμιοι ἑξήκοντα νηνσί. It is remark- able that so soon after the vicissitudes through which Samos had passed (see iii. 149), its resources should have enabled it to send a contingent so nearly equal to that of Miletus. The colonization under Otanes probably tovk place before Da- rius’s campaign in Scythia (see note 38 on § 13, below) ; but the destruction of pro- perty under such circumstances as those described in iii. 147. 149 must have been nearly total. Possibly as the new dynasty was favourable to Persian interests, funds were advanced to the new colonists of the island from the Persian government. 23 αὗται μὲν Ἰώνων ἦσαν, “ these were the ships on the Ionian side.” It will be observed that a considerable portion of the force, viz. the Lesbian, was not Ionian, but olian. But the whole is called Ionian, apparently on the same principle as in iv. 137 and viii. 90. 34 γαυκράτορες. See note 86 on v. 36. ERATO. VI. 9, 10. 91 “πρός τε Δαρείου κινδυνεύσωσι κακόν τι λαβεῖν. ταῦτα ἐπιλεγό- μενοι, συλλέξαντες τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τοὺς τυράννους οἱ ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αριστωγόρεω μὲν τοῦ Μιλησώουν καταλυθέντες τῶν ἀρχέων ἔφευγον ἐς Μήδους -- ἐτύγχανον δὲ τότε συστρατευόμενοι ἐπὶ τὴν Μιλητον---τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς παρεόντας συγκαλέσαντες ἔλεγόν σφε τάδε" “ ἄνδρες Ἴωνες, νῦν τις ὑμέων εὖ ποιήσας φανήτω τὸν βασιλέος οἶκον" τοὺς γὰρ ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος ὑμέων πολιήτας πειράσθω ἀποσχίξων "" ἀπὸ τοῦ λοιποῦ συμμαχικοῦ. προϊσχόμενοι δὲ ἐπαγγείλασθε τάδε, ὡς πείσονταί τε ἄχαρι οὐδὲν διὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν, οὐδέ σφι οὔτε τὰ ἱρὰ οὔτε τὰ ἴδια ἐμπεπρήσεται", οὐδὲ βιαιότερον ὅξουσι οὐδὲν ἢ πρό- τερον εἶχον εἰ δὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ ποιήσουσι οἱ δὲ πάντως διὰ μάχης ἐλεύσονται", τάδε σφι λέγετε ἐπηρεάζοντες τάπερ σφέας κατέξει' ὡς ἑσσωθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἐξανδραποδιεῦνται, καὶ ὥς σφεων τοὺς παῖδας ἐκτομίας π᾿οιήσομεν τὰς δὲ παρθένους ἀνασπάστους ἐς Βάκτρα "", καὶ ὡς τὴν χώρην ἄλλοισι παραδώσομεν." Οἱ μὲν δὴ 10 ἔλεγον ταῦτα’ τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιώνων οἱ τύραννοι διέπεμπον νυκτὸς ὅκαστος alae a ἐς τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ ἐξωγγελλόμενος. οἱ δὲ Ἴωνες ἐς τοὺς καὶ ἀπίκοντο Fe aia 25 πειράσθω ἀποσχίζων, ‘let him make a trial in detaching.’”’ Seo i. 84: ére- paro προσβαίνων. The manuscripts ὃ and V have ἀποσχίζειν. 36 οὔτε τὰ ἱρὰ οὔτε τὰ ἴδια ἐμπεπρή- σεται, ‘‘ neither their temples nor their houses shall be fired.” The distinction is the same as that made in slightly dif- ferent terms, below, § 25: οὔτε ἡ πόλιϑ οὔτε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνεπρήσθη. 27 οἱ δὲ πάντως διὰ μάχης ἐλεύσονται, ‘and if nothing will serve them but to fight it out.” So iv. 127: ef δὲ δέοι xd» τῶς és τοῦτο κατὰ τάχος ἀπικνέεσθαι. 28 ἀνασπάστους ἐς Βάκτρα. It is not easy to say with confidence why this ex- pression should be used; but pessibly it is because the line of traffic along which the female slaves destined for the oriental harems were carried passed in that direc- tion. It was probably always the practice of the Caucasian mountaineers (as it is at present), to sell their own children for this purpose. At any rate they would habitually kidmap those of their neigh- bours, and the most convenient mart for these would be Dioscuriae, a Milesian colony im the extreme eastern recess of the Euxine. This market was frequented by no less than seventy different Caucasian and Sarmatian tribes (according to some accounts 300), all speaking different lan- guages and having no friendly intercourse with each other. (Srrapo, xi. c. 2, p. 408.) The commodity for which they bartered their prisoners was chiefly salt. (Srrapo, |. c., p. 421.) From Dioscurias there can be little doubt that the female slaves would be shipped to Phasis (on the river of the same name), and from thence arrive on the eastern coast of the Caspian by the route indicated in the note 363 on i. 104. There they would get into the line of caravan traffic which led to Balk Shires is, with more or less exactness, the of the text), and from thence over the mountains to Caubul and the Punjaub. It is a very remarkable circumstance that Herodotus should never mention Dioscu- rias, por yet the name of the fawn Phasis. Perhaps the traffic was not strictly con. fined to barbarian slaves, and some of the Bosporane Greeks may have been the Υἱὸν tims of a system which undoubtedly they at a subsequent time carried on to the prejudice of their extra-Bosporane coun- Under such circumstances a Phasian or Sinopian trader would preserve a discreet silence as to the locality both of the barracoons and of the port to which their inmates were consigned, n 2 HERODOTUS 9 a αὗται ai ἀγγελίαι, ἀγνωμοσύνῃ τε διεχρέωντο καὶ ov προσίεντο τὴν προδοσίην" ἑωυτοῖσί τε ἕκαστοι ἐδόκεον μούνοισι ταῦτα τοὺς Πέρσας ἐξωγγέλλεσθαι. ταῦτα μέν νυν ἰθέως ἀπικομένων ἐς τὴν Μίλητον τῶν Περσέων ἐγίνετο. 92 1 Μετὰ δὲ, τῶν ᾿Ιώνων συλλεχθέντων ἐς τὴν Λάδην, ἐγίνοντο Dionysius @yopat: καὶ δή κου σφι καὶ ἄλλοι ἠγορόωντο, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ [ὁ] cera endea- Cee envce . Paoxaers [στρατηγὸς ")] Διονύσιος λέγων τάδε" “ ἐπὶ ξυροῦ yap diaciplive. ἀκμῆς ἔχεται ἡμῖν τὰ πρήγματα, ἄνδρες Ἴωνες, ἢ εἶναι ἐλευθέροισι ae allied A δούλοισι, καὶ τούτοισι ws Spytréryor viv ὧν ὑμέες ἢν μὲν βούλησθε ταλαιπωρίας ἐνδέκεσθαι, τὸ παραχρῆμα μὲν πόνος ὑμῖν ἔσται, οἷοί τε δὲ ἔσεσθε ὑπερβαλλόμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶναι ἐλεύθεροι" εἰ δὲ μαλακίῃ τε καὶ ἀταξίῃ διαχρήσεσθε, οὐδεμίαν ὑμέων ἔχω ἐλπίδα μὴ οὐ δώσειν ὑμέας δίκην τῷ βασιλέξ τῆς ἀποστάσιος. ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοί τε πείθεσθε καὶ ἐμοὶ ὑμέας αὐτοὺς ἐπετρέ- rate καὶ ὑμῖν ἐγὼ, θεῶν τὰ ἴσα νεμόντων, ὑποδέκομαι ἢ οὐ συμ- μίξειν τοὺς πολεμίους, ἢ συμμίσγοντας πολλὸν ἐλασσώσεσθαι." 12 Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἼΖωνες ἐπιτρέπουσι σφέας αὐτοὺς τῷ Aw- against, γῃυσίῳ. 6 δὲ, ἀνάγων ἑκάστοτε ἐπὶ κέρας" τὰς νέας, ὅκως τοῖσι Joniens ρέτῃσι χρήσαιτο, διέκπλοον ποιεύμενος τῇσι νηνσὶ δι ἀλληλέων, καὶ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ὁπλίσειε, τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρης τὰς νέας ἔχεσκε ἐπ’ ἀγκυρέων " παρεῖχέ te τοῖσι Ἴωσι πόνον δι’ ἡμέρης. μέχρι μέν νυν ἡμερέων ἑπτὰ ἐπείθοντό τε καὶ ἐποίευν τὸ κελενόμενον" τῇ δὲ ἐπὶ ταύτῃσι, [οἱ “Imves] ola ἀπαθέες ἐόντες πόνων τοιούτων τετρυμένοι τε ταλαιπωρίῃσί τε καὶ ἠελίῳ, ἔλεξαν πρὸς ἑωυτοὺς rade “ τίνα δαιμόνων παραβάντες τάδε ἀναπίμπλαμεν, οἵτινες παραφρονήσαντες καὶ ἐκπλώσαντες ἐκ τοῦ νόου "3, ἀνδρὶ Φωκαέϊ 30 ὁ Φωκαεὺς στρατηγός. The article is omitted by the manuscripts S and V, and the word στρατηγὸς by K, and in a citation by Loneinus,-De Sudi. c. 22. 80 ἀνάγων... ἐπὶ κέρας. The form used by Thucydides and Xenophon is ἐπὶ xépws, but these phrases differ only as πρὸς νότον and πρὸς νότου, “to the south” and “‘ southwards,”—both of which are used indifferently by Herodotus. The operation intended is ‘ rowing in columns,’ which is a movement ‘ wing-wards,’ as contradistinguished from a charge upon an enemy drawn up opposite. 3! τὰς γέας ἔχεσκε ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρέων. In- stead of allowing the galleys to be hauled up high and dry, he kept them riding at anchor, head to sea, with the marines on board in complete armour ready for action all the remainder of the day. His object probably was to throw the Pheenicians off their guard. Having his ships always ready for action, while they appeared to be merely practising, he would watch his opportunity, when the crews had been brought into thorough condition, to strike the same blow which Lysander afterwards did at AZgos Potami. 32 ἐκπλώσαντες ἐκ τοῦ νόον. A similar expression is used below (iii. 155): πῶς οὐκ ἐξεπλώσας τῶν φρενῶν; ERATO. VI. 11---18. 93 ἀλαζόνε παρεχομένῳ νέας τρεῖς " ἐπιτρέψαντες ἡμέας αὐτοὺς ἔχομεν ; ὃ δὲ παραλαβὼν ἡμέας, λυμαίνεται λύμῃσι ἀνηκέστοισι' καὶ δὴ πολλοὶ μὲν ἡμέων ἐς νούσους πεπτώκασι, πολλοὶ δὲ ἐπί- δοξοι τὠυτὸ τοῦτο πείσεσθαί εἰσι' πρό τε τούτων τῶν κακῶν ἡμῖν rye** κρέσσον καὶ ὁτιῶν ἄλλο παθέειν ἐστὶ, καὶ τὴν μέλ- λουσαν δουληΐην ὑπομεῖναι, ἥτις ἔσται, μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ παρεούσῃ συνέχεσθαι. φέρετε, τοῦ λοιποῦ μὴ πειθώμεθα αὐτοῦ." ταῦτα ἔλεξαν" καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα πείθεσθαι οὐδεὶς ἤθελε: ἀλλ᾽, ola στρατιὴ", σκηνάς τε πηξάμενοι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἐσκιητροφέοντο, καὶ éoBaivew οὐκ ἐθέλεσκον ἐς τὰς νέας, οὐδ᾽ ἀναπειρᾶσθαι. Μαθόν- 18 τες δὲ ταῦτα γινόμενα ᾿ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Σαμίων, ἐλευ πρὸ ἐνθαῦτα δὴ παρ᾽ Αἰάκεος τοῦ Συλοσῶντος “" κείνους τοὺς πρότερον nail ἔπεμπε λόγους ὁ Αἰάκης, κελευόντων τῶν Περσέων, δεόμενός σφεων ΤΕ ae ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν ᾿Ιώνων συμμαχίην,---οἱ Σάμιοι ὧν, ὁρέωντες ἅμα μὲν ἐοῦσαν ἀταξίην πολλὴν ἐκ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων, ἐδέκοντο τοὺς λόγους, ἅμα δὲ κατεφαίνετό σφι εἶναι ἀδύνατα τὰ βασιλέος πρήγματα ὑπερ- A Φ 9 f e βαλέσθαι, ed τε ἐπιστάμενοι ws, 33 παρεχομένῳ νέας τρεῖς. See note 354 on iv. 138; 512 oni. 52: and 542 on i. 165. The inveterate dislike of Mile- sians and Chians to the native of a city once a rival is in this passage combined with the commercial feeling in favour of property,—which not even their perilous situation could eradicate from the breasts of the wealthy traders. The epithet ἀλα- (ὼν is very characteristic and expressive of the disgust which a number of lands- men would entertain towards a martinet commander. 44 ἡμῖν γε, ‘for us at any rate,” as if they were in a very different position from the Phoceean contingent. (See note 21, above.) Perbaps the terms of the Persian generals’ proclamation induced them to think, in the fashion of Lucullus’s soldier, that the in- terests of a few exiles were not identical with their own. ‘‘Ibit, ibit eo quo vis, qui zonam perdidit.”” (Horace, Epp. ii. 2. 40.) The Phoceeans were probably obnoxious to the sneer which Adimantus, the Corinthian, afterwards let fall against Themistocles (viii. 61). 35 μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ wapeovoy συνέχεσθαι, “‘yather than be kept without respite in this present one.” See the note 36] on ii. 131. 36 ofa στρατιὴ, “like a land-force.” Dobree, considering that Herodotus would 3 Ἁ b XN e εἰ καὶ τὸ παρεὸν ναυτικὸν ὕπερ- have added the word πεζὴ, proposes to read ola ἀστρατηίης, ‘as if on furlough,” comparing ARISTOPHANES, Peace, 525. But the alteration seems uncalled for. The discipline to which Dionysius kept his men was specially naval. (See note 31, above.) The pitching tents for shelter would be the ordinary proceeding of a land army, even on service. 37 ταῦτα γινόμενα. Gaisford prints ταῦτα τὰ γινόμενα on the suthority of some MSS. But 8, V, P, and K omit the article, and the sense is certainly bet- ter without it. 38 Αἰάκεος τοῦ Συλοσῶντος. He was tyrant of Samos at the time of the expe- dition of Darius to Scythia (see iv. 138) ; and as this would imply the possession of considerable force, it must be supposed that the fresh colonization under the auspices of Otanes (iii. 149) took place before that expedition. It is likely that the new population would be mainly, though not entirely, composed of persons favourable to the dynasty of Syloson, and consequently to the Persian alliance ; and hence perhaps one cause of the success which the proposals of aces met with among the Samians. The remains of the old ari thought very differently of the matter (below, § 22). make sepa- rate terms for them- selves, 14 and on an engagement taking place, all but eleven ships desert in a body. 94 HERODOTUS βαλοίατο τὸν Δαρεῖον, ἄλλο σφι παρέσται πενταπλήσιον, TWpo- φάσιος ὧν ἐπιλαβόμενοι, ἐπεί τε τάχιστα εἶδον τοὺς Ἴωνας apvev- μένους εἶναι χρηστοὺς, ἐν κέρδεϊ ἐποιεῦντο περιποιῆσαι τά τε ἱρὰ τὰ σφέτερα καὶ τὰ iia”. ὁ δὲ Αἰάκης, παρ᾽ ὅτευ τοὺς λόγους ἐδέκοντο οἱ Σάμιοι, παῖς μὲν ἦν Συλοσῶντος τοῦ Αἰάκεος" τύραννος δὲ ἐὼν Σάμου, ὑπὸ τοῦ Μιλησώου ᾿Αρισταγόρεω ἀπεστέρητο τὴν ἀρχὴν, κατάπερ οἱ ἄλλοι τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης τύραννοι “. Τότε ὧν ἐπεὶ ἐπέπλωον οἱ Φοίνικες, οἱ Ἴωνες ἀντανῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς νέας ἐπὶ κέρας. ὡς δὲ καὶ ἀγχοῦ ὀγίνοντο καὶ συνέμεστγον ἀλλήλοισι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως συγγράψαι οἵτινες τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἐγένοντο ἄνδρες κακοὶ ἢ ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ταύτῃ; ἀλλήλους γὰρ καταιτιῶνται. λέγονται δὲ Σάμιοι ἐνθαῦτα, κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα πρὸς τὸν Aidxea, ἀειράμενοι τὰ ἱστία ἀποπλῶσαι ἐκ τῆς τάξιος ἐς τὴν Σάμον, πλὴν ἕνδεκα " νεῶν" τουτέων δὲ οἱ τριήραρχοι παρέμενον καὶ ἐναυμάχεον, ἀνηκουστήσαντες τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι" καί σφι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Σαμίων ἔδωκε διὰ τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα" ἐν στήλῃ ἀνωγραφῆναι πατρόθεν, ὡς ἀνδράσι ἀγαθοῖσι γενομένοισι' καὶ ἔστι αὕτη ἡ στήλη ἐν τῇ ἀγορῇ. ἰδόμενοι δὲ καὶ Λέσβιοι τοὺς προσεχέας φεύγοντας, τὠντὸ ἐποίευν τοῖσε Σ᾽ αμίοισι' 80 οἱ Σάμιοι ὦν, κιτιλ. The sentence appears rather a complicated one from the compression (after the manner of the Greeks) of two propositions into one. It would run quite smoothly in point of grammar if it had proceeded after the words τοὺς λόγους, thus: dua δὲ ὄντα ἀδύνατα τὰ β. xp. But although they had the evidence of their senses for the disorderly proceedings of the Ionians, the strength of the enemy was only a matter of opinion. Hence the second clause re- quired the qualification ὡς xarepalverd σφι. But instead of this being inserted, it is implied by the change of construction, and the two propositions are condensed into the one: ἅμα δὲ κατεφαίνετό σφι εἶναι ἀδύνατα τὰ B. xp. ὑπερβαλέσθαι. But the sentence is then regularly con- tinued as if the compression had not taken place, the whole of it being com- plete within the clause which had suffered the change. Translate: ‘The Samians, then, listened to the proposals, seeing that there was an utter want of dis- cipline on the part of the Ionians, while the king’s game appeared to them one impossible to baffle,— moreover being quite sure that even if the fleet they had should beat Darius, another force five times as great would arrive,—laying hold then (I say) of an excuse, the instant they saw the Ionians refusing to do their duty, they snatched at the luck of saving their own temples and their property.”” The sub- ject of dwepBarolarois τὸ παρεὸν ναυτικὸν, which has a plural verb with it as a noun of multitude. The construction would unquestionably be much simplified in the latter part of the passage by reading τοῦ Δαρείου, but the MSS are unanimous in giving the accusative. If that conjecture be adopted, or if the words τὸν Δαρεῖον be erased, τὸ παρεὸν γαντικὸν will be not the subject but the object of ὑπερβαλοί- aro. 40 κατάπερ of ἄλλοι τῇς Ἰωνίης τύρα»- γοι. See v. 38. 41 ἔνδεκα. The manuscripts S and V have Séxa. Pavusanias (vii. 10. 1) ap- bear to have found ἕνδεκα in the copy he used. 42 διὰ τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα. 8. and V omit these words. ERATO. VI. 14—17. 95 ὡς δὲ καὶ οἱ πλεῦνες τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἐποίευν τὰ αὐτὰ Tatra. Τῶν δὲ 15 “ταραμεινάντων ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ περιεφθησαν τρηχύτατα Χῖοι, ὡς Their ex- ἀποδεικνύμενοί τε ἔργα λαμπρὰ καὶ οὐκ ἐθελοκακέοντες. παρεί. ἷ followed phorus YovTo μὲν yap, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερὸν εἰρέθη, νέας ἑκατὸν, καὶ ἐπ᾽ ane and the ἑκάστης αὐτέων ἄνδρας τέσσεῤακόντα τῶν ἀστῶν λογάδας ἐπι- ofthe ἐπὶ Barevoyras. ὁρέοντες δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν συμμάχων Ἐβούιδὸν: τας, οὐκ ἐδικαίευν γενέσθαε τοῖσι κακοῖσε αὐτῶν ὁμοῖοι: ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ The Chians ὀλύγων συμμάχων μεμουνωμένοι, διεκπτλώοντες ἐναυμάχεον, ἐς ὃ ἐν θη "ὦ τῶν πολεμίων ἑλόντες νέας συχνὰς ἀπέβαλον τῶν σφετέρων νεῶν τὰς πλεῦνας. Χῖοι μὲν δὴ THot λοιπῇσε τῶν νεῶν ἀποφεύγουσι ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν. “Οσοισι δὲ τῶν Χίων ἀδύνατοι ἦσαν αἱ νέες ὑπὸ 16 τρωμάτων, οὗτοι δὲ, ὡς ἐδιώκοντο, καταφυγγάνουσι πρὸς τὴν πεν γερο ἠδ Μυκάλην. νέας μὲν δὴ αὐτοῦ bead ἐποκείλαντες κατέλιπον, οἱ ᾿αποὰς ον δὲ πεζῇ ἐκομίζοντο διὰ τῆς ἡπειροῦ: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν the Eye? ᾿Εφεσίην κομιζόμενοι of Χῖοι, νυκτός τε ἀπικέατο ἐς αὑτὴν καὶ sions, who ἐόντων τῆσι γυναιξὶ αὐτόθι θεσμοφορίων" ἐνθαῦτα δὴ οἱ ᾿Εφέσιοι, rap οὔτε τροακηκούτες ὡς εἶχε wept τῶν Χίων “" ἰδόντες τε στρατὸν ἐς τὴν χώρην ἐσβεβληκότα, πάγχυ σφέας καταδόξαντες εἶναι κλῶπας καὶ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὰς γνναῖκας, ἐξεβοήθεον πανδημεὶ καὶ ἔκτεινον τοὺς Χίους. Οὗτοι μέν νυν τοιαύτῃσει περιέπυπτον τύχησι. Διονύσιος δὲ ὁ 17 Φωκαεὺς ἐπεί τε ἔμαθε τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τὰ πρήγματα διεφθαρμένα, Pionysius νέας ἑλὼν τρεῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπέπλεε, ἐς μὲν Φώκαιαν οὐκέτι, εὖ ae ee: εἰδὼς ὡς ἀνδραποδιεῖται σὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ ᾿Ιωνίῃ ὁ δὲ ἰθέως ὡς εἶχε ἔπλωε ἐς Φοινίκην" γαύλους “ δὲ ἐνθαῦτα καταδύσας καὶ χρήματα λαβὼν πολλὰ, ὄπλωε ἐς Σ᾿ ικελίην' ὁρμεώμενος δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ληϊστὴς κατεστήκεε, Ελλήνων μὲν οὐδενὸς, Καρχηδονίων δὲ καὶ Tup- σηνῶν. 43 οὔτε προακηκοότες ὡς εἶχε περὶ τῶν Χίων. One may suspect from this passage that the Ephesians had not taken a very active part in the [onian alliance against Persia ; and it will be observed that they do not appear in the list of the allied forces given in § 8. In this case, the pre- text of mistaking the nature of the Chian inroad may have been subsequently coined, at a time when partisanship with Persia had become the most heinous crime a Greek could commit. The mistake was the more possible, as the Chians and Ephesians spoke an entirely different language (i. 142). Still this very difference of language would go to prove that there was little intercourse between them, and afford a presumption that they belonged to rival commercial confederacies. Chios and Miletus appear from very early times to have stood quite from the rest of the Ionian cities in Asia (i. 18). 44 γαύλουνς. See note 373 on iii. 136. 18 Miletus is captured, and the in- habitants enslaved, in the sixth year of the 19 20 The inha- bitante are 96 HERODOTUS Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπεί τε τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐνίκων τοὺς Ἴωνας "", τὴν Μίλητον πολιορκέοντες ἐκ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, καὶ ὑπορύσσοντες τὰ τείχεα “ καὶ παντοίας μηχανὰς προσφέροντες, αἱρέουσι κατ᾽ ἄκρης, ὄκτῳ ἔτεϊ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀποστάσιος τῆς ᾿Αρισταγόρεω" καὶ ἠνδραποδίσαντο τὴν πόλιν ὥστε συμπεσέειν τὸ πάθος τῷ χρη- στηρίῳ τῷ ἐς Μίλητον γενομένῳ. Χρεωμένοισε γὰρ ᾿Αργείοισε ἐν Δελφοῖσι περὶ σωτηρίης τῆς πόλιος τῆς σφετέρης, ἐχρήσθη ἐπίκοινον χρηστήριον" τὸ μὲν ἐς αὐτοὺς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους φέρον, τὴν δὲ παρενθήκην “ ἔχρησε ἐς Μιλησίους. τὸ μέν νυν ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους ἔχον, ἐπεὰν κατὰ τοῦτο γένωμαι τοῦ λόγου τότε μνη- σθήσομαι “" τὰ δὲ τοῖσι Μιλησίοισι οὐ παρεοῦσι ἔχρησε ἔχει ὧδε' Καὶ τότε δὴ, Μίλητε, κακῶν ἐπιμήχανε ἔργων “9, πολλοῖσι δεῖπνόν τε καὶ ἀγλαὰ δῶρα γενήσει" σαὶ δ' ἄλοχοι πολλοῖσι πόδας νίψουσι κομῆται" νηοῦ 8 ἡμετέρον Διδύμοις ἄλλοισι μελήσει. τότε δὴ ταῦτα τοὺς Μιλησίους κατελάμβανε, ὅτε γε ἄνδρες μὲν οἱ πλεῦνες ἐκτείνοντο ὑπὸ τῶν Περσέων ἐόντων κομητέων, γυναῖκες δὲ καὶ τέκνα ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ ἐγίνοντο" ἱρὸν δὲ τὸ ἐν Διδύ- μοισι", ὁ νηός τε καὶ τὸ χρηστήριον, συληθέντα ἐνεπίμπρατο. τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τούτῳ χρημάτων πολλάκις μνήμην ἑτέρωθι τοῦ λόγου " ἐποιησάμην. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν οἱ ζωγρηθέντες τῶν Μιλησίων ἤγοντο ἐς Σοῦσα. βασιλεὺς δέ σφεας Δαρεῖος κακὸν οὐδὲν ἄλλο 45 τοὺς Ἴωνας. The manuscript F has τοὺς Ἕλληνας “Iovas, which appears to originate in a double reading. (See note 6, above.) The corrector has erased “EA- Anvas. 46 ὑπορύσσοντες τὰ τείχεα. See note 612 on iv. 200. 47 rhy δὲ παρενθήκην. S has τὸ δὲ “αρενθήκην, which is preferred by Dobree. 48 rére μνησθήσομαι. See below, §77. 49 κακῶν ἐπιμήχανε ἔργων. It would be interesting to discover when the oracle was delivered in which these words occur. Such an expression indicates disapproba- tion on the part of Apollo with the course upon which Miletus was entering, but what that course was does not appear on the face of things. I am inclined to suspect that it refers to the dissociation of them- selves from the rest of the Ionians, which was manifested by the separate treaty with Cyrus (i. 141). That treaty was to the prejudice of Croesus, who was undoubtedly a favourite at Delphi. 80 ἱρὸν δὲ τὸ ἐν Διδύμοισι. It is sin- gular that Herodotus, who elsewhere speaks of this temple as τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Βραγχίδῃσι (v. 36), or as al Βράγχιδαι (i. 92; ii. 159), or even of Bodyxsdac (i. 157), should here use a different phrase without any explanation. It seems that the name Branchide came to be disused, and that of Apollo Didymsus to be the one habitually given to the oracle. (PLiny, N. H. τ. 29.) Possibly the treacherous conduct of the Branchide at the time of the Persian invasion (see notes 327 and 527 on Book i.) was the cause of the change. δὶ ἑτέρωθι τοῦ λόγου. See i. 92; v. 36. ERATO. VI. 18—21. 97 ποιήσας κατοίκισε ἐπὶ TH ᾿Ερυθρῇ καλεομένῃ θαλάσσῃ, ἐν “Autry ἀφίῃ wove", παρ᾽ ἣν Τίγρης ποταμὸς παραρρέων ἐς θάλασσαν ele. and nd planted τῆς δὲ Μιλησίης χώρης αὐτοὶ μὲν οἱ Πέρσαι εἶχον τὰ περὶ τὴν ia the city πόλεν καὶ τὸ πεδίον, τὰ δὲ ὑπεράκρια ἔδοσαν Καρσὶ Πηδασεῦσι tebenk 2 κτῆσθαι 4 of κε νῷ Ti- Παθοῦσι δὲ ταῦτα Μιλησίοισι πρὸς Περσέων οὐκ ἀπέδοσαν τὴν "21 ὁμοίην Συβαρῖται, of Adov te καὶ Σκίδρον olxeoy** τῆς πόλιος the seared ἀπεστερημένοι. Συβάριος γὰρ ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Κροτωνιητέων, Μιλή- 208 for the " misfortunes clot πάντες ἡβηδὸν * ἀπεκειραντὸ τὰς κεφαλὰς καὶ πένθος μέγα % Miletus προεθήκαντο' πόλμες γὰρ αὗται μάλιστα δὴ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν "" their treat- 55 ἐν "Ἀμπῃ πόλι. This city is from *°% of Λάον τε καὶ Σκίδρον οἴκεον. The the description to be looked for very low down on the Tigris, perhaps subsequently to the union of its waters with those other rivers which according to some writers procured for it, in its lowest part, the name of Pasitigria. (Strano xv. c. 8, p. 319.) Opis, with which some have en- deavoured to identify Ampe, was on the contrary very high up the stream. Seo note 636 on i. 189. 53 ἐξίει. See note 604 on i. 180. 54 Πηδασεῦσι ἐκτῆσθαι. See note 590 oni. 175. It seems strange that the Pe- dasians, the only Carians who offered a formidable resistance to Harpagus, should have been settled by the conqueror in the highlands overhanging the Milesian territory. One may almost suspect that the Carians in the text were mainly a remnant of the old Lelegian population which had been kept in a dependant condition by the Milesians, and that the Persians restored them to a certain state of independence. The Pedasians who survived the taking of their own town, or perhaps a party among them favour- able to Persia, may have been transported to the Milesian territory and mixed with the emancipated pericecians, who would be of the same race with themselves, and thus the whole called Pedasians. It is to be observed that FerLowes enu- merates among the “ Ancient Lycian” towns, in which he observed remains, a Pedassis. (See note 585 on i. 173.) He- rodotus seems to be quite ignorant of the existence of a town of that name in Lycia ; but if there really was such a one, it is possible that the Milesian Pedasians had been transported from thence. They too would probably be of Lelegian race. VOL. II. former of these two towns is mentioned by Srrazo (vi. c. 1, p. 3) as situated on the river of the same name, 120 stades from Velia, and as being a colony from Sy- baris. Of Scidrus nothing is known. It is strange that this notice should appear here ; but perhaps the passage was written after ‘the author’s arrival at Thurii, where his auditors would be more familiar with the localities. % ἡβηδὸν, ‘including all adults.”” The phrase is probably derived from a classifi- cation of the population for military pur- poses. See i. 172, where it may be ren- dered “in full force.” 57 μάλιστα δὴ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἵδμεν ἀλλή- λῃσι ἐξεινώθησαν. The commercial in- terests of these two cities could not, from their relative situations, at all interfere with one another; and both in the one and the other the Achean element was a very important one in the population. For Sybaris, see especially the passage of Aristotle quoted in the note 561 in i. 167, and see also note 108 on v. 44. As for Miletus, its coins show that the predomi- nant religious worship was that of Apollo Didymeeus, whose temple, according to the native legends, was far more ancient than the emigration under Neleus. (Pau- SANIAS Vii. 2, 4.) This deity was in fact identical with the Apollo at Thornax and at Amyclee (see note 236 on i. 70) ; that is to say, the Apollo not of the Heraclide invaders of the Peloponnese, but of the Achean population they found there. (See note 189 on v. 72.) Independently of ethnical affinity, Timaus (ap. Athe- neum xii. p. 519) says that the Milesian woollen manufactures were in great de- mand at Sybaris. : oO 22 Some of the 188 united with Milesians fly to Sicily, 23 and seize on Zaacle, 98 HERODOTUS ἀλλήλῃσι ἐξεινώθησαν. οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν γὰρ δῆλον ἐποίησαν ὑπεραχθεσθέντες τῇ Μιλήτου ἁλώσει, τῇ τε ἄλλῃ πολλαχῆ, καὶ δὴ καὶ ποιήσαντι Φρυνίχῳ δρᾶμα Μιλήτου ἅλωσιν καὶ διδάξαντι", ἐς δάκρυά τε ἔπεσε τὸ θέητρον καὶ ἐζημίωσάν μιν, Os ἀναμνήσαντα οἰκήϊα κακὰ, χιλίῃσι δραχμῇσι" καὶ ἐπέταξαν μηκέτι μηδένα χρᾶσθαι τούτῳ τῷ δράματι. Μίλητος μέν νυν Μιλησίων ἐρήμωτο. Σαμίων δὲ τοῖσί τι ὄχουσι “᾽ τὸ μὲν ἐς τοὺς Μήδους ἐκ τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν σφετέρων ποιηθὲν οὐδαμῶς ἤρεσκε. ἐδόκεε δὲ μετὰ τὴν ναυμαχίην αὐτίκα βουλενομένοισι, πρὶν ἤ σφι ἐς τὴν χώρην ἀπικέσθαι τὸν τύραννον Aidxea ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκπλέειν, μηδὲ μένοντας Μήδοισί τε καὶ Αἰάκεξ δουλεύειν. Ζαγκλαῖοι γὰρ οἱ ἀπὸ Σικελίης τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον πέμποντες ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην ἀγγέλους ἐπεκαλέοντο τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐς Καλὴν ᾿Ακτὴν, βουλόμενοι αὐτόθι πόλιν κτίσαι ᾿Ιώνων. ἡ δὲ Καλὴ αὕτη ᾿Ακτὴ καλεομένη ἔστι μὲν Σικελῶν, πρὸς δὲ Τυρσηνίην τετραμμένη τῆς Σικελίης". τούτων ὧν ἐπικαλεομέ- νων, οἱ Σάμιοι μοῦνοι ᾿Ιώνων ἐστάλησαν σὺν δέ σφι Μιλησίων οἱ ἐκπεφευγότες. "Ev ᾧ τοιόνδε δή τι συνήνεικε γενέσθαι' Σάμιοι γὰρ κομιζόμενοι ἐς Σικελίην ἐγίνοντο ἐν Λοκροῖσι τοῖσι ᾿Επιξεφυ- ρίοισι, καὶ Ζαγκλαῖοι αὐτοί τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν Σκύθης ", περιεκατέατο πόλεν 58 οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. This is 8 very slovenly expression to connect the following anecdote with what had pre- ceded. It is worth remarking, that Srrapo, while recounting the anecdote, gives as the authority for it, not Herodo- tus, but Callisthenes (xiv. c. 1, p. 167). It seems not impossible that the passage is an interpolated note of some one be- tween the time of Srrazo and that of Loneinvs, who quotes it as from Hero- dotus (De Sublim. § 24). 59 διδάξαντι. This term is used of the production of a public performance, from the circumstance that the author himeelf had to superintend the instruction of the performers during their long practice in order to qualify themselves for the public display of his composition. The phrase is equally applicable to a play, a hymn, or a dance, where the parts were distributed among several persons, and each had not only to be made perfect in that which fell to him, but to be brought into combina- tion with the rest. Thus (i. 23) Arion is τῶν Σικελῶν ἐξελεῖν βουλόμενοι: said to have been the first person διδάξαι διθύραμβον. δὺ γρίσί τι ἔχουσι. See note 396 on iii. 143, and note 8, above. 61 πρὸς Tuponviny τετραμμένη τῆς Σι- κελίης, ‘‘turned towards Tyrrhenia in its bearing from Sicily.’’ Herodotus gives the name καλὴ ἀκτὴ to the promontory which running out from the shore and returning upon it produced that sickle-like appear- ance which gave the town built in the Vicinity its name ZdyxAn. Although really 8 portion of the island Sicily, it was, to the eye, so much cut off from it as to be susceptible of the description in the text. (See note 292 on i. 84.) The name καλὴ ἀκτὴ was not only adopted by the Romans in the word Calacte, but even the ethnic Calactini formed upon it. CrckRo says, ‘* Calactinis quamobrem imperasti anno tertio ut decumas agri sui, quas Calacie dare consueverant, Amestrati M. Ceesio decumano darent 5 (Verrin. iii. 43.) 8 τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Σκύθης. In order to combine what is related of this Scythes ERATO. VI. 22, 23. 99 μαθὼν δὲ ταῦτα 6‘Prylov τύραννος ᾿Αναξίλεως 53, τότε ἐὼν διά- φορος τοῖσι Ζαγκλαίοισι, συμμέξας τοῖσι Σαμίοισι ἀναπείθει ὡς χρεὸν εἴη Καλὴν μὲν ᾿Ακτὴν én’ ἣν ἔπλεον ἐᾶν χαίρειν, τὴν δὲ Ζάγκλην σχεῖν ἐοῦσαν ἐρῆμον ἀνδρῶν" πειθομένων δὲ τῶν Σαμίων καὶ σχόντων τὴν Ζάγκλην, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Ζαγκλαῖοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο ἐχομένην τὴν πόλιν ἑωυτῶν, ἐβοήθεον αὐτῇ καὶ ἐπεκαλέοντο 'Ἵππο- κράτεα τὸν Γέλης τύραννον: ἦν γὰρ δή σφι οὗτος σύμμαχος" ἐπεί τε δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ ὁ Ἱπποκράτης σὺν τῇ στρατιῇ ἧκε βοηθέων, Σκύθην μὲν τὸν μούναρχον τῶν Ζαγκλαίων ἀποβαλόντα τὴν πόλιν ὁ Ἱπποκράτης πεδήσας, καὶ τὸν ἀδελφεὸν αὐτοῦ Πυθογένεα, ἐς Ἴνυκον πόλεν ἀπέπεμψε' τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς Ζωγκλαίους, κοινολογη- σάμενος τοῖσι Σαμίοισι καὶ ὅρκους δοὺς καὶ δεξάμενος, προέδωκε. μεσθὸς δέ οἱ ἦν εἰρημένος ὅδε ὑπὸ τῶν Σαμίων, πάντων τῶν ἐπέπτλων καὶ ἀνδραπόδων τὰ ἡμίσεα μεταλαβεῖν “" τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλι, with the ποστδεῖνο in vii. 163, 164, Peri- zonius has conjectured that this Scythes was the father of Cadmus, dynast of Cos; while Valcknaer supposes he may have been his great uncle. But there is no historical foundation for these guesses, and the necessity for them rests entirely on the assumption that the two narratives from the same sources. See note on vii. 164, ἔνθα μετὰ Σαμίων, x.7.A., and also note 86 (a) below. 62 ὁ Ῥηγίου τύραννος ᾿Αναξίλεως. He had changed the form of government from an oligarchy to a tyranny. (ARISTOTLE, Pokt.vi. p. 1316.) Pausanras relates that this Anaxilaus was fourth in descent from Alcidamidas, who led a colony of Messe- nians to Rhegium in Italy, after the dis- astrous termination of the first Messenian war by the capture of Ithome; and that be himeelf, after the termination of the second by the capture of fra, in the first year of the twenty-eighth Olympiad, in- vited some of the survivors who had re- treated to Cyllene, the port of Elis, to come over and join him in an attack on Zancle, which at that time was occupied by pirates who interrupted the navigation of the straits, under the leadership of Cratemenes a Semian, and Perieres from Chalcis in Eubcea (iv. 23. 3). This ap- pears to me to describe the condition of Zancle, after the compact with Hippo- crates presently related, and the refusal of the Samians to kill the 300 Zancieans who were put into their power. But the chronology is nearly 200 years too early (as BENTLEY has shown in the Disserta- tion on Phailaris, pp. 210, seqq. ed. 1836); and in fact Cratsemenes, a Cumaan, and Perieres of Chalcis are named by Taucy- pipes as the cekists of the early Zancle (vi. 4).- Pausanias goes on to say that the Messenians in Cyllene, under the leadership of Gorgus and Manticlus, ac- cepted Anaxilaus’s invitation, and together with him captured Zancle, the Zancleans flying for refuge to the altars of the gods. Anaxilaus wished his allies to put them to death and make slaves of their wives and children ; but they refused to do this, and instead of it united in one population with them and changed the name of the town to Messana. This Pausanias puts in the first year of the twenty-ninth Olympiad, consistently with what he has said before. It appears to me to be really the dislocated account of the recapture of Zancle from the Samian bucaniers slightly alluded to by Tuucypipes (quoted in note 64, be- low), but not noticed at all by Herodo- tas 6 μεταλαβεῖν. This word is in sense to be separated into its component parts. It means per’ αὐτῶν λαβεῖν, ‘‘ to take on division with them.”’ See note 686 on i. 204. So Athenagoras says to his ari- stocratic opponents (THucypD. vi. 40): ἀλλ᾽ ἤτοι μαθόντες γε ἣ μεταγνόντες τὸ τῆς πόλεως ξύμπασι κοινὸν αὔξετε, ἡγη- σάμενοι τοῦτο μὲν ἂν καὶ ἴσον καὶ πλέον οἱ ἀγαθοὶ ὑμῶν ἥπερ τὸ τῆς πόλεως πλῆ- 02 Samos as dynast, and as a reward for his ser- vices spare the city. 100 HERODOTUS τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν πάντα “Ιπποκράτεα λωγχάνειν. τοὺς μὲν δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν Ζωγκλαίων αὐτὸς ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ εἶχε δήσας, τοὺς δὲ κορυφαίους αὐτῶν τριηκοσίους ἔδωκε τοῖσι Σαμίοισι κατα- σφάξαι' οὐ μέντοι οἵ γε Σάμιοι ἐποίησαν ταῦτα. Σκύθης δὲ ὁ τῶν Ζαγκλαίων μούναρχος ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ινύκου ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐς ‘Ipépny ἐκ δὲ ταύτης παρῆν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, καὶ ἀνέβη παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον" καί μιν ἐνόμισε Δαρεῖος πάντων ἀνδρῶν δικαιότατον εἶναι ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παρ᾽ ἑωντὸν ἀνέβησαν: καὶ γὰρ παραιτησάμενος βασιλέα ἐς Σικελίην ἀπίκετο, καὶ αὖτις ἐκ τῆς Σικελίης ὀπίσω παρὰ βασιλέα, ἐς ὃ γήραϊ μέγα ὄλβιος ἐὼν ἐτελεύτησε ἐν Πέρσῃσι. Σάμιοι δὲ ἀπαλλαχθέντες Μήδων, ἀπονητὶ πόλιν καλλίστην Ζάγκλην περιεβεβλήατο“". Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίην τὴν ὑπὲρ Μιλήτου γενομένην, Φοίνικες κελευσάντων Περσέων κατῆγον ἐς Σάμον Αἰάκεα τὸν Συλοσῶντος, ὡς πολλοῦ τε ἄξιον γενόμενόν σφισι καὶ μεγάλα κατεργασάμενον' καὶ Σαμίοισι μούνοισι τῶν ἀποστάντων ἀπὸ Δαρείου, διὰ τὴν ἔκλειψιν τῶν νεῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ, οὔτε ἡ πόλις οὔτε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνεπρήσθη. Μιλήτου δὲ ἁλούσης, αὐτίκα Καρίην ἔσχον οἱ Πέρσαι, τὰς μὲν ἐθελοντὴν τῶν πολίων ὑποκυψάσας, τὰς δὲ ἀνώγκῃ προσηγάγοντο. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἐγίνετο. θος μετασχεῖν, where μετασχεῖν τοῦτο is equivalent to μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων σχεῖν τοῦτο, ‘shave your share with the rest of this.” So in iii. 3: ἀνὴρ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν διαβὰς ἐς Εὔβοιαν, καὶ πε(ῇ ἐπὶ Γεραιστὸν ἐλθὼν, ὁλκάδος ἀναγομένη ἐπιτυχὼν means that the messenger, immediately upon ar- riving at Gereestus (ἐπὶ), found a merchant vessel getting under way (ολκάδος ἀναγο- μένης ἔτυχε). In Sopnocres (Philoc- tetes, 320) : ὧς εἴσ᾽ ἀληθεῖς ol8a, συντυχὼν κακῶν ἀνδρῶν ᾿Ατρειδῶν τῆς 7’ ᾽Οδυσσέως Blas. Toup (against all the MSS) wished to read κακοῖν ἀνδροῖν, &c., but the Scholiast rightly explains the construction as con- veying the same meaning as aby gol τυχών. 8ο (Cdipue Colon. 1482) we have évacolou δὲ συντύχοιμι, pnd! ἄλαστον ἄνδρ᾽ ἰδὼν, ἀκερδῇ χάριν μετάσχοιμί πως, where the sense is σὺν ἑταίροις τύχοιμι... and per’ αὐτῶν ἔχοιμι. The rationale of such passages as these has been concealed under the general rule, that compound verbs are sometimes used im the regimen of their simple themes; but in good authors the instances are very rare in which some difference of meaning is not intended. δὲ ἀπρνητὶ πόλιν καλλίστην Ζάγκλην περιεβεβλήατο. It should not be over- looked that these Samians are apparently the representatives of the same political party with the bucaniers who laid waste Siphnus and afterwards established a pirati- cal hold at Cydonia in Crete (iii. 57—-59). See notes 124 on iii. 42 ; 394 on iii. 143; 409 on iii. 148; and 8 on § 5, above. From Tuucypipss (vi. δ) it appears that Anaxilaus himself soon qfterwards ex- pelled them from their ill-gotten possession, and, recolonizing the place with a mixed population, called it Messana after his own original country. Compare the dis- torted account of Pausanras (note 62, above). ERATO. VI. 24—28. 101 ἱἹΙστιαίῳ δὲ τῷ Μιλησίῳ ἐόντι περὶ Βυζάντιον καὶ συλλαμ- 26 βάνοντι τὰς ᾿Ιώνων ὁλκάδας ἐκπλωούσας ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου, ἐξωγγέλ- Adventures Aeras τὰ περὶ Μίλητον γενόμενα. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ ᾿Ελλήσποντον fer the | ἔχοντα πρήγματα ἐπιτράπει Βισάλτῃ, ᾿Α΄ πολλοφάνεος παιδὶ, Miletus. ᾿Αβυδηνῷ: αὐτὸς δὲ ἔχων Λεσβίους ἐς Χίον ἔπλεε, καὶ Χίων φρουρῇ οὐ προσιεμένῃ μὲν συνέβαλε ἐν Κοίλοισι καλεομένοισι τῆς Xins χώρης" τούτων τε δὴ ἐφόνευσε ὄυχϑονς, καὶ τῶν λουπτῶν Ho οοσαρῖον Χίων οἷα δὴ κεκακωμένων ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίης ὁ ᾿Ιστιαῖος ἔχων τοὺς “Δεσβώους ἐπεκράτησε, ἐκ Πολίχνης τῆς Χίων ὁρμεώμενος. Φιλέεε 27 δέ κως προσημαίνειν εὖτ᾽ ἂν μέλλῃ μεγάλα κακὰ ἢ πόλι ἢ ἔθνεϊ Foreenta ἔ which hap- ἔσεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ Xlows πρὸ τούτων σημήϊα μεγάλα ἐγένετο" honed at τοῦτο μέν σφι πέμψασι ἐς Δελφοὺς χορὸν νεηνιέων ἑκατὸν δύο μοῦνοι τούτων ἀπενόστησαν' τοὺς δὲ ὀκτώ τε καὶ ἐννενήκοντα αὐτῶν λοιμὸς ὑπολαβὼν ἀπήνεικε' τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλε τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον, ὀλύγον πρὸ τῆς ναυμαχίης, παισὶ γράμματα διδα- σκομένοισι ἐνέπεσε ἡ στέγη, ὥστε ἀπ᾽ ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι παίδων εἷς μοῦνος ἀπέφυγε. ταῦτα μέν σφι σημήϊα ὁ θεὸς προέδεξε: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, ἡ ναυμαχίη ὑπολαβοῦσα ἐς γόνυ τὴν πόλιν ἔβαλε: ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐπογένετο ‘Iotiaios Λεσβίους ἄγων: κεκακωμένων δὲ τῶν Χίων, καταστροφὴν εὐπετέως αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ ὁ (Ιστιαῖος ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ Θάσον “", ἄγων ᾿Ιώνων 28 καὶ Αἰολέων συχνούς. περικατημένῳ δέ οἱ Θάσον ἦλθε ἀγγελίη, He then ὡς οἱ Φοίνικες ἀναπλώουσι ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου ἐπὶ τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Ιωνίην" Tham, τε πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα Θάσον μὲν ἀπόρθητον λείπει, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς τὴν descent on Λέσβον ἠπείγετο ἄγων πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιήν: ἐκ Λέσβου δὲ, Ἢ Atarneus λιμαινούσης οἱ τῆς στρατιῆς, πέρην διαβαίνει ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αταρνέος “* a ὡς ἀμήσων τὸν σῖτον, τόν τε ἐνθεῦτεν καὶ τὸν ἐκ Καΐκου πεδίου τὸν τῶν Μυσῶν: ἐν δὲ τούτοισι τοῖσι χωρίοισε ἐτύγχανε ἐὼν “Αρπαγος, ἀνὴρ Πέρσης “Ἶ, στρατηγὸς στρατιῆς οὐκ ὀλύγης" ὅς οἱ 65 πὶ Θάσον. The mines in this island and in its dependencies on the main (see § 46) were doubtless a principal object of this expedition. Histiszeus could only hope to carry on the war by the aid of mercenaries, and above all things there- fore required specie. See the note 88 on v. 36. 66 "Atapyéos. Atarneus was the place which the Chians obtained as a grant in return for their extradition of the Persian refugee Pactyas (i. 160). 67 “Aprayos, ἀνὴρ Πέρσης. There is no notice in Herodotus of the appointment of this individual to the command he held. Perhaps he may have succeeded Daurises or Hymeas. It should not be overlooked that the Harpagus of Cyrus’s time was a Mede (i. 162), whereas this person is ex- pressly stated to be a Persian. 29 90 and being taken to Sardis is ων to death Arta- ᾿ ernes and rpagus Inst the wish of Darius. 31 In the next rear the ersians reduce the 102 HERODOTUS ἀποβάντι συμβαλὼν αὐτόν τε ‘Iotiaioy Gwyply ἔλαβε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν πλέω διέφθειρε. ᾿Εζξωγρήθη δὲ ὁ “Ἱστιαῖος @de ὡς ἐμάχοντο οἱ “λληνες τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐν τῇ Μαλήνῃ τῆς ᾿Αταρνείτιδος χώρης, οἱ μὲν συνέστασαν χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλὸν, ἡ δὲ ἵππος ὕστερον ὁρμηθεῖσα ἐπιπίπτει τοῖσι "Ἑλλησι τότε δὴ ἔργον τῆς ἵππου τοῦτο ἐγένετο καὶ τετραμμένων τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων, ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐλπίζων οὐκ ἀπολέεσθαε ὑπὸ βασιλέος διὰ τὴν παρ- εοῦσαν ἁμαρτάδα, φιλοψυχίην τοιήνδε τινὰ ἀναιρέεται' ὡς φεύγων τε κατελαμβάνετο ὑπὸ ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω, καὶ ὡς καταιρεόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔμελλε συγκεντηθήσεσθαι, Περσίδα γλῶσσαν μετεὶς κατα- μηνύει ἑωυτὸν, ὡς εἴη [Ἱστιαῖος ὁ Μιλήσιος. Ei μέν νυν ὡς ἐζωγρήθη ἄχθη ἀγόμενος “᾽ παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον, ὁ δὲ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἔπαθε κακὸν οὐδὲν, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ, ἀπῆκέ t ἂν αὐτῷ τὴν aitiny νῦν δέ μιν αὐτῶν τε τούτων εἵνεκα, καὶ ἵνα μὴ διαφυγὼν αὗτις μέγας παρὰ βασιλέϊ γένηται “", ᾿Αρταφέρνης τε ὁ Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος καὶ ὁ λαβὼν “Aprrayos, ws ἀπίκετο ἀγόμενος ἐς Σάρδις, τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ σῶμα αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἀνεσταύρωσαν ", τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν ταριχεύσαντες ἀνήνεικαν παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον ἐς Σοῦσα. Δαρεῖος δὲ πυθό- μενος ταῦτα καὶ ἐπαιτιησάμενος τοὺς ταῦτα ποιήσαντας ὅτι μιν οὐ ζώοντα ἀνήγωγον ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ, τὴν κεφαλὴν τὴν ἱΙστιαέου λούσαντάς τε καὶ περιστείλαντας εὖ ἐνετείλατο θάψαι, ὡς ἀνδρὸς μεγάλως ἑωυτῷ τε καὶ Πέρσῃσι evepyéren™. τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἴστι- aiov οὕτω ἔσχε. Ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ὁ Περσέων χειμερίσας περὶ Μίλητον, τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτεϊ ὡς ἀνέπλωσε αἱρέει εὐπετέως τὰς νήσους τὰς πρὸς τῇ ἠπείρῳ κειμένας, Χίον καὶ Λέσβον καὶ Τένεδον"". ὅκως δὲ λάβοι τενὰ 68 ἄχθη ἀγόμενος. This expression seems undoubtedly corrupt. Bekker éon- δ. τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ σῶμα αὑτοῦ τα ἀνεσταύρωσαν. So Gaisford prints wit the majority of MSS. One however (S) jectures ἀνάχθη ἀγόμενος. 69 αὖτις μέγας παρὰ βασιλέϊ γένηται. The enmity of Artaphernes towards His- tieeus ap from the sarcasm addressed to him (above, § 1). Probably Darius would not have been sorry to have main- tained some check upon the great Persian officers in Asia Minor by means of a Hel- lenic satrap of the coast and the islands. The union of Harpagus and Artaphernes in the execution of Histissus is to be re- marked. Perhaps neither, by himself, would have had authority to order it. See note 79 on v. 31. has τὸ μὲν σῶμα αὐτοῦ ἀνεσταύρωσαν. 10 εὐεργέτεω. See note 421 on iii. 154. 11 Χίον καὶ Λέσβον καὶ Τένεδον. The weaknees of Chios is remarked (ὃ 27). At Lesbos there was a scarcity of provi- sions (§ 28), so that the Persians com- manding the seas with the Phoenician fleet would soon starve it into a surrender, especially after the defeat of the expedition and death of Histieus. Tenedos was 80 near the main (see note 508 on i. 151), that under the circumstances an over- ERATO. VI. 29---98. 103 TOV νήσων, ὡς ἑκάστην αἱρέοντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἐσωγήνευον τοὺς rest of Ionia ἀνθρώπους. (σαγηνεύουσι δὲ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον 7" ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὸς islands, ἁψάμενος τῆς χειρὸς, ἐκ θαλάσσης τῆς βορηΐης ἐπὶ τὴν νοτίην διήκουσε, καὶ ἔπειτα διὰ πάσης τῆς νήσου διέρχονταε ἐκθηρεύοντες τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.) αἵρεον δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πόλιας τὰς ᾿Ιάδας κατὰ τὰ αὐτά" πλὴν οὐκ ἐσωγήνευον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους" οὐ γὰρ ola τ᾽ ἦν. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Περσέων οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσαντο 32 τὰς ἀπειλὰς τὰς ἐπηπείλησαν τοῖσι Ἴωσι στρατοπεδενομένοισι "5 Pusish ἐναντέα adios ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐπεκράτησαν τῶν πολίων, παῖδάς τε withex τοὺς εὐειδεστάτους ἐκλογόμενοι ἐξέταμνον καὶ ἐποίευν ἀντὶ εἶναι 15 verity. ἐνόρχεας εὐνούχους, καὶ παρθένους τὰς καλλιστευούσας ἀνασπά- στους παρὰ βασιλέα: ταῦτά τε δὴ ἐποίευν καὶ τὰς πόλιας ἐνεπίμ- πρᾶσαν αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι ". οὕτω δὲ τὸ τρίτον Ἴωνες κατεδου- λώθησαν, πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ Λυδῶν, δὶς δὲ ἐπεξῆς τότε ὑπὸ Περ- σέων ὅ. ᾿Απὸ δὲ ᾿Ιωνίης ἀπαλλασσόμενος ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς τὰ ἐπ’ 33 ἀριστερὰ ἐσπλέοντι τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου aipee πάντα: τὰ γὰρ ἐπὶ jhe fect δεξιὰ αὐτοῖσι [τοῖσι] Πέρσῃσι ὑποχείρια ἣν γεγονότα κατ᾽ ἤπειρον. μὰ ἡμῶν εἰσὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ aise τοῦ ᾿Εἰλλησπόντου" Χερσόνησός τε ἐν τῇ πόλιες συχναὶ ἔνεισι, καὶ Πέρινθος "5, καὶ τὰ τείχεα τὰ ἐπὶ Θρηΐκης Ἶ, καὶ Σηλυβρίη τε καὶ Βυζάντιον. Βυζάντιοι μέν νυν The Byzan- whelming force might be landed from thence in a single day. 72 σαγηνεύουσι δὲ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. See the note 41] on ili. 149. 73 ἀντὶ εἶναι. See note 701 on. i. 210. 14 αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι. After making every allowance for exaggeration in these accounts of the destruction wrought by the Persians, it is still clear that enough must have been done to destroy almost every vestige of Hellenic civilisation, and to make a complete break in the history of the Asiatic Greeks. The policy of Artaphernes was a far sterner one than that of Cyrus as regards the conquered Hellenic race. The Phoenicians were in point of cruelty the Croats of antiquity ; and to turn over the towns of commercial rivals to their mercies was to ensure their utter destruction. Besides the loss of property and of human life, almost all the old associations, kept up mainly through the religious rituals, would die away when the centre of union, the temple of the tutelary deity, was destroyed. All! archives would likewise perish : and when the tide of fortune turned nearly twenty years afterwards, the history of the past would have to be reconstructed mainly from the recollections of the few exiles which re- turned. & πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ Λυδῶν, δὶς δὲ ἐπεξῆς τότε ὑπὸ Περσέων. See i. 26, 27, and 169. 75 καὶ Πέρινθος. This town, after suf- fering severely from the Pereonians, was captured by Megabazus immediately after the return of Darius from Scythia (v. 1). It was therefore not likely to be strong enough to offer any resistance either to the Ionian fleet (v. 103) or to the Phoeni- cian, 76 τὰ τείχεα τὰ ἐκὶ Θρηΐκης. ScyLax classes Perinthuse and Selymbria among the @pdxia τείχη. He gives a list of them after going through the Chersonese: πρῶ- τον Λευκὴ ἀκτὴ, Teiploracis, Ἡράκλεια, Favos, Γανίαι, Νέον τεῖχος, Πέρινθος πόλις καὶ λιμὴν, Δαμινὸν τεῖχος, ϑηλυμβρία πό- Ais καὶ λιμήν (p. 28, Hudson). Herodotus tines and ; ans fly and All the Greek towns except Cy- zicus an Cardia are sacked. 34 Story of the connexion of Miltiades with the Chersonese. 104 HERODOTUS καὶ οἱ πέρηθεν Χαλκηδόνιοι 7 οὐδ᾽ ὑπέμειναν ἐπιπλέοντας τοὺς Φοίνικας, GAN οἴχοντο ἀπολιπόντες τὴν σφετέρην ἔσω ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον" καὶ ἐνθαῦτα πόλιν Μεσαμβρίην οἴκησαν. ot δὲ ᾿ Φοίνικες κατακαύσαντες ταύτας τὰς χώρας τὰς καταλεχθείσας, τράπονται ἐπί τε Προκόννησον καὶ ᾿Αρτάκην" πυρὶ δὲ καὶ ταύτας νείμαντες ἔπλωον αὖτις ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον, ἐξαιρήσοντες τὰς ἐπιλοίπους τῶν πολίων ὅσας πρότερον προσχόντες οὐ κατέσυραν. ἐπὶ δὲ Κύξωκον οὐδὲ ἔπλωσαν ἀρχήν" αὐτοὶ γὰρ Κυξωτηνοὶ és πρότερον ™ τοῦ Φοινίκων ἔσπλου ἐγεγόνεσαν ὑπὸ βασιλέϊ, Οἰβάρει τῷ MeyaBdlou™ ὁμολογήσαντες τῷ ἐν Δασκυλείῳ ὑπάρχῳ. τῆς δὲ Χερσονήσου, πλὴν Καρδίης πόλιος ", τὰς ἄλλας πάσας ἐχειρώ- @ a7 σαντο ot Φοίνικες. ᾿Ετυράννευε δὲ αὐτέων μέχρι τότε Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κίμωνος τοῦ Στησαγόρεω, κτησαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν ταύτην πρότερον Μιλτιάδεω τοῦ Κυψέλου τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' εἶχον Δόλογκοι Θρήϊκες τὴν Χερ- σόνησον ταύτην. οὗτοι ὧν οἱ Δόλογκοι πιεσθέντες πολέμῳ ὑπὸ ᾿Αψινθίων ", ἐς Δελφοὺς ἔπεμψαν τοὺς βασιλέας περὶ τοῦ πολέμον appears to exclude from this class such towns as had a port of theirown. Sely- bria was a Thracian name, the termina- tion Apia signifying πόλις in the local dialect. (StrepHaNus BYZANTINUS, sud v., and Strano, quoted in note on vii. 58.) Perhaps the circumstance of its having a port produced such an influx of Hellenes as to destroy its Thracian cha- racter. In vii. 108 we bear of the Σαμο- θρηΐκια τείχεα, and in vii. 112 of the τείχεα τὰ Πιέρων,---ἰὰ both of which cases inland towns seem contemplated. In THucypipes (i. 59), τὰ ἐπὶ @pdans is a very wide expression, including even Potideea. 77 καὶ of πέρηθεν Χαλκηδόνιοι. Itisa proof of the efficiency of the operations of Histizeus that the city Chalcedon should not have fallen into the hands of the Per- sians before this time. No doubt how- ever first the diversion effected by the re- volt of Caria (v. 117), and afterwards the death of Hymeas (v. 122), contributed something to this result. 78 ἔτι πρότερον. Dobree conjectures ἔτεϊ πρότερον. 79 Οἰβάρεϊ τῷ Μεγαβάζον. It is natu- ral to suppose that the Megabazus here spoken of is the same as the functionary who was left in command of the troops in Thrace (iv. 143), and succeeded after a time by Otanes (v. 26). The name (£6a- ras belongs to the groom to whose cunning Darius is said to have owed his kingdom (iii. 88). Another son of M S was named Budaras (v.21). No doubt these names are significant in Persian. 80 πλὴν Kapdins πόλιος. It need not be supposed that Cardia succesefally re- sisted the attack upon it; for at the time of Xerxes’s expedition it served as a dépot of naval stores for the Persians (ix. 115), and therefore must have been in their hands. And there is no mention of its being taken between this time and that. It was however inhabited by an olian population, and from the time of the fall of the Lydian dynasty there is no trace of any attempt of the olian towns to reco- ver their independence. See note 476 on i. 141, and note 354 on iv. 138. It ap- pears to me more likely that the inhabi- tants of Cardia were well affected to the Persian interests, and that on this account they were exempted from the visitation of the Phoenician fleet. They had been se. verely handled by their neighbours the Bisalte (CHARon or Lampsacvs, ap. Athen. xii. p. 520), and were probably very glad of the aid which Persia could afford. 81 πιεσθέντες πολέμῳ ὑπὸ ᾿Αψινθίων. It is a curious circumstance that this story ERATO. VI. 384---86. 105 χρησομένους" ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι ἀνεῖλε οἰκιστὴν ἐπάγεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην τοῦτον, ὃς ἄν σφεας ἀπιόντας ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ πρῶτος ἐπὶ ξείνια καλέσῃ" ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τε καὶ Βοιωτῶν jicar καί σῴεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων. “Ev δὲ τῇσι ᾿Αθήνῃσι τηνικαῦτα εἶχε μὲν τὸ πᾶν 35 κράτος Πεισίστρατος, ἀτὰρ ἐδυνάστευε " καὶ Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κυψέ- λου ἐὼν οἰκίης τεθριπποτρόφου, τὰ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν ἀπ᾽ Αἰακοῦ " τε καὶ Αὐγένης γεγονὼς τὰ δὲ νεώτερα ᾿Αθηναῖος, Φιλαίου τοῦ Αἴαντος παιδὸς γενομένου πρώτου τῆς οἰκίης ταύτης ᾿Αθηναίου ". οὗτος ὃ Μιλτιάδης κατήμενος ἐν τοῖσι προθύροισι τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ, ὁρέων τοὺς Δολόγκους παριόντας ἐσθῆτα ἔχοντας οὐκ ἐγχωρίην καὶ αἰχμὰς, προσεβώσατο' καί σφι προσελθοῦσε ἐπηγγείλατο καταγωγὴν καὶ ξείνια. οἱ δὲ δεξάμενοι καὶ ξεινισθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ἐξέφαινον πᾶν οἱ τὸ μαντήϊον" ἐκφήναντες δὲ ἐδέοντο αὐτοὶ" τῷ θεῷ μιν πείθεσθαι. Mirridéea δὲ ἀκούσαντα παραυτίκα ἔπεισε ὁ λόγος, οἷα ἀχθόμενόν τε τῇ Πεισιστράτου ἀρχῇ καὶ βουλόμενον ἐκ ποδῶν εἶναι αὐτίκα δὲ ἐστάλη ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπειρησόμενος τὸ χρηστήριον, εἰ ποιοίη τά περ αὐτοῦ οἱ Δόλογκοι προσεδέοντο; Κελευούσης δὲ καὶ τῆς 36 Πυθίης, οὕτω δὴ Mirriddns ὁ Κυψέλου, ᾿ἮΟλύμπια ἀναιρηκὼς πρότερον τούτων τεθρέππῳ, τότε παραλαβὼν ᾿Αθηναίων πάντα note 156 on v. 62. of the imvitation to Miltiades appears else- Ἢ 84 Φιλαίου τοῦ Αἴαντος. . .. ᾿Αθηναίου. where, in almost every feature with the text, except that the Apsinthians are represented as giving the invitation, owing to the losses they suffered from the Dolonchi. (Schol. inedit. in Aristidem, quoted by Valcknaer.) See the notes 8 and 9 on iii. 2; also 213, 214 on i. 63 and 64. The Apsinthians are perhaps the pericecians of /Enus. See note on vii. 58. 52 ἐδυνάστευε. The word is used in the general sense of “ influential.’’ But that the power of Miltiades was actually much greater than that of an ordinary citizen can hardly be doubted. The lead- ing men of Athens at this time may be com with the heads of the great houses in the Italian republics of the middle ages. The occupation of the Cher- sonese by Miltiades, of Sigeum by Pisi- stratus, and of Lipsydrium by the Alcmee- onids, indicate physical force which could only spring from the maintenance of a large number of retainers. 3 τὰ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν ἀπ’ Αἰακοῦ. See VOL. II. The whole pedigree, although probably confused, is preserved in a quotation from Dipymus, the Alexandrine grammarian, who cites as his authorities Pherecydes and Hellanicus. It runs (1) Philaias, (2) Daiclus, (3) Epidycus, (4) Acestor, (5) Agenor, (6) Olius, (7) Lyces, (8) Ty- hon, (9) Laius, (10) Agamestor, (11) isander, under whose archonship some- thing took place, but what is concealed by a lacuna, (12) Miltiades, (13) Hippocleides, in whose archonship the Panathenrea were established, (14) Miltiades, the colonist of Chersonese es Marcellinum, Vit. Thu- d.). Oe eee This is the reading of the manuscripts S and V. Gaisford, on the authority of the rest, prints αὐτοῦ. But there seems an especial force in αὐτοί. The personal feelings of the Thracians had become enlisted in favour of Miltiades from his treatment of them. They there- fore ἐδέοντο αὐτοὶ, ‘ prayed him on their own account.”’ P 37 Relations between the elder Miltiades and Croeus. 106 HERODOTUS τὸν βουλόμενον μετέχειν τοῦ στόλου, ἔπλεε ἅμα τοῖσι Δολόγκοισι καὶ ἔσχε τὴν χώρην "" καί μιν οἱ ἐπαγωγόμενοι τύραννον κατ- ἐστήσαντο". ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἀπετείχισε τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Χερσο- νήσου ἐκ Καρδίης πόλιος ἐς Πακτύην, ἵνα μὴ ἔχοιέν σφεας οἱ ᾿Αψύώθιοι δηλέεσθαι ἐσβάλλοντες ἐς τὴν χώρην. εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι στάδιοι ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ" ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τούτου ἡ Χερσόνησος εἴσω πᾶσά ἐστι σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ τετρακοσίων τὸ μῆκος. ᾿Αποτειχίσας ὧν τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Χερσονήσου ὁ Μιλτιάδης, καὶ τοὺς ᾿ΑψΨινθίους τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ὠσάμενος, τῶν λοιπῶν πρώ- τοῖσι ἐπολέμησε Λαμψακηνοῖσι "" καί pw οἱ Λαμψακηνοὶ λοχή- σαντες αἱρέουσι ζωγρίῃ": ἣν δὲ ὁ Μιλτιάδης Κροίσῳ τῷ Λυδῷ ἐν γνώμῃ γογονώς “" πυθόμενος ὧν ὁ Κροῖσος ταῦτα, πέμπων “προ- 86 ἔσχε τὴν χώρην. This, which is the reading of several MSS, is no doubt the true one. But both here and in § 47, below, the variant ἔσκε is found in others. It is now generally agreed that ἔσκε, whenever it is found in Ionic writers, has the sense of ἦν. But Autus GELLIUs (N. A. vi. 16) speaks as if in his time ἔσκον was used as an Jonic form of ἔσχον. Such would be the case if ἔσκε were allowed to stand in the text; and if this be a cor- ruption (which seems likely) it is one which neither Gellius nor a friend of his, whom he describes as ‘ multi studii atque in bonarum disciplinarum opere frequens,' recognized as such. 8 τύραννον κατεστήσαντος In the ‘treasury of the Sicyonians” at Elis, there was “8 horn of Amalthea’’ of wrought ivory, on which was the inscrip- tion, “in ancient Attic letters,”’ Ζηνί μ᾽ ἄγαλμ᾽ ἀνέθηκαν ᾿Ολυμπίῳ ἐκ Χερονήσου τεῖχος ἑλόντες ᾿Αράτου' ἐπῆρχε δὲ Μιλ- τιάδης σφιν. Ῥαυβανδνιαβ (no doubt following the ac- count he heard on the spot) says that the offering was made by “ Miltiades, son of Cimon, who first of that house obtained sovereign power in the Thracian Cherso- nese’ (vi. 19. 4). This is an instructive instance of the way in which the more celebrated person in a family attracts to himself in oral traditions the feats of the less distinguished. ASLIAN’s three Mil- tiadeses, on the other hand (Var. Hist. xiii. 35)—like his éwo Perianders, ‘en Sibyls, and three Bacides,—epring from the assumption that different traditions must needs relate to different persons. 8 τῶν λοιπῶν πρώτοισι ἐπολέμησε Λαμ- σι. Lampsacus was only forty stades distant from a headland of the Chersonese, on which in the time of Straxgo a little town called Callipolis (Gallipoli) was built (xiii. c. 1, p. 92). This site, like the similar one of Zancle in Sicily, offered opportunities to the piratical adventurers of Miltiades’s time not likely to be neglected, and probably the war in question was of a predatory character. Lampsacus was a colony from Miletus. 88 ἐν γνώμῃ γεγονώς. This expression seems to mean γνώριμος γενόμενος. It is far from unlikely that some sort of feudal relation had been entered into between Croesus and Miltiades. (See note 40 on iv. 14.) The whole of the coast of the Troad and Propontis was claimed by the Lydian kings as lords of the soil, and Abydos was said to be founded by the permission of Gyges. (Sreaso, xiii. c. 1, p. 95.) It is probable under such circumstances that certain seighorial rights would be reserved, and as the towns increased in wealth and commercialimportance, a continualstruggle would go on, the sovereigns endeavouring to increase the fund which they derived from the burghers, and the latter to get rid of the obligations under which they lay. To enforce payment in a summary manner, an effectual method would be to connive at the piratical i of another vassal at the expense of the de- linquent. ERATO. VI. 37—39. 107 ηγόρενε τοῖσι Aap axnvoios perévas Μιλτιάδεα" εἰ δὲ μὴ, σφέας “πέτυος τρόπον ἀπείλεε ἐκτρίψειν "" πλανωμένων δὲ τῶν Δαμψα- κηνῶν ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι, τὸ θέλει τὸ ἔπος εἶναι τό σφι ἀπείλησεν ὁ Κροῖσος, “ πίτυος τρόπον ἐκτρέίψειν," μόγις κοτὲ μαθὼν τῶν τις πρεσβυτέρων εἶπε τὸ ἐὸν, ὅτι πίτυς μούνη πάντων δενδρέων ἐκκο- πεῖσα βλαστὸν οὐδένα μετίει", ἀλλὰ πανώλεθρος ἐξαπόλλυταν δείσαντες ὧν οἱ Δαμψακηνοὶ Κροῖσον, λύσαντες μετῆκαν Μιλ» τιάδεα. Οὗτος μὲν δὴ διὰ Κροῖσον ἐκφεύγει' μετὰ δὲ, τελευτᾷ ἄπαις τὴν ἀρχήν τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα παραδοὺς Στησαωγόρῃ τῷ Κίμωνος ἀδελφεοῦ παιδὶ ὁμομητρίου' καί οἱ τελευτήσαντι Χερσο- νησῖται θύουσι, ὡς νόμος οἰκιστῇ, καὶ ἀγῶνα immxov τε καὶ γυμνικὸν ἐπιστᾶσι ἐν τῷ Λαμψακηνῶν οὐδενὶ ἐγγίνεται ἀγωνί- ξεσθαι. πολέμου δὲ ἐόντος πρὸς ΔΛαμψακηνοὺς, καὶ Στησαγόρεα κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν ἄπαιδα, πληγέντα τὴν κεφαλὴν πελέκεϊ ἐν τῷ πρυτανηΐῳ πρὸς ἀνδρὸς αὐτομόλου μὲν τῷ λόγῳ πολεμίου δὲ καὶ ὑποθερμοτέρου τῷ ἔργῳ. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ Στησαγόρεω τρόπῳ τοιῷδε, ἐνθαῦτα Μιλ- τιάδεα τὸν Κίμωνος, Στησαγόρεω δὲ τοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἀδελφεὸν, καταλαμψόμενον τὰ πρήγματα ἐπὶ Χερσονήσου ἀποστέλλουσι 38 39 Relations of the ounger iltiades τριήρεϊ οἱ Tlescvotparisas” of μὲν καὶ ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ἐποίευν εὖ, ὡς tiation ov συνειδότες δῆθεν " τοῦ πατρὸς Κίμωνος αὐτοῦ τὸν θάνατον, τὸν ἀγὼ ἐν ἄλλῳ Oyo” σημανέω ὡς ἐγένετο. Μιλτιάδης δὲ ἀπικό- μενος ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον εἶχε κατ᾽ οἴκους, τὸν ἀδελφεὸν Στη- σαγόρεα δηλαδὴ "" ἐπιτιμέων: οἱ δὲ Χερσονησῖται πυνθανόμενοι 89 πίτνος τρόπον ἀπείλεε ἐκτρίψειν. It has been concinded that Herodotus missed the real gist of this story, from the circum- stance that he does not mention Lampse- cus having been formerly called Pilyoessa or Pilyea, which is said to have been the ease. (Deiocnus and EraPrHRopitTvs, ep. Steph. Byzant. νυν. Aduwaxos.) But the name Pityea applied to some town in that region occurs even in the Iliad (ii. 829), and of this it is not likely that He- rodotus would be ignorant. It does not seem to me necessary to suppose that Croesus intended a pun by the phrase he made use of. He resorted to an illustra- tion which would be appropriate to the region, abounding as it did in firs; just as in the prophetical writings of the Old Testament similar illustrations are mp- plied by the cedars of Lebanon and the vineyards and olive gardens of the valley of the Jordan. ᾿ 86 μετίει. See note 604 on i. 180. 9t of Πεισιστρατίδαι. The connexion of the Pisistratids with the Troad appears by their holding Sigeam (v. 94.) 92 ὡς οὐ συνειδότες δῆθεν, “88 if, for- sooth, they knew nothing about.” 93 ἐν ἄλλῳ λόγῳ, “in another story.” He fulfils his promise in this book, § 103, a circumstance which proves not only that the present division into nine books is not original (as Luctan’s story makes it), but that a different division must have been. contemplated. 84 δηλαδή. See note 346 on iv. 135. P2 istratids, 40 His expul- sion from the Cher- sonese by the Scy- thians., 108 HERODOTUS ταῦτα, συνελέχθησαν ἀπὸ πασέων τῶν πολέων ot δυναστεύοντες πάντοθεν: κοινᾷ δὲ στόλῳ ἀπικόμενοι, ὡς συλλυπηθησόμενοι, ἐδέθησαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. Μιαλτιάδης τε δὴ ἴσχει τὴν Χερσόνησον, πεντακοσίους βόσκων ἐπικούρους, καὶ γαμέει ᾽Ολόρου τοῦ Θρηΐκων βασιλέος θυγατέρα ᾿Ηγησιπύλην. Οὗτος δὲ ὁ Κίμωνος Ma- τιάδης νεωστὶ μὲν ἐληλύθεε" ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον, κατελάμβανε δέ μιν ἐλθόντα ἄλλα τῶν κατεχόντων πρηγμάτων χαλειτώτερα' (τρίτω μὲν γὰρ ἔτεϊ τούτων "ὁ Σκύθας ἔφευγε: Σκύθαι γὰρ οἱ 98 νεωστὶ μὲν ἐληλύθεε. On the as- sumption that this phrase refers to the first arrival of Miltiades in the Cherso- nese, Larcher and Clinton (F. H. a. 615) have created a greater difficulty than really exists in it, from erroneously supposing that ‘the Pisistratids’’ spoken of above must include Hipparchus, who was killed in the year 514 3.c. But “the Pisistra- tids’’ merely mean “‘ the Pisistratid party,” and the expression is so used by Herodo- tus (v. 62—65). The first arrival of Mil- tiades in the Chersonese need not there- fore have taken place before 510 B.c. Yet even then it seems strange that such a phrase 88 γεωστὶ ἐληλύθεε should be ap- plied to an event occurring at least seven- teen years before. This inconvenience would be avoided by supposing that ‘‘ the recent arrival” of Miltiades meant his return after his flight. In that case, ra κατέχοντα πράγματα, ‘the troubles which occupied him,” must be taken to mean the troubles arising out of his relations with the Scythians, and the ἄλλα χαλεπώτερα to refer to the new dangers threatened by the Ionian rebellion and its consequences. The Scythian invasion will be ed as happening in the third year of these (τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ τοὐτων), and his return from the exile occasioned by it, in the third year before the arrival of the Phoenician fleet at Tenedos, and “‘ the troubles which then came upon him’ (τῶν τότε μιν κατεχόν- των»). This interpretation synchronizes tolerably well with the course of events. Aristagoras was certainly slain in Thrace by a great Thracian movement in 497 8.c. (see CLINTON under the years 497 and 465), and it is natural that the natives, flushed by success, should proceed to try whether they might not be as successful in the Hellespont. The Phoenician fleet came to Tenedos in 493, so that about «two years would be given for the limits within which Miltiades was expelled and returned. The words τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ τούτων will on this theory mean “in the third year of these troubles,” i.e. the Ionian rebellion of which I am writing, which began with the burning of Sardis 499 B.C. 96 τρίτῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔτεϊ τούτων. This ought to mean the same, or nearly the same, as the more common expression, τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ μετὰ ταῦτα. See below, δεύ- τέρῳ ἔτεϊ τούτων (§ 46 and vii. 80). But the sense in which it has been generally taken is “in the third year before,” and the time denoted ed as the same with that expressed below by τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ πρότερον. This interpretation seems how- ever to be commended mainly by the as- sumption that νεωστὶ ἐληλύθεε must refer to the first arrival of Miltiades in the Chersonese, and this ap to me far from certain. (See the last note.) I should rather be inclined to suppose that Herodotus has here got hold of a tradition belonging to a different cycle from that which he has just been fol- lowing,—probably one derived from Hel- lespontine sources, which merely related that Miltiades, after flying from before the Scythians, whom Darius had pro- voked, remained in exile until he recovered his power by the aid of the Dolonchi,—an event which took place in the third year before the advent of the Phoenician fleet. Such a Hellespontine tradition would take no account of what might have happened to Miltiades’s ancestors at Athens. Their: adventures Herodotus probably obtained from some other quarter. We may per- haps suppose that the main thread of the narrative proceeded from the third line of § 34 to the beginning of § 40, thus: Ἐτυράννενε δὲ αὐτέων μέχρι τότε Μιλτι- dBns ὃ Κίμωνος τοῦ Στησαγόρεω, κτησα- μένον τὴν ἀρχὴν ταύτην πρότερον Μιλ- τιάδεω τοῦ Κυψέλον" οὗτος δὲ ὁ Κίμωνος Μιλτιάδης, «.7.A., and that the author subsequently inserted the family history comprised in §§ 34— 39. ERATO. VI. 40—42. 109 νομάδες ἐρεθισθέντες ὑπὸ βασιλέος Δαρείου συνεστράφησαν, καὶ ἤλασαν μέχρι τῆς Χερσονήσου ταύτης" τούτους ἐπιόντας οὐκ ὗπο- μείνας ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἔφευγε ἀπὸ Χερσονήσου, ἐς ὃ οἵ τε Σ᾽ κύθαι μὲν δὴ τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ πρότερον ἐγεγόνεε τῶν τότε μιν κατεχόντων "7" osca τότε δὲ πυνθανόμενος εἶναι τοὺς Φοίνικας ἐν Τενέδῳ, πληρώσας ne Phe τριήρεας πέντε χρημάτων τῶν παρεόντων ἀπέπλεε ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. Which cap- καὶ ὥσπερ ὡρμήθη ἐκ Καρδίης πόλιος, ἔπλεε διὰ τοῦ Μέλανος ee κόλπου παραμείβετό τε τὴν Χερσόνησον καὶ οἱ Φοίνικές οἱ περιπίπτουσι τῇσι νηυσί, αὐτὸς μὲν δὴ Μιλτιάδης σὺν τῇσι τέσσαρσι τῶν νεῶν καταφεύγει ἐς Ἴμβρον, τὴν δέ of πέμπτην τῶν νεῶν κατεῖλον διώκοντες οἱ Φοίνικες. τῆς δὲ νεὸς ταύτης ἔτυχε τῶν Μιλτιάδεω παίδων ὁ πρεσβύτατος ἄρχων Μητίοχος, οὐκ ἐκ τῆς ᾿᾽Ολόρου τοῦ Θρήϊκος ἐὼν θυγατρὸς ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἄλλης" καὶ τοῦτον ἅμα τῇ νηὶ εἷλον οἱ Φοίνικες, καί μὲν πυθόμενοι ὡς εἴη Μιλτιάδεω παῖς ἀνήγαγον παρὰ βασιλέα, δοκέοντες χάριτα μεγά- λην καταθήσεσθαι"" ὅτι δὴ Μιλτιάδης γνώμην ἀπεδέξατο ἐν τοῖσι Ἴωσε πείθεσθαι κελεύων τοῖσι Σ᾽ κύθησι, ὅτε οἱ Σ᾽ κύθαι προσεδέοντο λύσαντας τὴν σχεδίην ἀποπλέειν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν. Aapetos δὲ, ὡς whom Ἀε- οἱ Φοίνικες Μητίοχον τὸν Μιλτιάδεω ἀνήγαγον, ἐποίησε κακὸν μὲν with great οὐδὲν " Mrrioyov ἀγαθὰ δὲ ovyvd: καὶ yap οἶκον καὶ κτῆσιν ἩΡΒΟΝ, ἔδωκε καὶ Περσίδα γυναῖκα, ἐκ τῆς οἱ τέκνα ἐγένετο τὰ ἐς Πέρ- σας κεκοσμέαται. Mudridéns δὲ ἐξ Ἴμβρου ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὰς He arrives "A θήνας. at Athens. Kai κατὰ τὸ ἔτος τοῦτο ἐκ τῶν Περσέων οὐδὲν ἐπὶ πλέον 42 θέσθαι τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις, wishing not “to do 91 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ... τῶν τότε μιν κατ- the Jews a favour,” but “ to lay the Jews ἐχόντων. Dobree considers that this sen- tence is mainly derived from the hand of a commentator, who misunderstood the meaning of the words τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ τούτων in the beginning of the section. He would read as a substitute for them, ταῦτα μὲν δὴ πρότερον. But this change is unsup- ported by any variation in the MSS. 88 χάριτα μεγάλην καταθήσεσθαι. Lite- rally, ‘‘ would deposit a great favour with him,” ἑ. Φ. lay him under a great obligation. The metaphor is taken from the depositing of a balance with a banker, on whom the depositor thus acquiresa hold. Thus Felix left St. Paul in bonds, θέλων χάριτα κατα- under an obligation,’’ i.e. to stop their mouths in the event of his official conduct being attacked. Sey xxiv. 25.) 99 éxolyce κακὸν μὲν οὐδέν. It seems not impossible that Darius rather wished than otherwise to attach to himself some person of influence among the number of the Hellenic dynasts in these regions. (See note 69 on § 30.) Both his temper and his comprehensive views would lead him to a very different policy from that which would occur to the merely military Persian commanders and the cruel semi-barbarous Phoenicians. (See note 74 on § 32.) New sottle- ment of Ionia. 43 In the next spring Mar- 110 HERODOTUS ἐγένετο τούτων ἐς νεῖκος φέρον Ἴωσι, ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν χρήσιμα κάρτα τοῖσι Ἴωσι ἐγένετο τούτου τοῦ ἔτεος. ᾿Αρταφέρνης ὁ Σαρ- δίων ὕπαρχος, μεταπεμψάμενος ἀγγέλους ἐκ τῶν πολίων συνθήκας σφίσι αὐτοῖσι τοὺς Ἴωνας ἠνάγκασε ποιέεσθαε, ἵνα δοσίδωνοε εἶεν καὶ μὴ ἀλλήλους φέροιέν τε καὶ ἄγοιεν. ταῦτά τε ἠνάγκασε ποιέειν καὶ τὰς χώρας σφέων μετρήσας κατὰ παρασάγγας '™,— τοὺς καλέουσι οἱ Πέρσαε τὰ τριήκοντα στάδια ",---κατὰ δὴ τούτους μετρήσας φόρους ἔταξε ἑκάστοισι, οὗ κατὰ χώρην διατελέουσε ἔχοντες ἐκ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου αἰεὶ ert καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ "", ὡς ἐτά αν ἐξ’ Αρταφέρνεος: ἐτάχθησαν δὲ σχεδὸν κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τὰ καὶ πρό- τερον εἶχον ". Καί σφι ταῦτα μὲν εἰρηναῖα ἦν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἔαρε, τῶν ἄλλων καταλελυμένων στρατηγῶν ἐκ βασιλέος "", Μαρδο- 199 μετρήσας κατὰ παρασάγγας. By this expression one may conjecture that the use of the Persian scale of measure- ment was at this time imposed upon the Ionians,—not a difficult matter, if the Persian scale was one adopted from Baby- lon. For it seems probable that this scale was identical with one which prevailed in Egypt from very early times (see note 511 on ji. 168), and this had been adopted for commercial purposes by the Samians, and probably also by all persons who had com- mercial intercourse either with Phoenicia or Hence it is not unlikely that in the time of Herodotus any Ionian mer- chant (especially if his trade lay with the east) would speak in terms of the Perso- Babylonian scale. (See note 597 on i. 178. a ee καλέουσι of Πέρσαι τὰ τριήκοντα στάδια. This must not be as strictly true. Srraso (zi. c. 11, p. 442) says that some put the parasang at sixty stades, some at thirty, and some at forty. He remarks a similar variation with regard to the Egyptian schenus. (See note 24 on ii. 6.) These differences will not be surprising if we regard the measure es forming an element in an organized system ef locomotion, such as the Persian esta- fette. A would be the posting untt af distance, the space which on average ground a courier would perform in a given time. But in the fariff by which travellers would be guided there would be bye-laws to meet the varying conditions of road, of season, of Smale and perhaps even of fiscal or police lations, which would materially affect the length of the parasang considered geogra- phically. These considerations appear in the Roman Itineraries and in every modern system of posting conducted by the govern- ments of the country. Col. Shiel in 1837 found considerable inconvenience from the Kurdistan muleteers whom he hired habi- tually Aaliing every Sareakh, i.e parasang (Journal of Geogr. Soc. viii. p. 77), and en the read on which this occurred there were certainly no measured distances. ἴθι ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμέ. This passage has been remarked as decisively proving the subjection of the Asiatic Hellenes to the king of Persia, at a time when the restora- tion of their liberty by Athenian arms was a favourite topic with the Attic orators. MULLER (Dorier. i. pp. 186, 187) points out several other circumstances which show the same thing. 108 κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τὰ Kal πρότερον εἶχον. This mild treatment ef the rebels is said by Diopornus Sicutus (Excerpt. Vat. p. 38) to be due to the persuasions of Hecateus, who was deputed by his coun- trymen to plead their cause with Arta- phernes. 102 τῶν ἄλλων καταλελυμένων oT pary- γῶν ἐκ βασιλέος. Every thing which is related of Darius, with the exception of a single anecdote (see note 235 on iv. 84), goes to show that, like Alexander and Napoleon, his genius for consolidating the countries he conquered, and combining anew the elements of prosperity, was no less striking than his success as a con- queror. The generals mentioned in the text appear to have been superseded by direct orders from the king; and there seems every likelihood that the immediate occasion of this was the extreme harshness ERATO. VI. 43, 44. 111 dontus con- vos ὁ Γωβρύεω κατέβαινε ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, στρατὸν πολλὸν wey ome κάρτα πεζὸν ἅμα ἀγόμενος πολλὸν δὲ vavtixoy'*, ἡλικίην τε νέος expedition ἐὼν, κα: νεωστὶ γεγαμηκὼς βασιλέος Δαρειοῦ θυγατέρα ᾿Αρταζώ- sab κα: ΘῈ orp” *. ἄγων δὲ τὸν στρατὸν τοῦτον ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἐπεί τε yy ἐγένετο ἐν τῇ Κιλικίῃ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπιβὰς ἐπὶ νεὸς éxoplfero ἅμα rally for ὰ τῇσι τῆσι ἄλλαι νηυσὶ "5 εστρατιὴν δὲ τὴν πεζὴν ἄλλοι ἡγεμόνες ἦγον ae : ἐπὶ τὸν Ελλήσποντον. ὡς δὲ παραπλέων τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἀπίκετο ὁ δ᾿ Μαρδόνιος ἐς τὴν 'I ἈΦ ἐνθαῦτα μέγιστον θῶμα ἐρέω τοῖσι μὴ ἀποδεκομένοισι ᾿ Ελλήνων . Περσέων τοῖσι ἑπτὰ ᾿᾽Οτάγνεα γνώμην ἀποδέξασθαι ὡς χρεὸν εἴη δημοκρατέεσθαε Πέρσας" τοὺς γὰρ τυράννους τῶν ᾿Ιώνων κατωπαύσας πάντας ὁ Μαρδόνιος δημο- κρατίας ᾽" xarlora™ ὡς τὰς πόλιας. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας, ἠπείγετο ἐς τὸν ᾿Εἰλλήσποντον. ὡς δὲ συνελέχθη μὲν χρῆμα πολλὸν νεῶν, συνελέχθη δὲ καὶ πεζὸς πολλὸς στρατὸς, διαβάντες τῇσι νηυσὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπορεύοντο διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης" ἐπορεύοντο δὲ ἐπί τε Ἐρέτριαν ᾿καὶ ᾿Αθήνας. Αὗται μὲν ὧν σφι πρόσχημα ἦσαν τοῦ 44 στόλον" ἀτὰρ ἐν νόῳ ἔχοντες ὅσας ἂν πλείστας δύναιντο καταστρέ- with which they treated the towns they overran. (See § 32.) 104 πρλλὸν δὲ ναυτικόν. See note 190 on i. 59. To the instances there quoted may be added Cicgro (Pro Ratirio, § 4), “πες verba non solum tenebris vetustatis, sed etiam luce libertatis oppressa sunt.”’ 105 ᾿Αρταζώστρην. Gobryas himeelf was Darius's father-in-law (vii. 2), and brother- in-law (vii. 5). He appears in the account of the conspiracy against Smerdis as the most courageous and zealous of all the seven chiefs. The rock inscriptions make him ‘‘ bow-bearer”’ of Darius. (See note 199 on iii. 70.) In the narrative of the Scythian expedition he is represented as the most sagacious and pradent of all the Persians. All these particulars go to the point of his being especially attached to Darius’s person and g his con- The appointment of his son Mardonius, therefore, with extraordinary powers in the existing conjunctare looks like the consummation of Darius’s policy of imperial order, as con from the violent individeal despotism of the great chiefs belonging to the old Per- sian régime. Perbaps even the feature of Mardonius’s youth is significant. He was not old enough to have imbibed the pre- judices of the raffianly school who muti- lated attendants (iii. 119), and considered all ion of fiscal imposts worthy only of a huckster (iii. 89). Among the gene- rals superseded is an Otanes, who, though not himself the conspirator, was probably connected with him. 106 Gua τῇσι ἄλλῃσι νηυσί. Perhaps to keep in check the savagery of the Phoe- nicians. See note 74 on § 32, above. 107 τοῖσι μὴ ἀποδεκομένοισι Ελλήνων. See iii. 80. 108 δημοκρατίας. These constitutional governments would be no inconvenient machi for carrying on the ordinary business of the respective towns, while at the same time the imperial interests were protected by the existence of a consider- able Persian force at Dascyleam and Mag- nesia. But the argument from such mea- sures in favour of the historical truth of the views attributed to Otanes, is of the same kind as one would be, which should infer the probability of a republican go- vernment being suggested in the council chamber of a Plantagenet, from the fact that the kings of that dynasty were not unfriendly to municipal institutions. 109 κατίστα. See note 287 on ii. 102. The fleet in attend- ance on the army is wrecked off Athos, 45 and the land forces suffer 112 HERODOTUS φεσθαι τῶν ᾿Ελληνίδων πολίων, τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῇσι νηυσὶ Θασίους οὐδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταειραμένους καταστρέψαντο, τοῦτο δὲ τῷ πεξῷ Μακεδόνας πρὸς τοῖσι ὑπάρχουσι δούλους προσεκτήσαντο 1) τὰ γὰρ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνων ἔθνεα ππάντα σφι ἦν ἤδη ὑποχείρια yeyo- νότα "“. ἐκ μὲν δὴ Θάσου διαβαλόντες πέρην, ὑπὸ τὴν ἤπειρον ἐκομίξοντο μέχρι ᾿Ακάνθον" ἐκ δὲ ᾿Ακάνθουν ὁρμεώμενοι, τὸν Γάθων περιέβαλλον ἐπιπεσὼν δέ σφι περιπλέουσι βορῆς ἄνεμος μέγας Te καὶ ἄπορος, κάρτα τρηχέως περιέσπε πλήθεϊ πολλὰς τῶν νεῶν ἐκβάλλων πρὸς τὸν "Αθων' λέγεται γὰρ κατὰ τριηκοσίας μὲν τῶν νεῶν τὰς διαφθαρείσας εἶναι, ὑπὲρ δὲ δύο μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων. ὥστε γὰρ θηριωδεστάτης ἐούσης τῆς θαλάσσης "5 ταύτης τῆς περὶ τὸν "Αθων οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν θηρίων διεφθείροντο ἁρπαζόμενοι, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς πέτρας ἀρασσόμενοι, οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν νέειν οὐκ ἐπιστέατο, καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο διεφθείροντο, οἱ δὲ ῥέγεϊ. ὁ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς στρα- τὸς οὕτω ἔπρησσε. Μαρδονίῳ δὲ καὶ τῷ πεζῷ στρατοπεδενομένῳ ἐν Μακεδονίῃ νυκτὸς Βρύγοι Θρήϊκες 1.) ἐποχείρησαν' καί σῴφεων 110 Μακεδόνας πρὸς τοῖσι ὑπάρχουσι δού- λους προσεκτήσαντο. Possibly at this time Alexander the Macedonian became for- mally a vassal of Persia. See notes on v. 21, vii. 127, and viii. 136. 1 σφι ἦν ἤδη ὑποχείρια γεγονότα. The operations of Megabazus, who had been left in Sestos with 80,000 men by Darius on his return from Scythia (iv. 143), were continued by Otanes (v. 25), and it would seem likely that the services of the former were confined to the Eu- ropean shore, where, after taking Perin- thus, ἤλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν διὰ τῆς Θρηΐκης πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ wiv ἔθνος τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων ἡμερούμενος βασιλέϊ (ν. 3). The only particulars given of those opera- tions relate to the Peonians; but it ap- pears incidentally that Doriscus was then strongly garrisoned, and Eion on the Strymon occupied (vii. 106, 7). From the anecdotes related of him (iv. 143, 144) it is plain that Megabazus was not only highly valued by the king, but that he had an eye for an effective military posi- tion; which latter quality is further evin- ced by his seeing through the plans of Histieeus (v.23). Possibly therefore when he had completed the arrangements for the permanent military occupation of the European shore, he returned, and Otanes was put in his place to carry out the de- tails which were necessary on the Asiatic coast and the Hellespont for connecting the two continents by a chain of posts. By the list which Herodotus gives of the places taken by Otanes (v. 26), it is plain that the main consideration which influ- enced him was to command the straits so as to secure an uninterrupted communica- tion. It should not be overlooked that the phrase τὰ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνων is only appropriate to a narrator who takes some place in the neighbourhood of the straits for his centre. 113 θηριωδεστάτης ἐούσης τῆς θαλάσσης. This expression has been put forward as an instance of gross incorrectness on the part of Herodotus; and, in the view of defending him from the charge, it has been suggested that his meaning may be, that the shore of the sea in question was thickly tenanted with wild animals. But the words can hardly bear such a mean- ing; and a better defence would be, that by them the author intends to describe the existence of sharks in large numbers. 113 Βρύγοι Ophixes. It can scarcely be doubted that these are the same tribes elsewhere called Bplyes or Bptyes. See note on vii. 73. ERATO. VI. 45—47. 113 “τολλοὺς φονεύουσι οἱ Βρύγοι, Μαρδόνιον δὲ αὐτὸν τρωματίζουσι. severely οὐ μέντοι οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ δουλοσύνην διέφυγον πρὸς Περσέων" οὐ γὰρ tack ka the δὴ πρότερον ἀπανέστη ἐκ τῶν χῶρτων τουτέων Μαρδόνιος, πρὶν ἤ ἐβε τοι σφεας ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσατο. τούτους μέντοι καταστρεψάμενος acaba = ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιὴν ὀπίσω, ἅτε τῷ πεζῷ τε προσπταίσας πρὸς τοὺς Βρύγους "" καὶ τῷ ναντικῷ μεγάλως περὶ “Adwv. οὗτος μέν νυν 6 στόλος αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος ἀπαλλάχθη ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. “Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ τούτων 6 Δαρεῖος, πρῶτα μὲν Θασίους δια- 46 βληθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων ὡς ἀπόστασιν μηχανοίατο, the Par “πέμψας ἄγγελον ἐκέλευέ σφεας τὸ τεῖχος περίαιβέεὶν καὶ τὰς νέας "ans seize ἐς “ABénpa κομίζειν "5. οἱ γὰρ δὴ Θάσιοι, ola ὑπὸ ἱΙστιαίου τε Ths, and τοῦ Μιλησίου πολιορκηθέντες καὶ προσόδων ἐουσέων μαγαλέων, ἐχρέοντο τοῖσι χρήμασι ναῦς τε ναυπηγεύμενοι μακρὰς καὶ τεῖχος ἐσχυρότερον περιβαλλόμενοι. ἡ δὲ πρόσοδός ode ἐγίνετο ἔκ τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν μετάλλων ἐκ μέν ye τῶν ἐν Σκαπτῇ Ὕλῃ "5, τῶν χρυσέων μετάλλων, τὸ ἐπίπαν ὀγδώκοντα τάλαντα ampere ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ Θάσῳ ἐλάσσω μὲν τούτων, συχνὰ δὲ wealth of . the island- οὕτω ὥστε τὸ ἐπίπαν Θασίοισι, ἐοῦσι καρπῶν aredéce™, arpoonie ers, specially ἀπό τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ τῶν μετάλλων ἔτεος ἑκάστου διηκόσια rom thelr τάλαντα" ὅτε δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον προσῆλθε, τριηκόσια. Εἶδον δὲ καὶ 47 αὐτὸς τὰ μέταλλα ταῦτα' καὶ μακρῷ ἦν αὐτῶν θωμασιώτατα τὰ οἱ Φοίνικες ἀνεῦρον, οἱ μετὰ Θάσου κτίσαντες τὴν νῆσον ταύτην" ἥτις νῦν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θάσου τούτου τοῦ Φοίνικος τὸ οὔνομα ἔσχε". τὰ δὲ μέταλλα τὰ Φοινικικὰ ταῦτα ἔστι τῆς Θάσου μεταξὺ Αἰνύρων τε χώρου καλεομένου καὶ Κοινύρων, ἀντίον δὲ Σ᾿ αμοθρηΐκης" ὄρος μέγα, ἀνεστραμμένον ἐν τῇ ζητήσει. τοῦτο μέν νυν ἔστι 114 Ἐρύγονει.ς δξ, ἑπτὰ, ἕρπω, AAs appear in their Latin One MS (ὁ) has Βρύγας. See the last n "1 τὰς Siar Ee ἐς “ABSnpa κομίζειν. He- rodotus (i. 168) represents Abdera as founded for the second time by the Teians flying from before the face of Harpagus. Bat by this time it would seem to have become Persian in feeling; otherwise it would hardly have been selected es a dé- pot for the The story told in viii. 120 goes to prove that even the de- feat of Xerxes failed to detach Abdera from his cause. 116 dy Σκαπτῇ Ὕλῃ. This name be- came Scaptesyla in Latin, the aspirate being represented by the sound a; just as VOL. 11. equivalents as sex, sepiem, serpo, sal. 17 dove: καρπῶν ἀτελέσι, “ while free from imposts on their produce.’”’ The author apparently means to say that with- out the islanders paying any tithe or land-tax, the whole of the public ex- penses were defrayed from the profits of the mines, and the produce of the public demesne on the continent, a balance still remaining of two or three hundred ta- lentes. It must be remembered that among the public expenses would come the celebration of the religious festivals— a very heavy burden in ancient times. ἃ ἔσχε. See above, note 36. Q 114 HERODOTUS τοιοῦτο" οἱ δὲ Θάσιοι τῷ βασιελέϊ κελεύσαντι καὶ τὸ τεῖχος TO σφέτερον κατεῖλον, καὶ τὰς νέας τὰς πάσας ἐκόμισαν ἐς "Αβδηρα. 48 Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο, ἀπεπειρᾶτο ὁ Δαρεῖος τῶν Ελλήνων ὅ τι ἐν Darius sum- mons all the YOM ἔχοιεν, κότερα ππολεμέειν ἑωυτῷ ἢ παραδιδόναι σφέας αὐτούς. ΠΡ εὶς διέπεμπε ὧν κήρυκας ἄλλους ἄλλῃ τάξας ἀνὰ τὴν “Ελλάδα, submit. κελεύων αἰτέειν βασιλέϊ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ. τούτους μὲν δὴ ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἔπεμπε' ἄλλους δὲ κήρυκας διέπεμπε ἐς τὰς ἑωυτοῦ δασμοφόρους πόλιας τὰς παραθαλασσίους, κελεύων νέας τε μακρὰς 40 καὶ ἱππωγωγὰ πλοῖα ποιέεσθαι. οὗτοί τε δὴ; παρεσκευάζοντο Mostof χαῦτα' καὶ τοῖσι ἥκουσι ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα κήρυξι πολλοὶ μὲν them com- ply, and ἠἠπειρωτέων ἐδίδοσαν τὰ προΐσχετο aitéwy ὁ Πέρσης, πάντες δὲ among these Ἔ the Fg = of νησιῶται ἐς τοὺς ἀπικοίατο αἰτήσοντες. οἵ τε δὴ ἄλλοε νησιῶται punish διδοῦσι γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ Δαρείῳ καὶ δὴ καὶ Αὐγινῆται' ποιήσασι δέ ται καὶ ἄσμενοι προφάσιος ἐπελάβοντο, φοιτέοντές τε ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην κατηγόρεον τῶν Abywrréwy τὰ πεποιήκοιεν “προδόντες δ0 τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Πρὸς ταύτην δὲ τὴν κατηγορίην Κλεομένης ὁ sat te ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, βασιλεὺς ἐὼν Σπαρτιητέων, διέβη ἐς Alyway land, Θρουλόμενος συλλαβεῖν Αὐγινητέων τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους" ὡς δὲ ἐπει- by his οοἷ- og i i} αὐτῷ ἐγίνοντο ἀντίξοοι τῶν Vague De. PATO συλλαμβάνων, ἄλλοι τε δὴ αὐτῷ ἐγίν Ι maratus. Αὐγινητέων ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Kpios ὁ Πολυκρίτου μάλιστα" ὃς οὐκ ἔφη αὐτὸν οὐδένα ἄξειν χαίροντα Atywnréwy ἄνευ γάρ μιν Σ΄ παρ- e Tintéwy τοῦ κοινοῦ ποιέειν ταῦτα ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνωγνωσθέντα χρήμασι' ἅμα γὰρ ἄν μιν τῷ ἑτέρῳ βασιλέϊ ἐλθόντα συλλαμ- βάνειν' ἔλεγε δὲ ταῦτα ἐξ ἐπιστολῆς τῆς Δημαρήτου "". Κλεο- μένης δὲ ἀπελαυνόμενος ἐκ τῆς Αὐγίνης, εἴρετο τὸν Κρῖον ὅ τι οἱ εἴη τὸ οὔνομα ; ὃ δὲ τὸ ἐὸν ἔφρασέ οἷ: ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης πρὸς αὐτὸν 118 ἐπὶ σφίσι ἔχοντας. Several MSS symbols of submission, that they might have ἐπὶ σφίσι ἐπέχοντας, but Evsta- make war upon them with the Persisn THIUS (on Od. xix. 71, τί μοι ἐπέχεις ;) king for an ally.” takes occasion to remark that Herodotus }19 ἐξ ἐπιστολῆς τῆς Anuaphrov. The separates the compound verb into ita con- first decided break between Cleomenes stituent parts. The expression ἐπέχειν and Demaratus was with the army of con- here seems to answer to the old English federates at Eleusis. See note 200 on Vv. phrase ‘‘to have at.” Translate: ‘‘con- 75. For the use of the word ἐπιστολῆς, sidering that the A°ginete were aiming a see note 27 on iv. 10. blow at them when they rendered the ERATO. VI. 48—52. 115 ἔφη" ““ἤδη viv καταχάλκου, ὦ Kpie, τὰ κέρεα "3", ὡς συνοισόμενος μεγάλῳ κακῷ." Ἔν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ὑπομένων Δημάρητος ὁ δ] ᾿Αρίστωνος διέβαλλε τὸν Κλεομένεα, ἐὼν βασιλεὺς καὶ οὗτος S017 of this Σπαρτιητέων οἰκίης δὲ τῆς ὑποδεεστέρης" κατ᾽ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ὑποδεεστέρης,---ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ αὐτοῦ γεγόνασι, --- κατὰ πρεσβυ- γενείην δέ κως τετίμηται μᾶλλον ἡ Εὐρυσθένεος. AaxeSaipovics 52 γὰρ ὁμολογέοντες οὐδενὶ ποιητῇ .5) λέγουσι αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστόδημον, anda τὸν ᾿Αριστομάχου τοῦ Κλεοδαίου τοῦ Ὕλλου, βασιλεύοντα ἀγαγεῖν ΑΝ Ω σφέας ἐς ταύτην τὴν χώρην τὴν νῦν ἐκτέαται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοὺς ἐλλανθ το Αριστοδήμου παῖδας" μετὰ δὲ χρόνον οὐ πολλὸν, ᾿Αριστοδήμῳ or ae τεκεῖν THY γυναῖκα TH οὔνομα elvas "Apyeiny θυγατέρα δὲ αὐτὴν 129 καταχάλκον, ὦ Kpit, τὰ κέρεα. There is a bitterness about the Spartan king, whose authority was not only re- sisted, but resisted with the insolent words: οὐδένα ἄξειν χαίροντα Αἰγινητέων, which should have prevented any com- parison of this expression with the jests of Cicero upon the name of Verres. It is rather the mask of levity under which the deepest feelings seek to conceal them- selves ; and may be more fitly compared with the words of Esau (Gen. xxvii. 36), which were spoken just after be had “cried with a great and exceeding bitter ery.” Suaxespean (King Richard 1]., Act 2, Se. 1) furnishes a matchless speci- men of this condition of mind, and at the same time gives the clue to its explana- tion : “Κινο RicHarp. What comfort, man? How is’t with aged Gaunt? Gaunt. O, how that name befits my com position ! Old ee indeed; and gaunt in being o Within me grief hath kept a tedious fast ; And who abstains from meat, that is not gaunt ? For sleeping England long time have I watched ; Watching breeds leanness ; leanness is all gaunt. The pleasure that some fathers feed upon Is my strict fast,—I mean my children’s looks ; And therein fasting hast thou made me gaunt. Gaunt am I for the grave, gaunt as the grave, Whose hollow womb inherits nought but bones. Kine Ricwarp. Can sick men play so nicely with their names ? Gaunr. No: misery makee sport to mock itself: ° Since thou dost seek to kill my name in me I mock my name, great king, to flatter thee.” With the same propriety he makes Con- stance, who in an agony of passion at the compromise of her son’s claim had thrown herself upon the earth in the presence of © the assembled sovereigns (King John, Act 3, Sc. 1), rise up, on hearing the words of King Philip : “The yearly course, that brings this day abou t, Shall never see it but a holiday,” with the reply— ‘“‘ A wicked day, and not a holy day.” 121 ὁμολογέοντες- οὐδενὶ ποιητῇ. The nar- rative which follows is extremely valuable, as containing the genuine Lacedsmonian traditions relative to the condition of their country at the period immediately follow- ing the Heraclide invasion. It may be put together with the account of Theras given in iv. 147--- 149), and from the com- bination of the two a very complete ethno- logical account (in terms of mythology) may be constructed of what the Lacede- monians of the time of Herodotus thought about their own early history. ᾳ 2 116 HERODOTUS λέγουσι εἶναι Αὐτεσίωνος τοῦ Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Θερσάνδρου τοῦ Πολυνείκεος" ταύτην δὲ τεκεῖν δίδυμα" ἐπιδόντα δὲ τὸν ᾿Αριστό- δημον τὰ τέκνα νούσῳ τελευτᾶν, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ τοὺς τότε ἐόντας βουλεῦσαι κατὰ νόμον βασιλέα τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύ- τερον ποιήσασθαι" οὔκων δή σφεας ἔχειν ὁκότερον ἕλωνται, ὥστε καὶ ὁμοίων καὶ ἴσων ἐόντων, οὐ δυναμένους δὲ γνῶναι, ἢ καὶ πρὸ τούτου, ἐπειρωτᾶν τὴν τεκοῦσαν" τὴν δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτὴν φάναι δια- γινώσκειν, εἰδυῖαν μὲν καὶ τὸ κάρτα λέγειν ταῦτα βουλομένην δὲ εἴ κως ἀμφότεροι γενοίατο βασιλέες: τοὺς ὧν δὴ Aaxedatpovious ἀπορέειν' ἀπορέοντας δὲ πέμπειν ἐς Δελφοὺς, ἐπειρησομένους ὅ τι χρήσονται τῷ πρήγματι ; τὴν δὲ Πυθίην κελεύειν σφέας ἀμφότερα τὰ παιδία ἡγήσασθαι βασίλέας, τιμᾶν δὲ μᾶλλον τὸν γεραίτερον" τὴν μὲν δὴ Πυθίην ταῦτά σφι ἀνελεῖν" τοῖσι δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοισε, ἀπορέουσι οὐδὲν ὅσσον ὅκως ἐξεύρωσι αὐτῶν τὸν πρεσβύτερον, ὑποθέσθαι ἄνδρα Μεσσήνιον τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Πανίτην: ὑποθέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον τὸν Πανίτην τάδε τοῖσι Δακεδαιμονίοισι, φυλάξαε τὴν γειναμένην ὁκότερον τῶν παιδίων πρότερον λούει καὶ σιτίζει" καὶ ἣν μὲν κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ φαίνηται αἰεὶ ποιεῦσα, τοὺς δὲ πᾶν ἕξειν ὅσον τι καὶ Sifnvras καὶ θέλουσι ἐξευρεῖν: ἢν δὲ πλανᾶταε καὶ ἐκείνη ἐναλλὰξ ποιεῦσα, δῆλά ode ἔσεσθαι ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκείνη πλέον οὐδὲν olde ἐπ’ ἄλλην τέ σφεας τραπέσθαι ὁδόν: ἐνθαῦτα δὴ τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας, κατὰ τὰς τοῦ Μεσσηνίου ὑποθήκας, φυλάξαντας τὴν μητέρα Trav’ Ἀριστοδήμου παίδων λαβεῖν κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τιμῶσαν τὸν πρότερον καὶ σίτοισι καὶ λουτροῖσι, οὐκ εἰδυῖαν τῶν εἵνεκεν ἐφυλάσ- σετο" λαβόντας δὲ τὸ παιδίον τὸ τιμώμενον πρὸς τῆς γειναμένης, ὡς ἐὸν πρότερον τρέφειν ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ: καί οἱ οὔνομα τεθῆνας Εὐρυ- σθένεα, τῷ δὲ [νεωτέρῳ '*] Προκλέα" τούτους ἀνδρωθέντας, αὐτούς τε ἀδελφεοὺς ἐόντας λέγουσι διαφόρους εἶναι τὸν πάντα χρόνον τῆς ζόης ἀλλήλοισι, καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τούτων γενομένους ὡσαύτως διατε- δ8 λέειν. Ταῦτα μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι μοῦνοι Ἑλλήνων" τάδε δὲ The account Kara, τὰ λεγόμενα "3 ὑπὸ Ελλήνων ἐγὼ γράφω" ...... τούτους ΣΝ ἰὼ τοὺς Δωριέων βασιλέας ᾿" μέχρι μὲν Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης, τοῦ 122 [νεωτέρῳ]. This word is omitted ford follows Schweighseuser, who, on the from M, K, F,d. It is quite unnecessary, authority of F, adopts xara ταὐτὰ Acyé- and seems to have crept in as a gloss. μενα. 133 κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα. This is the 134 τούτους τοὺς Δωριέων βασιλέας. reading οὗ the majority of MSS. Gais- Before these words there appears to be a ERATO. VI. 53—56. 117 θεοῦ ἀπεόντος ™, καταλογομένους ὀρθῶς ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καὶ ἀπο- me Hel- δεικνυμένους ὥς εἰσι “Ελληνες" (ἤδη γὰρ τηνικαῦτα ἐς “Ἑλληνας οὗτοι ἐτέλεον.) ἔλεξα δὲ μέχρι Περσέος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι ἔλαβον, τοῦδε εἵνεκα “5, ὅτε οὐκ ἔπεστι ἐπωνυμίη Περσέϊ οὐδεμία πατρὸς θνητοῦ, ὥσπερ .Ηρακλέϊ ᾿Αμφιτρύων' ἤδη ὧν ὀρθῷ λόγῳ χρεωμένῳ μέχρι τοῦ Περσέος ὀρθῶς εἴρηταί μοι. ἀπὸ δὰ Δανάης τῆς ᾿Αἰκρισίου καταλέγοντι τοὺς ἄνω αἰεὶ πατέρας αὐτῶν, φαινοίατο ἂν ἐόντες οἱ τῶν Δωριέων ἡγεμόνες Αὐγύπτιοι Wayevées. Ταῦτα 54 The Per μέν νυν κατὰ τὰ “Ελληνες λέγουσι γεγενεηλογηται: ὡς δὲ 6 Περ- sian ac- σέων λόγος "7 λέγεται, αὐτὸς ὁ Περσεὺς ἐὼν ᾿Ασσύριος ἐγένετο Set ot “Ἕλλην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ οἱ Περσέος πρόγονοι" τοὺς δὲ ᾿Ακρισίου ye πατέρας ὁμολογέοντας κατ᾽ οἰκηϊότητα Περσέϊ οὐδὲν ™, τούτους δὲ εἶναι, κατάπερ" Ελληνες λέγουσι, Αὐγυπτίους. Καὶ ταῦτα μέν νυν δῦ περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω" ὅ τι δὲ ἐόντες Αὐγύπτιοι, καὶ ὅ τι ἀποδεξά- μενοι ἔλαβον τὰς Δωριέων βασιληΐας *, ἄλλοισε γὰρ περὶ αὐτῶν εἴρηται, ἐάσομεν αὐτὰ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοι οὐ κατελάβοντο τούτων μνήμην “ποιήσομαι. Γέρεα δὲ δὴ τάδε τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι Σπαρτιῆται δεδώκασι" ἱ ἱρωσύ- δ6 vas δύο, Aws τε Λακεδαίμονος καὶ Aws Οὐρανίου "5 καὶ πόλεμόν of ae king lacuna, which I apprehend was filled up with a genealogy connecting the Laceds- monians with the royal houses of Mycene and Argos, perhaps derived from the γενεαλογίαι of Hecatseus. (See Cneuzer, Historicorem Grecorum antiquissimo- rum Fragmenta, pp. 46—b5. ) 123 τρῦ θεοῦ ἀπεόντος. The Hellenic genealogies invariably ended with the name of some deity, probably the tutelary deity of the family, but any how necessary as an hypothesis, in order that the list of ancestors might not be infinite. Thus Herodotus (ii. 143) speaks of the rivalry of the Egyptian genealogers with Heca- teus, yerearoyhoart: ἑαντὸν καὶ ἀναδή- σαντι ἐς ἑκκαιδέκατον θεόν. In this pas- sage the author says that he has given the catalogue in its proper order, as the Greeks recognize it, all the names having clear evidence of being Greek, but has left out “the god,” the point d’apput of the pedi- gree. 126 ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀνέκαθεν Ur: ἔλαβον, τοῦδε εἵνεκα. The MSS and Gaisford reverse the order of the clauses: τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι ἔλαβον. 121 ὃ Περσέων λόγος. See notes 338 on i. 95, and 471 on i. 139. 128 ὁμολογέοντας κατ᾽ οἰκηϊότητα Περ- σέϊ οὐδέν. According to the ““ Persian” legend Perseus had nothing whatever to do with Acrisius, whom the Hellenic tra- ditions made his maternal grandfather. Hence the ancestors of Acrisius are said “in no respect to agree with [the Persian] Perseus in the point of relationship ;”’— they indeed being, as the Hellenic legend made them, Egyptians. 129 ὅ τι δὲ ἐόντες Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ ὅ τι ἀποδεξάμενοι ἔλαβον τὰς Δωριέων βασι- ληΐας, ‘‘ but in what way they were Egyp- tian, and what feats they did, that they received the Dorian kingdoms. ” The ‘others ” of whom the writer here speaks are, I conceive, especially Hecateeus. 119 Aids τε Λακεδαίμονος καὶ Διὸς Ob- ρανίου. This is the only passage in which Ζεὺς Λακεδαίμων is mentioned in any an- cient writer. It can scarcely be doubted, whatever the original idea of the deity here spoken of, that he was invoked under this title as the guardian of the nation, and stands in the same relation to the Lace- deemonians that Afhene did to the Athe- nians. It is not necessary to suppose that he had a separate temple under this title, or that the kings were priests of him of Sparta abroad and at home. 57 118 HERODOTUS γε ἐκφέρειν ἐπ᾽ ἣν ἂν βούλωνται χώρην" τούτου δὲ μηδένα εἶναι Σπαρτιητέων διακωλυτήν" εἰ δὲ μὴ, αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἄγεξ ἐνέχεσθαι" στρατευομένων δὲ, πρώτους ἰέναι τοὺς βασιλέας ὑστάτους δὲ ἀπιέναι" ἑκατὸν δὲ ἄνδρας " λογάδας ἐπὶ στρατιῆς φυλάσσειν αὐτούς" προβάτοισι δὲ χρᾶσθαι ἐν τῇσι ἐξοδίῃσι ὁκόσοισι ἂν ὧν ἐθέλωσι' τῶν δὲ θνομένων ἁπάντων τὰ δέρματά τε καὶ τὰ νῶτα λαμβάνειν σφέας. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐμπολέμεια. Τὰ δὲ ἄλλα, τὰ εἰρηναῖα, κατὰ τάδε σφι δέδοται' ἣν θυσίην τις δημοτελῆ ποιέηται, πρώτους ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἵζειν τοὺς βασιλέας: καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων πρῶ- τον ἄρχεσθαι διπλήσια νέμοντας ἑκατέρῳ τὰ πάντα ἢ τοῖσι ἄλ- λοίσι δαιτυμόνεσι' καὶ σπονδαρχίας εἶναι τούτων καὶ τῶν τυθέντων προβάτων τὰ δέρματα' νεομηνίας δὲ ἀνὰ ππάσας καὶ ἑβδόμας ἑστα- Le) \ 18ι μένου τοῦ μηνὸς in all his relations; but only that they, as the representatives of the nation, were bound to conduct the ritual in which the functions of a national deity were ascribed to him. The origin of the name is another question. Larcher considers that Aaxe- δαίμων is equivalent to deus tonans, in which case Ζεὺς Λακεδαίμων is synony- mous with Ζεὺς ὑψιβρεμέτης the ‘thun- der-god,’—a not improbable account of the matter. In this view he would pro- bably, as an elemental deity, be derived from the ante-dorian times, which the Ζεὺς Οὐράνιος undoubtedly is. But this very circumstance excites a certain suspi- cion of the truth of the conjecture. Of the two elements which constituted the nation, one would expect each to be re- presented, either by separate rituals appro- priate to each, or by one which should unite the characteristics of both. Hence the Ζεὺς Λακεδαίμων seems more likely to be a deity of the Heraclide invaders. If we suppose him analogous to the Cretan Zeus, an armed warrior-god, the root Aax, both here and in the name of the people (Adsxwves), seems more likely to be con- nected etymologically with λὰξ (the sole of the foot), and to have reference to the sounding tramp of the soldiery, the Cadmeo-dorian conquerors of the coun- try (κρουπεζοφόρων γένος ἀνδρῶν). In this view the ritual would probably be of a pyrrhic nature, like that of the Curetes (StraBo x. c. 3, p. 356), and may be supposed to date from the time of the Lycurgean institutions, i. 6. the , δίδοσθαι ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ἱρήϊον τέλειον ἑκατέρῳ time of the et organization of the nation. This would account for the or- der in which the two priesthoods are named, that of the military caste naturally taking precedence over the one common to the members of it with their pericecian fellow subjects. ® From other passages it would seem that the body-guard consisted not of one but of three hundred. (See note on vii. 205.) But perhaps the three hundred were divided into three watches, so that there were never less than one hundred on guard at a time. In the case of a battle of course the whole number would turn out. (THUCYDIDES, v. 72. 131 ἑβδόμας ἱσταμένου τοῦ μηνός. Apollo was called ἑβδομαγέτας (AiscuyLus, Thebd. 806), and it has been assumed that this name is derived from the tradition that he was born on the seventh day of the month, which unquestionably was sacred to him on that account. Hgsiop (Opp. εἰ D. 770) says: ἑβδόμη ἱερὸν ἦμαρ' τῇ γὰρ ᾿Απόλλωνα χρυσάορα γείνατο Λητώ. The Carnea were celebrated on the seventh day of the month which at Athens was called Thargelion, and the philosopher Carneades got his name from being born, as Plato was, on that day. (PLurarcna, Quast. Symp. viii. 1, 2.) But with re- ference to Apollo’s reputed birth on the seventh day of the month, Plutarch (1. c.) expressly gives him the name of éS8opa- γενὴς from it; and there seems no reason for wishing to change this, as Valckenaer does, into ἑβδομαγέτης. ERATO. VI. 57. 119 ἐς ᾿Απόλλωνος *, καὶ μέδιμνον ἀλφίτων, καὶ οἴνου τετάρτην Aa- canary’ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ἀγῶσι πᾶσι προεδρίας ἐξαιρέτους" καὶ προξείψους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισε προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν ἀστῶν" καὶ Πυθίους αἱρέεσθαι δύο ἑκάτερον" (οἱ δὲ Πύθιοί εἶσε θεοπρόποι ἐς Δελφοὺς, σιτεόμενοι μετὰ τῶν βασιλέων τὰ δημόσια.) μὴ ἐλθοῦσι δὲ τοῖσε βασιλεῦσι ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον, ἀπο- πέμπεσθαί σφι ἐς τὰ οἰκία ἀλφίτων τε δύο χοίνικας ἑκατέρῳ καὶ οἴνου κοτύλην" παρεοῦσι δὲ διπλήσια πάντα δίδοσθαι: τὠντὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς ἰδιωτέων κληθέντας ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τιμᾶσθαι τὰς δὲ μαντηΐας τὰς γινομένας τούτους φυλάσσειν: συνειδέναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Πυθίους "- δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλέας τοσάδε μοῦνα" πατρούχου τε παρθένου ™ πέρι ἐς τὸν ἱκνέεται ἔχειν, ἣν μή περ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὴν ἐγγυήσῃ" καὶ ὁδῶν δημοσιέων πέρι' καὶ ἤν τις θετὸν παῖδα ποιέεσθαι ἐθέλῃ, βασιλέων ἐναντίον ποιέεσθαι" καὶ παρίξειν βουλεύουσι τοῖσε γέρουσι, ἐοῦσι δυῶν. δέουσι τριήκοντα' ἣν δὲ μὴ ἔλθωσι, τοὺς μάλιστά σφι τῶν γερόντων προσήκοντας ἔχειν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων γέρεα, δύο ψήφους τιθεμένους 55, τρίτην δὲ, τὴν ς las E@UT WP. 122 ¢s ᾿Απόλλωνος. The manuscripts S and V have és ᾿Απόλλωνα. But the use of the genitive seems to admit of an explanation. The animal was probably brought to the temple of the god, and there delivered to the king to be sacri- ficed. 133 rerdprny Λακωνικήν. The ellipse appears to be of the word μοῖρα or μερὶς, and one may suppose the quantity intended to be the fourth part of some generally recetved measure, probably the jar in which the wine when made was stowed away. These would differ in different countries. The amphoreus, in times when its contents came to be accurately settled, contained 8 gallons, 7.366 pints acy Dictionary of Antiquities, sub v.), but in every country local convenience furnishes the original standard of quantity, and the Laconian measure, of which the kings re- ceived a fourth part, was probably at first merely the contents of a jar which when fall could be conveniently carried by its two ears (&udipopedts). It may be ob- served that the τετάρτη (or quarter-bottle) is not a subdivision recognized in the Attic metrology, from which the medimnus seems to be taken. Hence perbaps the qualifica- tory epithet Λακωνική. The chenizr and the cofyle were Attic; hence no explana- tion is given of them. ® προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι. . τῶν ἀστῶν. The protection which the possession of a prorenus afforded to a foreigner was in all cases no doubt purchased at the price of considerable presents from the client ; and hence the assignment of the right to stand in that relation would be an important piece of patronage. Similarly the bestow- ing the custody of wards was one of the most valuable privileges of the early Eng- lish sovereigns. 184 συνειδέναι δὲ καὶ rods MuOlovs. The importance of having some check upon the kings in order to prevent the publica- tion of false oracles is evinced by the case of Demaratus (below, § 66). See also v. 63. 135 πατρούχου παρθένον, “an heiress,” The technical name given to a female so circumstanced was in Athens éx{xAnpos or &yxAnpos. The Dorians called her ἐπι- πάμων, ἐπιπαματὶς, or αὐτοπάμων. (Siut- TER, Lectiones Andocidea, p. 48; Ti- mzvus, Voce. Platt. v. xarp. w.) The number of females so situated was very great at Lacedemon. (ArisToTLE, Polit. ii. p. 1270.) 136 δύο ψήφους τιθεμένους. Trucy- 58 120 HERODOTUS Ταῦτα μὲν ζῶσι τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι δέδοται 17 ἐκ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Σπαρτιητέων: ἀποθανοῦσι δὲ τάδε' ἱππέες περιωγγέλλουσε τὸ γεγονὸς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Δακωνικήν" κατὰ δὲ τὴν πόλιν γυναῖκες περιϊοῦσαι λέβητα κροτέουσι 15 ἐπεὰν ὧν τοῦτο γένηται τοιοῦτο, ἀνάγκη ἐξ οἰκίης ἑκάστης ἐλευθέρους δύο καταμιαίνεσθαι 135, ἄνδρα τε καὶ γυναῖκα' μὴ ποιήσασι δὲ τοῦτο ζημέαι μεγάλαι ἐπεκέαται: νόμος δὲ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι κατὰ τῶν βασιλέων τοὺς θανάτους ἐστὶ ὡντὸς καὶ τοῖσι βαρβάροισι τοῖσι ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ" τῶν γὰρ ὧν βαρβάρων οἱ πλεῦνες τῷ αὐτῷ νόμῳ χρέωνται κατὰ τοὺς θανάτους τῶν βασιλέων" ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἀποθάνῃ βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονέων, ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος, χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων "“", ἀριθμῷ τῶν περι- οἶκων ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὧν καὶ τῶν εἴλω- τέων καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἐπεὰν συλλεχθέωσι ἐς τὠντὸ πολλαὶ χιλιάδες, σύμμυγα τῇσι γυναιξὶ κόπτονταί τε τὰ μέτωπα" προθύ- pos καὶ οἰμωγῇ διαχρέωνται ἀπλέτῳ' φάμενοι τὸν ὕστατον αἰεὶ ἀπογενόμενον τῶν βασιλέων τοῦτον δὴ γενέσθαι, ἄριστον “᾿. ὃς δ᾽ ἂν ἐν πολέμῳ τῶν βασιλέων ἀποθάνῃ, τούτῳ δὲ εἴδωλον σκευά- σαντες ἐν κλίνῃ εὖ ἐστρωμένῃ ἐκφέρουσι' ἐπεὰν δὲ θάψωσει, ἀγορὴ δέκα ἡμερέων οὐκ ἵσταταί ode οὐδ᾽ ἀρχαιρεσίη συνίξζει, ἀλλὰ DIDES (i, 20) mentions this opinion as one of the popular fallacies of his time. Another he speaks of is the reputed ex- istence of the Πιτανάτης λόχος in the Lacedeemonian army, which he empha- tically denies. See ix. 53, below. 137 γαῦτα μὲν (ζῶσι τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι δέδοται. It is remarkable that the writer should not mention among the regal rights the absolute power of life and death with which the kings were invested when on service, as he does take notice of some privileges which accrued to them only then. AnRIsTOTLE expressly remarks on the great change in their powers according as they were at home or abroad (Politic. iii. p. 1285), and quotes Homer to show that it was the same with Agamemnon. But both this power and the unlimited amount of flesh noticed in the text arise out of the necessities of martial law. He who is responsible for the safety of an army must be absolute over the commis- sariat. 138 AdBnra κροτέουσι. Probably the re- presentative of the oriental gong,—a fea- ture, which as well as that of exhibiting the signs of mourning in a sordidness of dress and person, bespeaks a custom ex- isting antecedently to the Dorian invasion, and probably derived from Asiatic ances- tors,—with whom to put dust on the head would be a common expression of grief. 139 καταμιαίνεσθαι. See last note. 140 χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων, “ independently of the Spartans,” just as χωρὶς τοῦ φόρον (i. 106) is “independently of the specified tribute.”” The assemblage of mourners was to consist of two free Spartans (a man and woman) from each house, and a fixed number, the amount of which Herodotus does not specify, of pericecians. . 141 τὰ μέτωπα. These words are omit- ted in S. 142 τοῦτον δὴ γενέσθαι ἄριστον, “ that this one, jf ever there was (δὴ), had been & very great man.” These staple com- mendations are the neni@e which used to be recited over the ancient Roman patricians, ‘* Hune plurimi consentiunt Romani pa- trie primorem fuisse virum,’’ and the like, which in their case, as well as that of the Lacedemonians, are probably de- rived from a common ancestry. ERATO. VI. 58—6]. “πενθέουσι ταύτας Tas ἡμέρας. Συμφέρονται δὲ ἄλλο τόδε τοῖσε HY Πέρσῃσι. ἐπεὰν ἀποθανόντος τοῦ βασιλέος ἄλλος ἐνίστηται yang βασιλεὺς, οὗτος ὁ ἐσιὼν ἐλευθεροῖ ὅστις τι Σπαρτιητέων τῷ WithPersian Bacirét ἢ τῷ δημοσίῳ ὥφειλε' ἐν δ᾽ αὖ Πέρσῃσι ὁ κατιστάμενος βασελεὺς τὸν προσοφειλόμενον φόρον " μετίει πάσῃσε τῇσι πόλισε. Συμφέρονται δὲ καὶ τάδε Αὐγυπτίοισι Λακεδαιμόνιοι" ot 60 κήρυκες αὐτῶν" καὶ αὐληταὶ καὶ μάγειροι ἐκδέκονται τὰς πα- "πιὰ Feypt τρωΐας τέχνας, καὶ αὔλητής τε αὐλητέω γίνεται, καὶ μάγειρος paryeipou, καὶ κήρυξ κήρυκος" οὐ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην ἐπιθέμενοι ἄλλοε σφέας παρακληΐουσι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἐπιτελέουσι ᾽" ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω γίνεται. Τότε δὲ τὸν Κλεομένεα, ἐόντα ἐν τῇ Αὐγίνῃ καὶ κοινὰ τῇ Ελλάδι 61 ἀγαθὰ προσεργαζόμενον, ὁ Δημάρητος διέβαλε, οὐκ Αὐγινητέων ΤΟΙΣ οἱ μα οὕτω κηδόμενος ὡς φθόνῳ καὶ dyn χρεώμενος. Κλεομένης δὲ ice νοστήσας an Αὐγίνης ἐβούλευε τὸν Δημάρητον παῦσαι τῆς βασι- menes con” ληΐης, διὰ πρῆγμα τοιόνδε ἐπίβασιν ἐς αὐτὸν ποιεύμενος" ᾿Δρίστωνι 8 δ). βασιλεύοντι ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ γήμαντι γυναῖκας δύο παῖδες οὐκ ἐγίνοντο" καὶ οὐ γὰρ συνεγινώσκετο αὐτὸς τούτων εἶναι αἴτιος, yapées τρίτην γυναῖκα' ὧδε δὲ γαμέει' Fv οἱ φίλος τῶν Σπαρ- τιητέων ἀνὴρ, τῷ προσεκέετο τῶν ἀστῶν μάλεστα ὁ ᾿Αρίστων" τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἐτύγχανε ἐοῦσα γυνὴ καλλίστη μακρῷ τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γυναικῶν καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι καλλίστη ἐξ αἰσχίστης γενομένη" ἐοῦσαν γάρ μὲν τὸ εἶδος φλαύρην ἡ τροφὸς αὐτῆς, οἷα ἀνθρώπων τε ὀλβίων θυγατέρα καὶ δυσειδέα ἐοῦσαν, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ὁρέουσα τοὺς γονέας συμφορὴν τὸ εἶδος αὐτῆς ποιευμένους, ταῦτα ἕκαστα μαθοῦσα, ἐπιφράξεται τοιάδε' ἐφόρεε αὐτὴν ἀνὰ πᾶσαν 121 15 dp line pital oi gut “ the tribute in arrear,” i. e. that which is owing in addition to. ‘what has been id. pe of κήρυκες αὑτῶν. See below, 134. There was also at Athens a house of Kfipuxes. 145 οὗ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην ἐπιθέμενοι . Φπιτελέουσι" “ others do not on the strength of vocal power invade their sphere and exclude them, but they continue on doing as their fathers did.”’ 1466 ζγῃ. The MSS vary between ἄγει, ἄττῃ, αὕτη, and ἄτῃ. The word &yp was VOL. 1]. restored by Valcknaer, by the help of a citation of Suidas; and there can be little doubt it is the genuine reading. “Ayas is interpreted by Hesycuius ζγλώσεσι, vii. and ascribed to Aischylus in the Thresse, The same lexicographer Pi fale φθόνος, and ’Ayaorhs’ Kavos. Herodotus uses the word aa ΔΉ βξαν, in connexion with φθονοῦντες in viii. 69. According to Eustathius, the ancient Alexandrine grammarians asserted that ἀγάασθαι was used in fhree senses: τὰ θαυμάζειν, τὸ φθονεῖν, τὸ μισεῖν. 62 63 122 HERODOTUS ἡμέρην ἐς τὸ τῆς ᾿Ελένης ἱρόν" τὸ δ᾽ ἔστι ἐν τῇ Θεράπνῃ "" καλευ- μένῃ ὕπερθε τοῦ Φοιβηΐου ἱροῦ. ὅκως δὲ ἐνείκεια ἡ τροφὸς, πρός τε τὥγαλμα ἵστα καὶ ἐλίσσετο τὴν θεὸν ἀπαλλάξας τῆς δυσμορ- φίης τὸ παιδίον" καὶ δή κοτε ἀπιούσῃ ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῇ τροφῷ γυναῖκα λέγεται ἐπιφανῆναι, ὄπιφανεῖσαν δὲ ἐπείρεσθαί μεν ὅ τε φέρει ἐν τῇ ἀγκάλῃ ; καὶ τὴν φράσαι ws παιδίον φορέει" τὴν δὲ κελεῦσαί οἱ δεῖξαι 1“. τὴν δὰ οὐ φάναι, ἀπειρῆσθαι γάρ οὗ ἐκ τῶν γειναμένων μηδενὶ ἐπιδεικνύναι" τὴν δὲ πάντως ἑωυτῇ κελεύειν ἐπιδεῖξαι" ὁρῶσαν δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένην ἐδέσθαι οὕτω δὴ τὴν τροφὸν δεῖξαε τὸ παιδίον: τὴν δὲ κατωψῶσαν τοῦ παιδίον τὴν κεφαλὴν εἶπαι, ὡς καλλεστεύσει πασέων τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γνναικῶν. ἀπὸ μὲν δὴ ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρης μεταπεσέειν τὸ εἶδος" γαμέει ." δὲ δή μιν ἐς γάμου ὥρην ἀπικομένην "4 γητος ὁ ᾿Αλκείδεω, οὗτος δὴ ὁ τοῦ ᾿Αρίστωνος φίλος. Τὸν δὲ ᾿Δρέστωνα ἔκνιξε ἄρα τῆς γυναικὸς ταύτης ὁ ἔρως' μηχανᾶται δὴ τοιάδε" αὐτός τε τῷ ἑταίρῳ τοῦ ἦν ἡ γυνὴ αὕτη ὑποδέκεταε δωτίνην δώσειν τῶν éwurod πάντων ἂν τὸ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ὅληται, καὶ τὸν ὅταῖρον ἑωυτῷ ἐκέλευε ὡσαύτως τὴν ὁμοίην διδόναι" ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν φοβηθεὶς ἀμφὶ τῇ γυναικὶ, ὁρέων ἐοῦσαν καὶ ᾿Αρίστωνι γυναῖκα, καταινέει ταῦτα' ἐπὶ τούτοισε δὲ ὅρκους ἐπήλασαν' μετὰ δὲ, αὐτός τε [ὁ ᾿Αρίστων "5 ὄδωκε τοῦτο, ὅ τι δὴ ἦν, τὸ εἴλετο τῶν κειμηλίων τῶν ᾿Αρίστωνος [ὁ “Aynros'']. καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν ὁμοίην ξητέων φέρεσθαι παρ᾽ ἐκείνου, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ τοῦ ἑταίρου τὴν γυναῖκα ἐπειρῶτο ἀπ- ἄγεσθαι: ὁ δὲ πλὴν τούτου μούνου τὰ ἄλλα ἔφη καταενέσαι" ἀνωγκα- ζόμενος μέν ros τῷ τε ὅρκῳ καὶ τῆς ἀπάτης τῇ παρωγωγῇ ἀπίει ἀπάγεσθαι. Οὕτω μὲν δὴ τὴν τρίτην ἐσηγάγετο γυναῖκᾳ 6’ Apl- 147 dy τῇ Θεράπνῃ. See note 189 on for ἐπιδεῖξαι, just below. v. 72. - The temple of Helen belonged to 149 γαμέει. The change from the infi- the Achzan or ante-dorian times, when nitive to the indicative, upon the author passing from the relation of an idle story to that of an undoubted fact should not be overlooked. 150 ὁ ᾿Αρίστων. These words exist in all the MSS, but so do τῶν ᾿Αρίστωνος below, and it seems impossible that doth should have been written. 151 ὁ “Aynros. These words are want- ing in 8, and as they render the sense much more perspicaous, they are much more likely to have been added by a transcriber than to have been omitted. not the Heraclides, but the Tyndarides were the ruling race. Its superior anti- quity to the Phoebeum is shown by the position it occupies relatively to it, the hill-top being the place which the earliest settlers would fix on for the site of their temples. TZherapne was, according to the Laconian traditions, a daughter of Lelex. (PAUSANIAS, iii. 19. 9.) 148 δεῖξαι. All the MSS have this form instead of δέξαι, which would be in accord- ance with the practice of Herodotus else- where, and there is an equal unanimity ERATO. VI. 62—65. 128 orev, τὴν» δευτέρην ἀποπεμψάμενος" ἐν δέ οἱ χρόνῳ ἐλάσσονε, καὶ Demaratus, οὐ πληρώσασα τοὺς δέκα μῆνας ἡ γυνὴ αὕτη, τίκτει τοῦτον δὴ τὸν third wife, Δημάρητον" καί τις οἱ τῶν οἰκετέων ἐν θώκῳ κατημένῳ μετὰ τῶν τ ἐφόρων ἐξαγγέλλει ὥς οἱ παῖς yéyove ὁ δὲ ἐπιστάμενός τε τὸν Out χρόνον τῷ ἠγάγετο τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ ἐπὶ δακτύλων συμβαλλόμενος 7° τοὺς μῆνας, εἶπε ἀπομόσας, “ οὐκ ἂν ἐμὸς εἴη." τοῦτο ἤκουσαν μὲν οἱ ἔφοροι' πρῆγμα μέντοι οὐδὲν ἐποιήσαντο τὸ παραντίκα. ὃ δὲ παῖς ηὔξετο, καὶ τῷ ᾿Αρίστωνε τὸ εἰρημένον μετέμελε: παῖδα γὰρ τὸν Δημάρητον ἐς τὰ μάλιστά οἱ ἐνόμισε εἶναι. Δημάρητον δὲ αὐτῷ οὔνομα ἔθετο διὰ τόδε: πρότερον τούτων πανδημεὶ Σ΄ παρ- τιῆταε ᾿Αρίστωνι, ὡς ἀνδρὶ εὐδοκιμέοντι διὰ πάντων δὴ τῶν βασι- λέων τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ γενομένων, ἀρὴν ἐποιήσαντο παῖδα γενέσθαι διὰ τοῦτο μέν οἱ τὸ οὔνομα Δημάρητος ἐτέθη. Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος, ᾿Αρίστων μὲν ἀπέθανε Anudpyros δὲ ἔσχε τὴν Bact Annu Eee δὲ, ὡς ἔοικε, ἀνάπυστα γενόμενα ταῦτα καταπαῦσαι Δημάρητον τῆς βασιληΐης, διὼ τὰ "5 Κλεομένεϊ διεβλήθη μογάλως πρότερόν τε ὁ Δημάρητος ἀπαγωγὼν τὴν στρατιὴν ἐξ ᾿Ελευσῖνος, καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε ἐπ᾿ Αὐγινητέων τοὺς μηδίσαντας διαβάντος Κλεο- μένεος. “Ὁρμηθεὶς ὧν ἀποτίννυσθαι ὁ Κλεομένης, συντίθεται 65 Δευτυχίδῃ τῷ Μενάρεος τοῦ “Ayws*, ἐόντι οἰκίης τῆς αὐτῆς ζϑοίψομείδε Δημαρήτῳ, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε, ἣν αὐτὸν καταστήσῃ βασιλέα ἀντὶ 4Δημαρή- oer τον, ὄψεταί οἱ ἐπ᾽ Αὐγινήτας. ὁ δὲ Λευτυχίδης ἦν ἐχθρὸς τῷ Δημαρήτῳ μάλιστα yeyovws διὰ πρῆγμα τοιόνδε: ἀρμοσαμένου Δεντυχίδεω Πέρκαλον τὴν Χίλωνος τοῦ Anpappévoy θυγατέρα, ὁ Δημάρητος ἐπιβουλεύσας, ἀποστερεῖ Δευτυχίδεα τοῦ γάμου, φθάσας αὐτὸς τὴν Πέρκαλον ἁρπάσας καὶ σχὼν γυναῖκα. κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν τῷ Δευτυχίδῃ ἡ ἔχθρη ἡ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον ἐγεγόνεε" τότε δὲ ἐκ τῆς Κλεομένεος προθυμέης (δ᾽ ὁ Δευτυχίδης κατόμνυ- 1523 διὰ τά. Bekker alters this without any ΜΒ authority into 3’ 4 But there is no reason whatever why 74 should not here have the force of the relative. Trans- late: ‘‘ But, as it would seem, the venti- zans among the inetee.”’ δ τοῦ pom ae the MSS have this ing, but in viii. 131 all but one have Ἡγησίλεω, and that has ‘HolAew, which is obviously a mere corruption from it. lating of these matters was fated to deprive Demaratus of his crown, owing to the strong charges brought against him by Cleomenes, not only before, for having withdrawn the army from Eleusis, but more than ever on this occasion, when Cleo- menes went over after the Median parti- But neither is to be altered: there we have the formal pedigree of Leotychides ; here a story probably based on local tra- dition. 153 ἐκ τῆς Κλεομένεος προθυμίης, “urged by the ardent desire of Cleomenes.”” Com- pare Thy τούτου προθυμίην, i. 124. R22 194 HERODOTUS ται ἢ Δημαρήτου, φὰς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἱκνεομένως βασιλεύειν Σπαρ- τιητέων οὐκ ἐόντα “παῖδα ᾿Αρίστωνος" μετὰ δὲ τὴν κατωμοσίην ἐδίωκε ἀνασώξων ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔπος τὸ εἶπε ᾿Αρίστων τότε, ὅτε οἱ ἐξήγγειλε ὁ οἰκέτης παῖδα γεγονέναι, ὁ δὲ συμβαλλεόμενος τοὺς μῆνας ἀπώμοσε, φὰς οὐκ ἑωυτοῦ εἶναι' τούτου δὴ ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ ῥήματος ὁ Λευτυχίδης, ἀπέφαινε τὸν Δημάρητον οὔτε ἐξ ᾿Αρίστω- νος γεγονότα, οὔτε ἱκνευμένως βασιλεύοντα Σπάρτης, τοὺς ἐφόρους μάρτυρας παρεχόμενος κείνους of τότε ἔτυχον πάρεδροί τε ἐόντες 66 καὶ ἀκούσαντες ταῦτα ᾿Αρίστωνος. Τέλος δὲ, ἐόντων περὶ αὐτῶν be νεικέων" ἔδοξε Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐπείρεσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν Aed- pati sap . φοῖσι εἰ ᾿Αρίστωνος εἴη παῖς ὁ Δημάρητος ; ἀνῴστου "" δὲ γενο- ΠΕΣ to the μένου ἐκ προνοίης τῆς Κλεομένεος ἐς τὴν Πυθίην, ἐνθαῦτα προσ- maratus, στοιέεται Κλεομένης Κόβωνα τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελ- φοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον' ὁ δὲ Κόβων Περίαλλαν τὴν πρό- μαντιν ἀναπείθει τὰ Κλεομένης ἐβούλετο λέγεσθαι λέγειν. οὕτω δὴ ἡ Πυθίη, ἐπειρωτώντων τῶν θεοπρόπων, ἔκρινε μὴ ᾿Αρίστωνος εἶναι Δημάρητον παῖδα. ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ ἀνάπυστα ἐγένετο ταῦτα, καὶ Κόβων τε ἔφυγε ἐκ Δελφῶν καὶ Περίαλλα ἡ πρόμαντις ἐπαύσθη τῆς τιμῆς. 67 Kara μὲν δὴ Δημαρήτου τὴν κατάπαυσιν τῆς βασιληδης οὕτω Toacited be ἐγένετο. ἔφευγε δὲ Δημάρητος ἐκ Σπάρτης ἐς Μήδους ἐκ τοιοῦδε ὀνείδεος" μετὰ τῆς βασιληΐης τὴν κατάπαυσιν 6 Δημάρητος ἦρχε αἱρεθεὶς ἀρχήν. ἦσαν μὲν δὴ γυμνοπαιδίαι θεωμένου δὲ τοῦ Δημαρήτου, ὁ Λευτυχίδης γεγονὼς ἤδη αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀντ᾽ éxei- νου, πέμψας τὸν θεράποντα, ἐπὶ γέλωτί τε καὶ λάσθη εἰρώτα τὸν Δημάρητον ὁκοῖόν τι εἴη τὸ ἄρχειν μετὰ τὸ βασιλεύειν ; ὃ δὲ ἀλγήσας τῷ ἐπειρωτήματι εἶπε φὰς αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρων ἤδη πεπειρῆσθαι, κεῖνον δὲ οὔ' τὴν μέντοι ἐπειρώτησιν ταύτην ἄρξειν “Δακεδαιμονίοισι ἢ μυρίης κακότητος ἢ μυρίης εὐδαιμονίης. ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ κατακαλυψάμενος, ἤϊε ἐκ τοῦ θεήτρον ἐς τὰ ἑωυτοῦ 184 κατόμνυται, “protests upon oath against him,”’—a proceeding probably ne- cessary for the ΡΝ of initiating an investigation of the matter. 153 ἀνῴστον. This rare form of the verbal is analogous to the aorist infinitive ἀνῷσαι which pres i, 157. ® γυμνοπαιδίαι. See note 286 on i. 82. The time of the year at which this festival took place was early in the month Heca- tombeeon ; for the battle of Leuctra took place on the fifth day of that month, and the news of it reached Lacedeemon on the last day of the festival. XzNoPHON, Hel- lenica, vi. 4. 16. ERATO. VI. 66—69. 125 οἰκία" αὐτίκα δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ἔθυε τῷ Διὶ βοῦν, θύσας δὲ, τὴν μητέρα ἐκάλεσε. ᾿Απικομένῃ δὲ τῇ μητρὶ ἐσθεὶς ἐς τὰς χεῖράς 68 oi" τῶν σπλάγχνων, κατικέτευε λέγων τοιάδε" “ὦ μῆτερ, θεῶν τὸν τού σε τῶν τε ἄλλων καταπτόμενος "7 ἱκετεύω καὶ τοῦ Ἑρκείου Διὸς ticulars of τοῦδε" φράσαι μοι τὴν ἀληθηΐην, τίς μευ ἐστὶ πατὴρ ὀρθῷ λόγῳ; ΠΣ Aevruylins μὲν γὰρ ἔφη ἐν τοῖσι νείκεσι λέγων, κνέουσάν σε ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς οὕτω ἐλθεῖν παρὰ ᾿Αρίστωνα' οἱ δὲ καὶ τὸν ματαιότερον λόγον λέγοντες φασί σε ἐλθεῖν παρὰ τῶν οἰκετέων τὸν ὀνοφορβὸν, καὶ ἐμὲ εἶναι ἐκείνου maida. ἐγὼ ὧν σε μετέρχο- μαε τῶν θεῶν εἰπεῖν τὸ ἀληθές" οὔτε γὰρ, εἴ περ πεποίηκάς Tt τῶν λεγομένων, μούνη δὴ πεποίηκας μετὰ πολλέων δέ" ὅ τε λόγος ππολ- λὸς ἐν Σπάρτῃ ὡς ᾿Αρίστωνε σπέρμα παιδοποιὸν οὐκ ἐνῆν" τεκεῖν γὰρ ἄν οἱ καὶ τὰς προτέρας γυναῖκας." ‘O μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα ἔλεγε' ἡ δὲ ἀμείβετο τοῖσδε" “ ὦ παῖ, ἐπείτε με λετῇσι μετέρχεαι εἰπεῖν τὴν ἀληθηΐην, πᾶν eis σὲ κατειρήσεται τἀληθές. ὥς με ἠγάγετο ᾿Αρίστων ἐς ἑωυτοῦ, νυκτὶ τρίτῃ ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἦλθέ μοι φάσμα εἰδόμενον ᾿Αρίστωνι' συνευνηθὲν δὲ τοὺς στεφάνους ods εἶχε ἐμοὶ περιετίθει" καὶ τὸ μὲν οἰχώκεε, ἧκε δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ᾿Αρίστων' ὡς δέ με εἶδε ἔχουσαν στεφάνους, εἰρώτα τίς εἴη ὅ μοι δούς ; ἐγὼ δὲ ἐφάμην ἐκεῖνον" ὁ δὲ οὐκ ὑπεδέκετο' ἀγὼ δὲ κατωμνύμην φαμένη 69 166 of. See note 318 on ii. 118, and 1 Cor. x. 16—21.) Demaratus, by plac- note 634 on ii. 175. 157 καταπτόμενος. The phrase xara- πτόμενος ‘Epxelov Aids is to be explained on the principle that the tasting the flesh of the victim dedicated to the god was re- garded as bringing the person so tasting it into a personal communication with him. The small portion of the flesh which was burnt, or the wine which was poured out, was considered to be con- sumed by the god himself (“ Ante La- rem gusfet venerabilior Lare dives,”’ Horace (Sat. ii. 5. 14), and they who k of the remainder were deemed to share the feast with him (ὁμοτράπεζοι). This feeling it was which produced so strong an objection in the early Christians to eat εἰδωλόθυτα. They were universally regarded by the gentiles as by the mere act becoming κοινωνοὶ τῶν δαιμονίων, and even of themselves very few could get rid of old habits of thought, and be aware, with Sr. Pau, that ‘idols and offerings to idole’ were things of nought. (See ing a portion of the victim in his mother’s hands to taste, caused her also xa0dwre- σθαι τοῦ ‘Epxelou Aids. 138 τρῦδε, ‘this image here.” The meal took place in fhe presence of the image of the family god. “Ὁ noctes coenseque Defim, quibus ipse meique Ante Larem proprium vesecor, vernas- que procaces Pasco libatis epulis.’”’ (Honmace, Sat. ii. 6. 66.) In Ethiopia a practice was said to prevail which shows the origin of this kind of solemnity (iii. 24). The Ζεὺς ἕρκειος, or the Lar, was at the outset the deified common ancestor of the ὁμοσίπναι or ὁμόκαποι. His altar at Athens was in the Pandroseum, a temple which belongs to the primitive times, antecedent to the συνοικισμὸς which is in mythical history ascribed to Theseas. 126 HERODOTUS αὑτὸν οὗ καλῶς ποιέειν ἀπαρνεύμενον» ὀλόγον γάρ Te πρότερον ἐλθόντα καὶ συνευνηθέντα δοῦναί μοι τοὺς στεφάνους. ὁρέων δέ με κατομνυμένην ὁ ᾿Αρίστων, ἔμαθε ὡς θεῖον εἴη τὸ πρῆγμα. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οἱ στέφανοι ἐφάνησαν ἐόντες ἐκ τοῦ ἡρωΐου τοῦ παρὰ τῇσε θύρῃσι riot αὐλείῃσε ἱδρυμένου" (τὸ καλέουσε ᾿Αστρα- Bdxev'**) τοῦτο δὲ οἱ μάντιες τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον ἥρωα ἀναέρεον εἶναι. οὕτω δὴ, ὦ παῖ, ἔχεις πᾶν ὅσον τι καὶ βούλεαι πυθέσθαι ἢ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ ἥρωος τούτου γέγονας καί τοι πατήρ ἐστι “Aotpa- Baxos ὁ ἥρως, ἢ ᾿Αρίστων" ἐν γάρ σε τῇ νυκτὶ ταύτῃ ἀναερέομαι. τῇ δέ σεν μάλιστα κατάπτονταε οἱ ἐχθροὶ, λέγοντες ὡς αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Αρίστων, ὅτε αὐτῷ σὺ ἠγγέλθης γογεννημέμος, πολλῶν ἀκουόντων οὐ φήσειέ σε ἑωντοῦ εἶναι, (τὸν χρόνον γὰρ, τοὺς δέκα μῆνας, οὐδέ κω ἐξήκειν,) ἀϊδρηΐῃ τῶν τοιούτων κεῖνος τοῦτο ἀπέρρεψε τὸ ἔπος" τίκτουσι γὰρ γυναῖκες καὶ ἐννεάμηνα καὶ ἑπτάμηνα, καὶ οὐ πᾶσαι δέκα μῆνας ἐκτελέσασαι' ἀγὼ δὲ σὲ, ὦ παῖ, ὁπτάμηνον ἔτεκον" ἔγνω δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Αρίστων οὐ μετὰ πολλὸν χρόνον, ὡς ἀνοίῃ τὸ ἔπος ἐκβάλοι τοῦτο. λόγους δὲ ἄλλους περὶ γενέσιος τῆς σεωυτοῦ μὴ δέκεο' τὰ γὰρ ἀληθέστᾳτᾳ πάντα ἀκήκοας. ἐκ δὲ ἀνοφορβῶν αὐτῷ τε ΔΛευτυχέδῃ καὶ τοῖσι ταῦτα λέγουσι τίκτοιεν αἱ γυναῖκες 70 παῖδας." ἫἪ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔλεγε ὁ δὲ πυθόμενός τε τὰ ἐβούλετο hey oe καὶ ἐπόδια λαβὼν, ἐπορεύετο ἐς Ἦλιν "“ τῷ λόγῳ, φὰς ws ἐς Δελ- φοὺς χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστηρίῳ πορεύεται. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ὗπο- thence to the court : ἘΝῚ ΜΉΝ Pa of Darius. τρπηθέντες Δημάρητον δρησμῷ ἐπιχειρέειν, ἐδίωκον" καέ κως ἔφθη 159 ᾿Ασσραβάκον. The local traditions relative to Astrabacus connected him with the rites of the Tauric Artemis. He and his brother Alopecus were said to have found the sacred image brought by Orestes and his sister Iphigenia, and left, according to the Laconian legend, in the neighbour- hood of Sparta. The sanctity of the fetish exhibited itself in the frenzy which seized upon them. (Pavsanias, iii. 16.9.) As the ritual of thie Artemis is undoubtedly of the ante-dorian times, it is reasonable to suppose that Astrabacus belongs to the same era. Hence the derivation of his name from ἀστράβη (any beast of burden, but especially an 888---ἀστραβηλάτης being interpreted as ὀνηλάτης), is a very plau- sible one. That the protecting genius of the stable should be called by a name de- rived from this animal is not wonderful when it is remembered that Arcadia was celebrated for its breed; and the Latin Epona in fact presents an exact parallel. The connexion of such a deity with or- giastic frenzy is a matter of extreme ob- scurity. Perhaps the moet plausible con- jecture is that which would identify him with the Silenus, who on ancient monu- ments is aften represented as riding upon an 868 in an excited state among a crowd of bacchanals. Cpeuzen’ 8 view, that the true form of Astrabacus is Astrobacus, and that the personage in question is a moon- struck astrologer (Symbolik. iii. pp. 638. 707)» appears to me utterly worthless. ill the majority of the MSS here have τ form ᾿Αστροβάκου, although Gaisford in adopting the other has the countenance of S and V. 160 ἐς Ἦλιν. This must not be taken to mean Elis, ‘he town, but the country, ‘ the land of Ellis. ” See note on viii. 73. ERATO. VI. 70, 71. 127 és Ζάκυνθον SiaBas** ὁ Δημάρητος ἐκ τῆς Ἤ λεδος' ἐπιδιαβάντερ δὲ οἱ Δακεδαιμόνιοι, αὐτοῦ τε ὅπτοντο καὶ τοὺς θεράποντας αὐτὸν ἀπαιρέοντο᾽ μετὰ δὲ, οὐ γὰρ ἐξεδίδοσαν αὐτὸν οἱ Ζακύνθιοε, ἐνθεῦτεν διαβαίνει ἐς τὴν Aoimy'’ παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον" ὁ δὲ ὑπεδέξατό τε αὐτὸν μογαλωστὶ .“, καὶ γῆν τε καὶ πόλιες axe "“ οὕτω ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην Δημάρητος " καὶ τοιαύτῃ χρησάμενος τύχη, ἄλλα τε “Λακεδαιμονίοισι συχνὰ ἔργοισί τε καὶ γνώμῃσι ἀπολαμπρυνθεὶς, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ ᾿Ολυμπιάδα "5 oe ἀνελόμενος τεθρίππῳ προσέβαλε, μοῦνος τοῦτο πάντων δὴ τῶν γενομένων βασιλέων ἐν Σπάρτῃ ποιήσας. “Δευτυχίδης δὰ ὁ M ἐνάρεος, Δημαρήτου κατοτανσ νῦν, δι- FI εδέξατο τὴν βασιληΐξην' καί οἱ γίνεται πάϊς i Ζευξιδημὸν, τὸ δὴ eo pore sd Κυνίσκον μετεξέτεροε Σπαρτιητέων ἐκάχεον. οὗτος ὁ Ζευξίδημος chido, οὐκ ἐβασίλευσε Σπάρτης" πρὸ Aevruybem γὰρ τελευτᾷ, λιπὼν παῖδα ᾿Αρχίδημον' Λευτυχίδης δὲ στερηθεὶς Ζευξιδήμον γαμέει δευτέρην γυναῖκα Εὐρυδάμην, ἐοῦσαν Μενίου μὲν ἀδελφεὴν Δια- of ‘hollow Elis.” (Strano, viii. c. 2,p. 140.) To get round this into the Corinthian gulph, so as to reach Delphi by way of Cirrha, might be very difficult, and thus Demaratus would be furnished with an excuse for bearing up to Zacynthus. The most natural course for him to have taken to get to Delphi would have been Arcadia to the Achean seaboard; bat this would have led him through the parts where his enemy Cleomenes was most popular. 162 ’ λοπν διαβαίνει ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. Cresi1as would seem to have represented him as not joining the Persian court until the of Xerxes. aah Photius, ΡΟΝ 15. ΜΗ͂Ν 5 τι}. ΥἘΕΙ passage perhaps reconcileable with an earlier flight, by the supposition that, like The- mistocles, ἃ 6 remained for some time on tise ‘coast of Auta but it is decidedly op- posed to the account of Herodotus, who makes him a resident at the court of Sasa, and an adviser of Xerxes, long before the death of Darius. See vii. 3 and 239. 163 neyadwor!. The manuscripts § and V have 166 γῆν τε καὶ πόλις ἔδωκε. In ἃ simi- lar way Artaxerxes bestowed upon The- maistocles, when he took refuge under his empire, three cities, Magnesia, Lampsa- eus, and Myus. (Tavucypipes, i. 137.) The ssoaitioet held by these chiefs was apparently the same as that d ted in the parable. (Zeke xix. 12—28.) They were, in the nomenclature of India, the zemindars of the localities over which they had authority. collected the revenue, which was fixed at a certain pro- portion of the groes produce, of which the amount was estimated at an unvarying sum. Their income therefore would be the difference between these two. The- mistocles netted from Magnesia no lesa than fifty talents. The cities granted to Demaratus seem to have been Teuthrania, Halisarna, and Pergamus; for these were in the hands of his descendants Eury- sthenes and Procles at the time of Thim- bron’s expedition. (Xzwopnon, Heille- sica, iii. 1. 6.) 165 οὕτω ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην Anud- paros. He reached Susa, according to Herodotus (vii. 3), not earlier than the fourth year after the battle of Marathon. 166 ᾽ολυμπιάδα. Some MSS have Ὁλύμ- wea, Which is the expression used in § 36, and one which S has in § 125. But all the MSS have ᾿Ολυμπιάδα ἀνελέσθαι in § 103, and νικᾷν ᾿Ολυμπιάδα in ix. 33. The word to be understood is νέκην. and their fortunes. 72 73 Proceedin of Cleo- ” menes at /Egina. 128 HERODOTUS κτορίδεω δὲ θυγατέρα' ἐκ τῆς οἱ ἔρσεν μὲν γίνεται οὐδὲν, θυγάτηρ δὲ Aapmira τὴν ᾿Αρχίδημος ὁ Ζευξιδήμου γαμέει, δόντος αὐτῷ Δευτυχίδεω. Οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ Λευτυχίδης κατεγήρα ἐν Σπάρτῃ, ἀλλὰ τίσιν τοιήνδε τινὰ Δημαρήτῳ ἐξέτισε:' ἐστρατήγησε Δακεδαε- μονίοισε ἐς Θεσσαλίην ᾽“", παρεὸν δέ οἱ ὑποχείρια πάντα πτοεήσα- σθαι ἐδωροδόκησε ἀργύριον πολύ" ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ δὲ ἁλοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπικατήμενος χειρίδι πλέῃ ἀργυρίου, ἔφυγε ἐκ Σπάρτης, ὑπὸ δικαστήριον ὑπαχθείς" καὶ τὰ οἰκία οἱ κατεσκάφη: ἔφυγε δὲ ἐς Τεγέην“, καὶ ἐτελεύτησε ἐν ταύτῃ. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐγένετο χρόνῳ ὕστερον. Τότε δὲ ὡς τῷ Κλεομένεϊ εὐωδώθη. τὸ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον πρῆγμα, αὐτίκα παραλαβὼν Λευτυχίδεα ἤϊε ἐπὶ τοὺς Αὐγινήτας, δεινόν τινά σφι ἔγκοτον διὰ τὸν προπηλακισμὸν ἔχων. οὕτω δὴ οὔτε οἱ Αὐγινῆται, ἀμφοτέρων τῶν βασιλέων ἡκόντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς, ἐδικαίευν ἔτι ἀντιβαίνειν, ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐπιλεξάμενον ἄνδρας δέκα Αἰγινητέων τοὺς πλείστου ἀξίους 167 ἐς Θεσσαλίην. This was an expe- dition undertaken against the Aleuade, the chiefs of that party which had endea- voured to bring about the interference of Persia. (PAUSANIAS, iii. 7, 8.) It is likely therefore that it took place at no long period of time after the success of the Hellenic confederates against the Per- sians. And this circumstance will perhaps help to explain the different statements by Dioporvs (xi. 48) and other authors as to the time.of the death of Leotychides. Pausanias says that Archidamus, his grand- son, succeeded to the regal power upon the exile of Leotychides. Diodorus ap- parently confuses this with his death, and accordingly puts this in 476 p.c. Concur. ring with other authorities in making Archidamus reign forty-two years, he puts his death in 434 B.c., consistently with his first mistake (xii. 35). But it is quite eertain from THucyYDIpEs (iii. 1. 26) that Archidamus was alive in 428 and dead in 427 B.c.; and it appears from PLouTaRcH (Cimon, 16) that the year of the earth. quake at Sparta and the revolt of the Helots (i.e. 464 B.c.) was the fourth year of his reign. But tychides came to the throne in 491 B.c. (see CLINTON on the year); and the positive statement of Dioporvs, that the reigns of Leotychides and Archidamus together amounted to sixty-four years, exactly agrees with the καὶ “Τλούτῳ καὶ yévei, ἦγαν καὶ indirect evidence of Herodotus and Thu- cydides, which makes them spread over the interval between 491 and 427. The whole of these variations will be explained if we suppose that Leotychides lived in exile at Tegea from 476 to 469, and that during that interval Archidamus his grand- son was regent at Sparta. This would place the expedition against the Aleuade about the year 477. And as in that year the Lacedeemonians lost their supremacy, it is not likely that any prominent part in punishing traitors to the cause of Hel- las would be taken by them afterwards. 168 ἔφυγε δὲ ἐς Τεγέην. Leotychides took sanctuary, according to PaAusaNIAS (see note 221 on i. 66), in the temple of Athene Alea, and died in Tegea. By his alliance with Cleomenes one may gather that he was favourable to the Achean policy of that king ; and hence perhaps the reason of his choosing Arcadia as his place of refuge. The recollection of the power wielded by Cleomenes under similar cir- cumstances (§ 75 and note 172, below) possibly induced the Spartans to abstain from pressing him too hard,and made them still recognize him as king, although they made his grandson and son-in-law Archi- damus regent. (See the last note.) 169 εὐωδώθη, ‘‘ was put into good train.” See note 362 on iv. 139. ERATO, VI. 72---74. 129 ἄλλους καὶ δὴ καὶ Kpiov re τὸν Πολυκρίτου καὶ Κάσαμβον τὸν ᾿Αριστοκράτεος, οἵπερ εἶχον μέγιστον κράτος" ἀγωγόντες δέ σφεας ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, παραθήκην παρατίθενται ἐς τοὺς ἐχθίστους Αὐγινήτησι ᾿Αθηναίους. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, Κλεομένεα ἑἐπάϊστον 74 γενόμενον κακοτεχνήσαντα ἐς Δημάρητον δεῖμα ἔλαβε Σπαρ- ee τιητέων, καὶ ὑπεξέσχε "" ἐς Θεσσαλίην: ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἀπικόμενος Clemence ἐς τὴν ᾿Αρκαδίην, νεώτερα ἔπρησσε πρήγματα συνιατὰς τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας "7 ἐπὶ τῇ Σπάρτῃ, ἄλλους τε ὅρκους προσάγων σφι, ἣ μὴν ἔψεσθαί σφεας αὐτῷ τῇ ἂν ἐξηγῆται "7", καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Νώνακριν πόλεν πρόθυμος ἣν τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων τοὺς προεστεῶτας ἀγινέων, ἐξορκοῦν τὸ Στυγὸς ὕδωρ '”. 176 ὑπεξέσχε. See note 186 on v. 72. 171 συνιστὰς τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας. This at- tempt to organize an alliance ofethe ante- dorian population of the Peloponnese against Sparta seems to be the final de- velopment of the general policy of Cleo- menes. See the notes 189 on v. 72 and 200 on v. 75. 172 ἢ μὴν ἕψεσθαί σφεας αὑτῷ τῇ ἂν ἐξηγῆται. These are the terms of the cath, for the maintenance of which, among other securities, Cleomenes was especially anxious to have that of the water of the Styx, sworn to by the leading chieftains of Arcadia. It should not be overlooked that the ὅρκος is not what is meant by the word ‘‘ oath”’ in its modern acceptation. It is the sacred symbol which the person who swore touched in order to give a reli- gious sanction to the promise or the asser- tion which he made—whatever that might be. Its representative in modern proceed- ings is the volume of the Old or New Testament, which is taken in the hand of the Jew or Christian, as the case may be, —or the chins cup which a Malay breaks before he gives evidence. Hence ἐξορκοῦν τὸ Στυγὸς ὕδωρ is “ to administer an oath by the water of Styx,” which Hrsiop (Theog. 784) calls θεῶν μέγαν ὅρκον. The political significance of this proce- dure of Cleomenes was to get himself con- stituted dictator of the Arcadian townships, who, just like the Latin confederates by the fountain Ferentina, met through their chiefs by the fountain of Styx from the earliest times. It was a daring attempt to undo the effects of the Heraclide invasion and to convert Lacedremon, as an Achzan state, into the most powerful member of an ancient confederacy, of which one of VOL. II. [ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ τῇ πόλε λέγεται εἶναι her kings should be constituted the chief. re were many elements in the Pelo- ponnese favourable to the success of this scheme. The old population remained in considerable numbers in every part of the peninsula, and in the north was unmixed with any other. The Achzan League of nearly 400 years later showed how strong s hold their ancient associations still had upon the race to which Cleomenes made it his boast to belong (v. 72). Had he succeeded in his attempt the kingdom of Sparta must have fallen to pieces. The pure Spartans were a very small minority even of the free Lacedeemonians; while the whole of the pericecians were genuine Acheans. In Argos Cleomenes had al- ready destroyed so many of the free citi- zens as to lead to a revolution, in which ‘“‘ the slaves,” {. 6. the old Achean popu- lation, gained the upper hand and held their power for several years (below, § 83). In the Megarid the Achzan in- terest would be represented by the con- nexions of his protégé Isagoras (see notes 167 on v. 66 and 196 on v. 74), while of an important portion of Elis (the valley of the Alpheas and the mountains bounding it to the west), SrRABO says: μεστή ἐστιν ἡ γῆ πᾶσα ᾿Αρτεμισίων τε καὶ ᾿Αφροδισίων καὶ Νυμφαίων, ἐν ἄλσεσιν ἀνθέων ὧς τὸ word, διὰ τὴν εὐδδρίαν: συχνὰ δὲ καὶ Ἑρμεῖα ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς, Ποσείδια δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀκταῖς"---ἰη other words, it was full οἵ traces of the elemental religious system of the Achzan race (viii. c. 3, p. 154). 173 τὸ Στυγὸς ὕδωρ. Leaxe (Travels in the Morea, iii. pp. 165—9) says that the natives still retain some of the ancient superstitions relative to this famous water, which is a slender perennial stream falling 75 who at last destroys himeelf in a fit of mad- ness, which is variously accounted for. 76 Narrative of an expe- 130 HERODOTUS ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αρκάδων τὸ Σ᾽ τυγὸς ὕδωρ 7.1 καὶ δὴ καὶ ἔστι τοιόνδε te ὕδωρ ὀλύγον φαινόμενον ἐκ πέτρης στάζει ἐς ἄγκος" τὸ δὲ ἄὥγκος αἱμασιῆς τις περιθέει κύκλος. ἡ δὲ Νώνακρις, ἐν τῇ ἡ πηγὴ αὕτη τυγχάνει ἐοῦσα, πόλις ἐστὶ τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίης πρὸς Φενεῷ. Μαθόντες δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιος Κλεομένεα ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, κατῆγον αὐτὸν — δείσαντες "7" ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι ἐς Σπάρτην τοῖσι καὶ “πτρότερον ἦρχε. κατελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ὑπέλαβε μανίη νοῦσος ἐόντα καὶ πρότερον ὑπομαργότερον' ὅκως yap τεῷ ἐντύχοι Σπαρτιητέων, ἐνέχραυε """ ἐς τὸ πρόσωπον τὸ σκῆπτρον' ποιεῦντα δὲ αὐτὸν ταῦτα καὶ παραφρονήσαντα ἔδησαν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐν ξύλῳ' ὁ δὲ δεθεὶς τὸν φύλακον μουνωθέντα ἰδὼν τῶν ἄλλων αἴτεε μάχαιραν, οὐ βου- λομένου δὲ τὰ πρῶτα τοῦ φυλάκου διδόναι, ἀπείλεε τά μὲν αὗτις ποιήσειε" ἐς ὃ δείσας τὰς ἀπειλὰς 6 φύλακος, ---ἦν γὰρ τῶν τις εἱλωτέων,---διδοῖ οἱ μάχαιραν' Κλεομένηφ δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν oidn- pov, ἄρχετο ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἑωντὸν λωβώμενος: ἐπιτάμνων yap κατὰ μῆκος τὰς σάρκας προὔβαινε ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἐς τοὺς μηροὺς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν μηρῶν ἔς Te τὰ ἰσχία καὶ τὰς λαπάρας' ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα ἀπίκετο, καὶ ταύτην καταχορδεύων ἀπέθανε τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ᾽ ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσι ᾿Ελλήνων, ὅτι τὴν Πυθίην ἀνέγνωσε τὰ περὶ Δημάρητον γενόμενα λέγειν" ὡς δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι μοῦνοι λέγουσι, διότι ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα ἐσβαλὼν ἔκειρε τὸ τέμενος τῶν θεῶν" ὡς δὲ ᾿Αργεῖοι, ὅτι ἐξ ἱροῦ αὐτῶν τοῦ “Apyou ᾿Αργείων τοὺς καταφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης καταγινέων κατέκοπτε, καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄλσος ἐν ἀλογίῃ ἔχων ἐνέπρησε. Κλεομένεὶ γὰρ μαντευομένῳ ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐχρήσθη “Apryos αἱρήσειν. ἐπεί τε δὲ Σπαρτιήτας ἄγων ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ ποταμὸν over a very high precipice and entering the rock at the bottom, which part, from the nature of the ground, is inaccessible. They call it τὰ Μαυρο-νέρια (the black waters), and τὰ Apaxo-vépia (the terrible waters), and say that no vessel will hold it. In the most improved shape which the fiction of the poisoning of Alexander by Aristotle took, this water was repre- sented as the agent. See BLAKESLEY’s Life of Aristotle, pp. 91—3. 174 [ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ. . ὕδωρ.) This para- graph is omitted in F, and it can hardly have stood together with the paragraph which presently follows, ἡ δὲ Névaxpis . . πρὸς Φενεῷ, although they may possibly both have proceeded from the hand of the author. 15 κατῆγον αὑτὸν δείσαντες. See note 194, below. 178 éydypave, “he used to make a feint of thrusting.” The form ἐπέχραον is used by APoLLonivs Raopvrivs (ii. 283): τάων ἀκροτάτῃσιν ἐπέχραον ἤλιθα χερσίν. The future χραύσῃ appears in the 7|ἑαά. v. 138, where the Scholiast explains it by ἀμύξῃ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον and τὸν χρῶτα ἐπιξύσῃ. It is very characteristic that the lunacy of Cleo- menes should have taken the turn of insult to that section of his countrymen whom his constant policy was to humble. ERATO. VI. 75—77. 131 ᾿Ερασῖνον, ὃς λέγεται ῥέειν ἐκ τῆς Στυμφηλίης λίμνης" (τὴν γὰρ dition of δὴ λίμνην ταύτην ἐς χάσμα ἀφανὲς ἐκδιδοῦσαν ἀναφαίνεσθαι ἐν oe “Apryei, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἤδη τοῦτο ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων ᾿Ερασῖνον καλέεσθαι") ἀπικόμενος δ᾽ ὧν ὁ Κλεομένης ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦ- τον ἐσφαγιάζετο αὐτῷ, καὶ οὐ γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἐκαλλεέρεε διαβαίνειν μέν, ἄγασθαι μὲν ἔφη τοῦ ᾿Ερασίνου " οὐ προδιδόντος τοὺς πολιή- τας, ᾿Αργείους μέντοι οὐδ᾽ ὡς χαιρήσειν" μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐξαναχω- ρήσας, τὴν στρατιὴν κατήγαγε ἐς Θυρέην: σφαγιασάμενος δὲ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ταῦρον, πλοίοισί σφεας ἤγαγε ἔς τε τὴν Τιρυνθίην χώρην καὶ Ναυπλίην "5. ᾿Αργεῖοι δ᾽ ἐβοήθεον πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐπὶ θάλασσαν" ὡς δὲ ἀγχοῦ μὲν ἐγίνοντο τῆς Τίρυνθος χώρῳ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κέεται Σήπεια οὔνομα, μεταίχμιον οὐ μέγα ἀπολιπόντες ἴζοντο ἀντίοι τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι. ἐνθαῦτα δὴ οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι τὴν μὲν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ μάχην οὐκ ἐφοβέοντο, ἀλλὰ μὴ δόλῳ αἱρεθέωσι: καὶ γὰρ δή σφι ἐς τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα εἶχε τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐπίκοινα ἔχρησε ἡ Πυθίη "7" τούτοισί τε καὶ Μιλησίοισι, λέγον mde "AAN’ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια τὸν ἄρσενα νικήσασα ἐξελάσῃ, καὶ κῦδος ἐν ᾿Αργείοισιν ἄρηται 189, 77 See CLinTON on the 177 ἄγασθαι μὲν ἔφη τοῦ ‘Epaciyov. the year 468 B.c. The contrast between the conduct of Cleomenes here, and his utter contempt of the hero Argus’s fane (below, § 90), is no doubt partly to be accounted for by the circumstance that when he committed the sacrilege his blood was heated, and this would induce a man who was ὑπο- papyérepos to do much in the way of out- rage, from which, in his cooler moments, he would shrink. But it must not be forgotten that the Erasinus was exactly one of those streams to which the ante-dorian popula- tion most attached the notion of sanctity. It, like the Styx, entered the earth in Arcadia,—the home of the old religion,— and although it burst forth afresh in an enemy’s country, it still was eacred in the eyes of Cleomenes’s party, whose preju- dices would have been shocked by a disre- gard of the omens which forbade it to be crossed. Nothing of this sort would offend them at Argos, which was mainly Cadmeo- dorian. The seat of government of the Atridee was Mycena, the population of which were a thorn in the sides of the Argives until they destroyed the city in ear. 118 ἕς re τὴν Τιρυνθίην χώρην καὶ Nav- πλίην. This region would probably be full of an Achean population. The two towns were both noted for their cyclopic walls; and like Mycene, although in the territory of Argos, were ill-affected to the Dorian interest. Hence Cleomenes might consider that he wae going to land in a friendly country. It seems not unlikely that an understanding with their inha- bitants, or a party among them, enabled him to secure the means of transport at Thyrese, and that his success in this ope- ration produced the fear in the minds of the Argives μὴ δόλῳ αἱρεθέωσι. The ves- sels were some of them Aginetan, pressed into the service (§ 92); probably merchant vessels lying at Thyrewe after delivering their cargoes. 179 τὸ ἐπίκοινα ἔχρησε ἡ Πυθίη. Sea above, 3 ag δὲ 180 ὅταν λεια τὸν ἄρσενα νικήσασα ἐξελάσῃ, καὶ κῦδος ἐν ᾿Αργείοισιν as. These lines seem to refer to the success s 2 78 79 HERODOTUS πολλὰς ᾿Αργείων ἀμφιδρυφέας τότε θήσει ὥς ποτέ τις ἐρέει καὶ ἐπεσσομένων ἀνθρώπων, δεινὸς ὄφις τριέλικτος ἀπώλετο 5] δουρὶ δαμασθείς. Ταῦτα δὴ πάντα συνελθόντα "" τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισι φόβον παρεῖχε" καὶ δή σφι πρὸς ταῦτα ἔδοξε τῷ κήρυκι τῶν πολεμίων χρᾶσθαι; δόξαν δέ σφι, ἐποίευν τοιόνδε: ὅκως ὁ Σπαρτιήτης κήρνξ προση- μαίνοι τε Λακεδαιμονίοισι, ἐποίευν καὶ οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι τὠντὸ τοῦτο. Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ποιεῦντας τοὺς ᾿Αργείους ὁκοῖόν τε ὁ σφέτερος κήρυξ σημΐήνειε, παρωγγέλλει ode ὅταν σημήνῃ ὁ κήρυξ ποιέεσθαι ἄριστον, τότε ἀναλαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα χωρέειν ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους. ταῦτα καὶ ἐγίνετο ἐπιτελέα ἐκ τῶν Δακεδαιμονίων. ἄριστον γὰρ ποιευμένοισι τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισει ἐκ τοῦ κηρύγματος ἐπεκέατο' καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἐφόνευσαν αὐτῶν, πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλεῦνας ἐς τὸ ἄλσος τοῦ "Αργου καταφυγόντας περιϊζόμενοε ἐφύλασσον. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐποίεε τοιόνδε’ ἔχων αὐτομόλους ἄν- Spas καὶ πυνθανόμενος τούτων, ἐξεκάλεε πέμπων κήρυκα ὀνο- of Cleomenes in obtaining the crown of Lacedeemon to the prejudice of his half- brother Dorieus (v. 42). If this was owing to the influence of his mother’s family (the importance of which seems to be implied by their names being given, v. 41), the description of the transaction is not inappropriate. It has been already remarked, that it was in all probability through hie mother that Cleomenes be- came the representative of the Achran party among the population. (See note 100 on v. 41.) The “obtaining renown among the Argives’”’ may have been the fruit of the wars of which the contest for Thyrese was the beginning. When Ari- stagoras came to Sparta, these either had not ended, or at any rate not ended so long back as to prevent him from speak- ing of them as a thing of the time (see v. 49), and there is nothing in Herodotus’s story of the burning of the grove to fix its chronology. 181 δεινὸς ὄφις τριέλικτος ἀπώλετο. This expression must refer to the Argives, whose death is to make “many women tear their garments in sign of mourning ;” but it is not easy to give a perfectly satis- factory explanation of the image employed. The symbol of the Argives of the time of the Cidipodean legend is in SopHocies not the serpent, but the eagle which stoops upon it, the serpent being the emblem of Thebes (Antigone, 110—126). But if this story in the text be derived from Peloponnesian sources, it is not impossible that the δεινὸς ὄφις of the oracle is the Cadmean element of the Argive nation, which seems to have entered much more largely into its composition than it did into that of the Lacedsemonians, probably from the much greater communication in early times between Argos and Phoenicia. (See the genealogy of Theras, the brother of Argeia, in iv. 147, and the story of Io ini. 1.) It is quite clear from the sequel of the narrative (see note 188, below) that the great loss of Argos fell upon the ruling class, ἑ. e. the Cadmeo-dorian element. 163 ταῦτα πάντα συνελθόντα, “ the co- incidence of all these things,” viz. the oracle to Cleomenes, ‘ that he should take . Argos,’ his former success against them after the expulsion of his rival brother, and their finding thémselves occupying the position called Σήπεια, which they con- nected with oyria—a word that appears in some parts of Peloponnese to have sig- nified ὄφις, PAUSANIAS, viii. 16 — and with the δεινὸς ὄφις by which the oracle denoted themselves. 183 ἔχων αὐτομόλους ἄνδρα. These would be not from the Argives shut up in the fane, but from the Achean serfs, whose ERATO. VI. 78—82. 133 μαστὶ λέγων τῶν ᾿Αργείων τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ ἀπεργμένους" ἐξεκάλεε δὲ, φὰς αὐτῶν ἔχειν τὰ ἄποινα' ἄποινα δέ ἐστι Πελοποννησίοισι δύο μνέαι "" τετωγμέναι κατ᾽ ἄνδρᾶ αἰχμάλωτον ἐκτίνειν: κατὰ πεντήκοντα δὴ ὧν τῶν ᾿Αργείων, ὡς ἑκάστους ἐκκαλεύμενος, 6 Κλεομένης ἔκτεινε' τρῦτα δέ κως γινόμενα ἐλελήθεε τοὺς λοιποὺς τοὺς ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ; ἅτε γὰρ πυκνοῦ ἐόντος τοῦ ἄλσεος, οὐκ ὥρων οἱ ἐντὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς ὅ τι ἔπρησσον, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτῶν τις ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ δένδρος κατεῖδε τὸ ποιεύμενον" οὔκων δὴ ἔτι καλεόμενοι ἐξήεσαν. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐκέλευε πάντα τινὰ τῶν εἱλωτέων περι- νέειν ὕλῃ τὸ ἄλσος" τῶν δὲ πειθομένων, ἐνέπρησε τὸ ἄλσος" Kato- μένου δὲ ἤδη, ἐπείρετο τῶν τινα αὐτομόλων, τίνος εἴη θεῶν τὸ ἄλσος ; ὁ δὲ ἔφη “Apyou εἶναι" ὁ δὲ ὡς ἤκουσε, ἀναστενάξας μέγα εἶπε: “ὦ "Απολλον χρηστήριε, ἢ μεγάλως με ἠἡπάτηκας φάμενος “Apyos αἱρήσειν συμβάλλομαι " δ᾽ ἐξήκειν μοι τὸ χρηστήριον." Mera δὲ ταῦτα, 6 Κλεομένης τὴν μὲν πλέω στρατιὴν ἀπῆκε 81 ἀπιέναι ἐς Σπάρτην" χιλίους δὲ αὐτὸς λαβὼν τοὺς ἀριστέας ἤϊε ἐς His vole τὸ Ηραῖον θύσων "5 βουλόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν θύειν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ ὁ mnctty of ἱρεὺς ἀπηγόρευε, φὰς οὐκ ὅσιον εἶναι ξείνῳ αὐτόθι Ovew ὁ δὲ re¥™- Κλεομένης τὸν ἱρέα ἐκέλευε τοὺς εἴλωτας ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἀπ- ἄγοντας μαστυγῶσαι' καὶ αὐτὸς ἔθυσε, ποιήσας δὲ ταῦτα amie ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην "5. Νοστήσαντα δέ μιν ὑπῆγον οἱ ἐχθροὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς 80 82 masters were among them, and who be- confidently sacrificed in it, as being of trayed their names to the conqueror. 154 δύο μνέαι. The same ransom was exacted by the Athenians for each of the Chalcidian Hippobote which they took (v. 77). It therefore may be considered as the ransom of a man-at-arms, not of an inferior soldier; and hence too it may be inferred that the Argives shut up in sanctuary were of the ruling class, i. e. Cadmeo-dorians, 185 συμβάλλομαι. See note 322 on L 91. $36 Hie ds τὸ ‘Hpaiov θύσων. This tem- ple was on the confines of the domains of and Mycene, forty sfades distant from the formerand ten from the latter. (StraBo, viii. c. 6, p. 195.) Its proximity to the latter place indicates that its original foun- dation belonged to s time when Mycenz was the seat of government,—and there- fore that the fundamental character of the ritual] was ante-dorian. Hence Cleomenes Acheean descent, and treated the priest who endeavoured to prevent him as if he were really the intruder. Hence too, when the temple was burnt down, the priestess took sanctuary in an Achwan fane at Tegea in Arcadia. See note 221 on i. 66. For a similar proceeding of Cleomenes with regard to the temples of ante-dorian dei- ties, see note 188 on v. 72. 187 ἀπήϊε és thy Σπάρτην. The local legends of Argos in after times represented him as having been repulsed from the city by Telesilla the poetess, who occupied the fortifications of the town with the domes- tic servants, and met the enemy in the field with a force consisting of the women accoutred in the armour which hung u in the temples. (Pavusanzas, ii. 20. 9. Socrates (ap. Plutarch, De mul. virt. p. 245) gives the same account in even a more exaggerated form. The other Spar- tan king, Demaratus, had succeeded in On his re- turn to Sparta he is accused of treachery, but success- fully de- fends him- self. 83 Utter pro- stration of the Argive power. 134 HERODOTUS ἐφόρους, φάμενοί piv δωροδοκήσαντα οὐκ ἑλέειν τὸ *Apryos, παρεὸν εὐπετέως μὲν ἑλεῖν ὁ δέ σφι ἔλεξε, οὔτε εἰ ψευδόμενος οὔτε εἰ ἀληθέα λέγων eyo σαφηνέωξ εἶπαι' ἔλεξε δ᾽ ὧν φάμενος ἐπεί τε δὴ τὸ τοῦ ”Apryou ἱρὸν εἷλε, δοκέειν οἱ ἐξεληλυθέναε τὸν χρησμὸν τοῦ θεοῦ" πρὸς ὧν ταῦτα οὐ δικαιοῦν πειρᾶν τῆς πόλεος, πρίν γε δὴ ἱροῖσι χρήσηται, καὶ μάθῃ εἴτε οἱ ὁ θεὸς παραδιδοῖ εἴτε οἱ ἐμπο- δὼν ὅστηκε' καλλιερευμένῳ δὲ ἐν τῷ Ηραίῳ ἐκ τοῦ ἀγάλματος τῶν στηθέων φλόγα πυρὸς ἐκλάμψαι μαθεῖν δὲ αὐτὸς οὕτω τὴν ἀτρε- κηΐην, ὅτι οὐκ αἱρέει τὸ "Αργος" εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἐξέλαμψε, αἱρέειν ἂν κατ᾿ ἄκρης τὴν πόλιν" ἐκ τῶν δὲ στηθέων λάμψαντος, πᾶν οἱ πεποιῆσθαι ὅσον ὁ θεὸς ἐβούλετο γενέσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ λέγων, πιστά τε καὶ οἰκότα ἐδόκοε Σ΄ παρ- τιήτῃσι λέγειν, καὶ ἀπέφυγε πολλὸν τοὺς διώκοντας. “Apyos δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐχηρώθη οὕτω, ὥστε οἱ δοῦλοι αὐτῶν "" ἔσχον πάντα τὰ πρήγματα ἄρχοντές τε καὶ διέποντες, ἐς ὃ ἐπήβησαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολομένων παῖδες. ἔπειτά σφεας οὗτοι ἀνακτώμενοι ὀπίσω ἐς ἑωντοὺς τὸ “Apyos ἐξέβαλον: ἐξωθεύμενοι δὲ οἱ δοῦλοε μάχῃ ὄσχον Τίρυνθα". τέως μὲν δή σφι ἦν ἄρθμια ἐς ἀλλήλους" 188 occupying a part of the city called Pam- phyliacum, and was beaten out of it by the women. 185 of δοῦλοι αὐτῶν. The Achean peri- cecians. See notes 172 on § 74, above, and 419 oni. 121. Prourarce (De mul. virt. p. 245), following the authority of Socrates, says of this transaction that the Argives, éx- ανορθούμενοι Thy ὀλιγανδρίαν οὐχ, ws ‘Hpi- Soros ἱστορεῖ, τοῖς δούλοις, ἀλλὰ τῶν περιοίκων ποιησάμενοι πολίτας τοὺς ἀρί- στους συνῴκισαν τὰς γυναῖκας. He adds a curious feature, which is clearly a distor- tion of the fact, that a part of the revolution consisted in legitimatizing the marriages of the Dorian rulers with the Mycenean subjects, and ratifying the bond by the religious sanction of the Mycenean Here. The number of Argives slain by Cleomenes was so great that popular fables made it 7777. (Prurarcg, 1. 6.) The Argives themselves put it at 6000 in their com- plaint to the Delphic oracle (vii. 148). It is no doubt this transaction to which ΑΒΙΒΤΟΤΙΙ alludes (Politic. v. p. 1303): καὶ ἐν Ἄργει, τῶν ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἀπολομέ- νων ὑπὸ Κλεομένους τοῦ Λάκωνος, ἢναγκά- ᾿ σθησαν παραδέξασθαι τῶν περιοίκων τινάς. 189 μάχῃ ἔσχον Τίρυνθα. It is impos- sible to doubt that the blow struck by Cleomenes to the ruling class in Argos produced a disorganization of the existing constitution, and that the effects of this must have showed itself throughout the whole of the Argive dependencies by in- creasing the power of the Achiean race. Whether this showed itself in the form of a servile war, or of an enforced claim for the possession of extended civil rights in the several towns, it is impossible to say from the scanty accounts which the narra- tive in the text gives. The analogy of other ancient states would render it pro- bable that the first effect of the victory of Cleomenes would be the replenishment of the ruling class by a large draft from the commons, and by the constituting new tribes, or new houses in existing tribes; and probably a preponderance of Achzan influence resulted, which in time produced a reaction. In such a view the attack of “the slaves” upon Tiryns might really be something analogous to the secession of the Roman piebs to the Mons Sacer. ERATO. VI. 88, 84. 135 ἔπειτα δὲ ἐς τοὺς δούλους ἦλθε ἀνὴρ μάντις Κλέανδρος, γένος ἐὼν Φυγαλεὺς ἀπ᾽ ’Apnadins’”- οὗτος τοὺς δούλους ἀνόγνωσε ἐπι- θέσθαε τοῖσι δεσπότῃσι' ἐκ τούτου δὲ πόλεμός σφε ἦν ἐπὶ χρόνον συχνὸν, ἐς ὃ δὴ μόγις οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι ἐπεκράτησαν. ᾿Αργεῖοι μέν νυν διὰ ταῦτα Κλεομένεά φασι μανέντα ἀπολέσθαι 84 κακῶς" αὐτοὶ δὲ Σπαρτιῆταί φασι ἐκ δαιμονίου μὲν οὐδενὸς μανῆναι Sparen sc. Κλεομένεα, Σκύθησι δὲ ὁμελήσαντά μὲν ἀκρητοπότην γενέσθαι καὶ use of the ἐκ τούτου μανῆναι" Σκύθας γὰρ τοὺς νομάδας, ἐπεί τέ σφι Δαρεῖον Cleomenes. ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν χώρην, μετὰ ταῦτα μεμονέναε pw τίσασθαι: πέμψαντας δὲ ἐς Σπάρτην, συμμαχίην τε ποιέεσθαε καὶ συντί- θεσθαι ὡς χρεὸν εἴη αὐτοὺς μὲν τοὺς Σ᾽ κύθας παρὰ Φᾶσιν ποτα- pov” πειρᾶν ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσβαλεῖν, σφέας δὲ τοὺς Σπαρ- τεήτας κελεύειν ἐξ ᾿Εφέσου ὁρμεωμένους ἀναβαίνειν, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐς τὠυτὸ ἀπαντᾶν. Κλεομένεα δὲ λέγουσι, ἡκόντων τῶν Σκυθέων ἐπὶ ταῦτα, ὁμιλέειν σφι μεζόνως, ὁμελέοντα δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦ ἱκνευμένου μαθεῖν τὴν ἀκρητοποσίην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν' ἐκ τούτου δὲ μανῆναί μὲν νομέξουσι Σπαρτιῆται' ἔκ τε Toco”, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἐπεὰν ζωρότερον βούλωνται πιέειν, “ ἐπισκύθισον" λέγουσι. οὕτω δὴ Σπαρτιῆται τὰ περὶ Κλεομένεα λέγουσι. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκέει τίσιν Herodotus ταύτην ὁ Κλεομένης Δημαρήτῳ éxrica’”. ral own view. 199 γένος ἐὼν Φιγαλεὺς ἀπ᾽ ’Apxadins. a man in travelling trim (εὐζώνῳ) along A prophet from Phigalia would not im- probably endeavour to carry out the policy which Cleomenes attempted, viz. to unite the populations which had descended from the old ante-dorian inhabitants, by the common bond of their religious associa- tions; and to persuade them that the time had come for the recovery of the Achean supremacy and the reduction of Dorian Argos to its former condition as a depen- dency on Acheean Mycene. There can be little doubt that in the war hetween Argos and Tiryns a part was taken by Mycenee, and that its termination was effected by the utter destruction of that city by the Argives, which Taucyp1pEs mentions to have taken place, without at all entering into the circumstances which led to it (i. 10). 191 χαρὰ Φᾶσιν ποταμόν. For the course which, under such circumstances, they would be conceived fo take, see note 363 on i. 104. Such a route would be an impossibility for nomads, for it would involve a journey of nearly thirty days for the N.E. coast of the Black Sea, by mere mountain paths. But the story appears to be a mere fiction, without any histo- rical foundation. See note 216 on iv. 77. 192 ἔκ τε τόσου, “from so far back.’ The manuscripts 8, V have ἐκ τοσούτον. 193 ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκέει τίσιν ταύτην ὁ Κλεο- μένης Δημαρήτῳ ἐκτίσαι. It may seem strange that Cleomenes’s misfortuneshould be considered as a visitation inflicted espe- cially in consequence of his treatment of Demaratus,— when the treachery and cruelty displayed in his conduct at Argos is to modern apprehensions so much more striking. But it should be remembered that in order to effect his purpose he had tampered with the Pythian priestess (§ 66); and although subsequently to his banish- ment for this he was again restored to all his regal rights, yet the offence must al- ways have appeared of the gravest kind to Dorians, especially when it turned out to have been committed in the course of s scheme for humiliating the Dorian race throughout Peloponnesus. When this 186 HERODOTUS Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Κλεομένεος, ὡς ἐπύθοντο Αὐγινῆται, ἔπεμπον ἐς Σπάρτην ἀγγέλους καταβωσομένους Δευτυχίδεω περὶ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ὁμήρων ἐχομένων. Aaxedaipovior δὲ δικαστήριον συναγα- γόντες, ἔγνωσαν περιὔβρίσθαι Αὐγινήτας “ ὑπὸ Λευτυχίδεω" και μὲν κατέκριναν ἔκδοτον ἄγεσθαι ἐς Αὔγιναν ἀντὶ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ἐχομένων ἀνδρῶν. μελλόντων δὲ ἄγειν τῶν Αὐγινητέων τὸν Δευ- τυχίδεα, εἶπέ σφι Θεασίδης 6 Λεωπρέπεος, ἐὼν ἐν Σπάρτῃ δόκιμος ἀνήρ' “τί βούλεσθε ποιέειν, ἄνδρες Αὐγινῆται, τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἔκδοτον γενόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιητέων ἄγειν ; εἰ νῦν ὀργῇ χρεώμενοι ἔγνωσαν οὕτω Σπαρτιῆται, ὅκως ἐξ ὑστέρης * μή τι ὑμῖν, ἣν ταῦτα πρήσσητε, πανώλεθρον κακὸν ἐς τὴν χώρην ἐσβάλωσι""." ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Αὐγινῆται ἔσχοντο τῆς ἀγωγῆς" ὁμολογίῃ δὲ ἐχρήσαντο τοιῇδε, ἐπισπόμενον Δευτυχίδεα ἐς ᾿Αθήνας, ἀποδοῦναι Αὐγινήτησι τοὺς ἄνδρας. ᾿ς δὲ ἀπικύ- μενος Λευτυχίδης ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀπαίτεε τὴν παραθήκην, οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι προφάσιας εἷλκον οὐ βουλόμενοι ἀποδοῦναι, φάντες δύο σφέας ἐόντας βασιλέας παραθέσθαι, καὶ οὐ δικαιοῦν τῷ ἑτέρῳ ἄνευ τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀποδιδόναι. οὐ φαμένων δὲ ἀποδώσειν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἔλεξέ σφι Λευτυχίδης τάδε" “ ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ποιέετε μὲν ὁκότερα 85 Spartan pro- ceedings re- lative to JEgina after the death of Cleomenes. 86 Anecdote of a judgment on one Glaucus for breach of faith. scheme was entirely shipwrecked by Cleo- menes’s insanity and death, it is only natural to suppose that the opposing party recovered much of the influence they had lost. And the whole narrative of Cleo- menes bears many traces of being derived from some person attached to that party. Hence the commendation of Cleomenes’s half-brother Dorieus as τῶν ἡλίκων wdy- τῶν πρῶτος and εὖ ἐπιστάμενος κατ᾽ dy- δραγαθίην αὐτὸς σχήσων τὴν βασιληΐην. Yet as a Laconian the narrator has no sympathy for the Argive prisoners who were destroyed, or for the violation of the sacred precincts at Eleusis and Argos, although as a Dorian he speaks of the Argive pericecians as the slaves of the ruling class, All these characteristics fit in very well with the situation and here- ditary sympathies of Archias of Pitane, of whom Herodotus makes mention in iii. 55. 194 ἔγνωσαν περιυβρίσθαι Αἰγινήτας. No explanation is given of this sudden change in the policy of Sparta. Perhaps it may be found in the circumstance that Gorgo, the daughter and heiress of Cleo- menes, was married to her uncle Leonidas (vii. 239). He was a son of Anaxandrides by his firet wife (v. 43). This marriage therefore may be regarded as an union of the Dorian and Achezean interests in the royal house of the Eurysthenides. Leoni- das would have had a right to Gorgo as her nearest kinsman; but the alliance perhaps became the more welcome to her Acheean connexions, from Cleomenes hav- ing clearly shown, during his banishment in Arcadia, that his views were not con- fined to the elevation of the Spartan Acheeans, but extended to the supremacy of the Achzean race in the Peloponnese,— at the expense of Sparta if n 195 ἐξ ὑστέρης. See note 382 on i. 108. 196 ἐσβάλωσι. Gaisford prints this on the authority of some MSS. The others vary between ἐμβάλωσι and ἐκβάλωσι, either of which would seem at least as good as ἐσβάλωσι. But there is no crite- rion of their relative probability. If éx- βάλωσι be used, there must be implied a reference to the expulsion of Leotychides JSrom Sparta. ERATO. VI. 85, 86. 137 βούλεσθε αὐτοί: καὶ γὰρ ἀποδιδόντες ποιέετε ὅσια, καὶ μὴ ἀπο- διδόντες τὰ ἐναντία τούτων" ὁκοῖον μέντοι ts ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ συνηνείχθη γενέσθαι περὶ πτπαραθήκης, βούλομαι ὑμῖν εἶπαι. λέγο- μεν ἡμεῖς οἱ Σπαρτιῆται, γενέσθαι ἐν τῇ Δακεδαίμονε κατὰ τρίτην γενεὴ» τὴν ἀπ᾿ ἐμέο" Γλαῦκον ᾿Επικύδεος παῖδα' τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα φαμὲν τά τε ἄλλα πάντα περιήκειν τὰ πρῶτα, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀκούειν ἄριστα δικαιοσύνης πέρι 1. “ἄντων ὅσοι τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον οἴκεον" συνενευχθῆναι δέ οἱ ἐν χρόνῳ ἱκνευμένῳ τάδε λέγομεν: ἄνδρα Μιλήσιον ἀπικόμενον ἐς Σπάρτην βούλεσθαι οἱ ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους, προϊσχόμενον τοιάδε' εἰμὶ μὲν Μιλήσιος, ἥκω δὲ τῆς σῆς, Γλαῦκε, βουλόμενος δικαιοσύνης ἀπολαῦσαι" ὡς yap δὴ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἄλλην Ελλάδα, ἐν δὲ καὶ περὶ ᾿Ιωνίην, τῆς σῆς δικαιοσύνης ἦν λόγος πολλὸς, ἐμεωυτῷ λόγους ἐδίδουν, καὶ ὅτι ἐπικίνδυνός ἐστι αἰεί κοτε ἡ ᾿Ιωνίη ἡ δὲ Πελοπόννησος ἀσφαλέως ἱδρυμένη, καὶ διότε χρήματα οὐδαμὰ τοὺς αὐτούς ἐστι ὁρᾶν ἔχοντας" ταῦτά τε ὧν ἐπιλεγομένῳ καὶ βουλευομένῳ ἔδοξέ μοι τὰ ἡμίσεα πάσης τῆς οὐσίης ἐξαργυρώσαντα θέσθαι παρὰ σὲ, εὖ ἐξεπιστα- μένῳ ὥς μοι κείμενα ἔσται παρὰ σοὶ σόα' σὺ δή μοι καὶ τὰ χρή- pata δέξαι καὶ τάδε τὰ σύμβολα cate λαβών: ὃς δ᾽ ἂν ἔχων ταῦτα ἀπαιτέη, τούτῳ ἀποδοῦναι' ὁ μὲν δὴ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου ἥκων ξεῖνος τοσαῦτα ἔλεξε: Γλαῦκος δὲ ἐδέξατο τὴν παραθήκην ἐπὶ τῷ εἰρημένῳ λόγῳ' χρόνου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἦλθον ἐς τὴν Σπαρ- την τούτου τοῦ παραθεμένου τὰ χρήματα οἱ παῖδες" ἐλθόντες δὲ ἐς λόγους τῷ Τλαύκῳ καὶ ἀποδεικνύντες τὰ σύμβολα, ἀπαίτεον τὰ χρήματα: ὁ δὲ διωθέετο ἀντυποκρινόμενος τοιάδε: οὔτε μέμνημαι τὸ πρῆγμα, οὔτε με περιφέρει οὐδὲν εἰδέναε τούτων τῶν ὑμεῖς λέγετε" 19) χὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐμέο. See note 95 on iii. 34. 198 τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα φαμὲν τά [es πάντα περιήκειν τὰ πρῶτα, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀκούειν ἄριστα δικαιοσύνης πέρι. Of this man our account is, that beside all other qualities of the first kind which attached to him, he had the highest reputation for justice. Teprhxey is nearly the same in sense ag περιβάλλειν. imilar expres- sion occurs below, vii. 16: τά σε καὶ ay Bia Te κεριήκοντα κακῶν ἀνδρῶν dui- Aleu σφάλλουσι, “ both of which qualities (viz. sagacity and readiness to follow good VOL. If. , Bovropal re ἀναμνησθεὶς ποιέειν πᾶν τὸ δίκαιον" καὶ counsels) belong to you, but the influence of evil associates foils them [in their ope- ration ].” 199 etre με περιφέρει οὐδὲν εἰδέναι τού- τῶν τῶν ὑμεῖς λόγετε, “nor does any thing lead me indirectly to a knowledge about the matters you mention,” i.e. I have no clue, in following which I may come in a roundabout way to know about the matter. This is the exact description of the mental process in recollection. Τούτων is governed by περὶ understood, and οὐδὲν is the nominative to περιφέρει. T 87 Story re- sumed of the feud between Athens and LE gina. 138 HERODOTUS yap εἰ ἔλαβον, ὀρθῶς ἀποδοῦναι' καὶ εἴ ye ἀρχὴν μὴ ἔλαβον, νόμοισι τοῖσι Ελλήνων χρήσομαι ἐς ὑμέας" ταῦτα ὧν ὑμῖν ἀναβάλ- λομαε κυρώσειν ἐς τέταρτον μῆνα ἀπὸ τοῦδε. οἱ μὲν δὴ Μιλήσιοι συμφορὴν ποιεύμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο, ὡς ἀπεστερημένοι τῶν χρη- μάτων: Γλαῦκος δὲ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Δελφοὺς χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστη- ply ἐπειρωτῶντα δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ χρηστήριον εἰ ὅρκῳ τὰ χρήματα ληΐσεται ; ἡ Πυθίη μετέρχεται τοῖσδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι" Γλαῦκ᾽ ᾿ΕἘπικυδείδη, τὸ μὲν αὐτίκα κέρδιον οὕτω ὅρκῳ νικῆσαι, καὶ χρήματα ληΐσσασθαι. Susu ἐπεὶ θάνατός γε καὶ εὔορκον μένει ἄνδρα. ἀλλ᾽ Ὅρκου πάϊς ἐστὶν ἀνώνυμος" οὐδ᾽ ἔπι χεῖρες, οὐδὲ πόδες" κραικπνὸς δὲ μετέρχεται, εἰσόκε πᾶσαν συμμάρψας ὀλέσει γενεὴν, καὶ οἶκον ἅπαντα. ἀνδρὸς δ' εὐόρκον γενεὴ μετόκισθεν ἀμείνων. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Τ'λαῦκος συγγνώμην τὸν θεὸν πταραιτέετο αὐτῷ ἴσχειν τῶν ῥηθέντων ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἔφη, τὸ πειρηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὸ ποιῆσαι ἶσον δύνασθαι. Τ'λαῦκος μὲν δὴ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς Μιλησίους ξείνους, ἀποδιδοῖ σφι τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ δὲ εἵνεκα ὁ λόγος ὅδε, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὡρμήθη λέγεσθαι ἐς ὑμέας, εἰρήσεται: Γλαύκου νῦν οὔτε τι ἀπόγονόν ἐστι οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομένη εἶναι ΤΓλαύκον" ἐκτέτριπταί τε πρόρριζος ἐκ Σπάρτης ". οὕτω ἀγαθὸν μηδὲ διανοέεσθαι περὶ παραθήκης ἄλλο γε, ἢ ἀπαιτεόντων ἀποδιδόναι." Aevruyldns μὲν εἴπας ταῦτα, ὥς οἱ οὐδὲ οὕτω ἐσήκουον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀπαλλάσσετο. Οἱ δὲ Αὐγινῆται 5, πρὶν τῶν πρότερον ἀδικημάτων δοῦναι δίκας τῶν ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους ὕβρισαν Θηβαίοισι χαριζόμενοι, ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε' μεμφόμενοι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι καὶ ἀξιοῦντες ἀδικέεσθαε, ὡς τιμωρησόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους παρεσκευάζοντο' καὶ ἦν γὰρ δὴ ® πρόρριζος ἐκ Σπάρτης. JUVENAL has uced this story,—not very aptly as regards the subject he is illustrating : “ Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia vates: Haud impunitum quondam fore, quod du- bitaret Depositum retinere, et fraudem jure tueri Jurando. querebat enim, qus numinis esset Mens, et an hoc illi facinus suaderet Apollo ? Reddidit ergo metu, non moribus; et ἐδ- men omnem Vocem adyti dignam templo veramque Extinctus tot& pariter cam prole domoque Et quamvis longa deductis gente propin- quis.’”’ Sat. xiii. 199-210. 300 of δὲ Αἰγινῆται. The history of the feud between Athens and Atgina is re- sumed from v. 89. ERATO. VI. 87—$91. 139 τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι πεντετηρὶς ἐπὶ Σουνίῳ, λοχήσαντες ὧν τὴν θεωρέδα νῆα εἷλον πλήρεα ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων ᾿Αθηναίων λα- βόντες δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἔδησαν. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ παθόντες ταῦτα πρὸς Avywrréwy, οὐκέτι ἀνεβάλλοντο μὴ οὐ τὸ πᾶν μηχανήσασθαι ἐπ᾽ Αὐγινήτησι' καὶ ἦν γὰρ Νικόδρομος Κνοίθου καλεόμενος ἐν τῇ Αἰγίνῃ ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, οὗτος μεμφόμενος μὲν τοῖσι Αὐγινήτῃσι προ- τέρην ἑωντοῦ ἐξέλασιν ἐκ τῆς νήσου, μαθὼν δὲ τότε τοὺς ᾿Α θηναί- ous ἀναρτημένους ἕρδειν Αὐγινήτας κακῶς, συντίθεται "Αθηναίοισι προδοσίην Αὐγίνης, φράσας ἐν τῇ τε ἡμέρῃ ἐπιχειρήσει, καὶ ἐκείνους ἐς τὴν ἥκειν δεήσει βοηθέοντας" μετὰ ταῦτα, καταλαμβάνει μὲν κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο" ὁ Νικόδρομος ᾿Αθηναίοισε τὴν παλαιὴν καλεομένην πόλιν" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ οὐ παραγίνονται ἐς δέον" οὐ γὰρ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσα: νέες σφι ἀξιόμαχοι τῇσι Αὐγινητέων συμβαλέειν" ἐν ᾧ ὧν Κορινθίων ἐδέοντο χρῆσαί σφι νέας, ἐν τούτῳ διεφθάρη τὰ πρήγματα". οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἦσαν γάρ σφι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον diros ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾽", ᾿Αθηναίοισι διδοῦσι δεομένοισι εἴκοσι νέας, διδοῦσι δὲ πενταδράχμους ἀποδόμενοι" δωτίνην γὰρ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ οὐκ ἐξὴν δοῦναι" ταύτας τε δὴ λαβόντες οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ τὰς σφετέ- pas", πληρώσαντες ἑβδομήκοντα νέας τὰς ἁπάσας, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Alyway καὶ ὑστέρισαν ἡμέρῃ μιῇ τῆς συγκειμένης. Νικό- δρομος δὲ, ὡς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοε ἐς τὸν καιρὸν οὐ παρεγίνοντο, ἐς πλοῖον ἐσβὰς ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τῆς Αὐγίνης σὺν δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῶν Αὐγινητέων ἔσποντο' τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι Σούνιον οἰκῆσαι ἔδοσαν" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὗτοι ὁρμεώμενοι ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Αὐγενήτας" ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὕστερον ἐγίνετο. Αὐγινητέων δὲ οἱ παχέες, ἐπαναστάντος τοῦ δήμου σφι ἅμα Νικοδρόμῳ, ἐπεκράτησαν" καὶ ἔπειτά σφεας χειρωσάμενοι, ἐξῆγον ἀπολέοντες. ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ καὶ ἄγος σφι ἐγένετο τὸ ἐκθύσασθαι οὐκ οἷοί τε ἐγίνοντο émi- 391 wevrernpls. This is the reading of Sand V. Gaisford, with the majority of MSS, has πεντήρης, which would mean “a galley with five banks of oars.” The meaning of the text is ‘‘a festival held every fifth year.” 303 κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο. See note 211 tids on iv. 76. 203 διεφθάρη τὰ πρήγματα, “their game was ruined.” See § 13: κατεφαίνετό σφι elvas ἀδύνατα τὰ βασιλέος: πρήγματα brep- βαλέσθαι. 204 ἦσαν γάρ σφι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον φίλοι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. This friendship may have originated in the conduct of the Co- rinthians recorded in v. 93, they having put a decisive bar to the scheme of the monians for restoring the Pisistra- 205 καὶ ras σφετέρας. These therefore must have been fifty in number; for the reason of which see Suitn’s Dictiona of Greek and Roman Antiquities, sub voce ναυκραρία. T2 88 89 90 91 87 Story re- sumed of the feud between Athens and “Ἔρϑια. 138 HERODOTUS yap εἰ ἔλαβον, ὀρθῶς ἀποδοῦναι' καὶ εἴ ye ἀρχὴν μὴ ἔλαβον, νόμοισι τοῖσι Ελλήνων χρήσομαι ἐς ὑμέας" ταῦτα ὧν ὑμῖν ἀναβάλ- oma. κυρώσειν ἐς τέταρτον μῆνα ἀπὸ τοῦδε. οἱ μὲν δὴ Μιλήσιοι συμφορὴν ποιεύμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο, WS ἀπεστερημένοι τῶν χρη- μάτων: Γλαῦκος δὲ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Δελφοὺς χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστη- ρίῳ: ἐπειρωτῶντα δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ χρηστήριον εἰ ὅρκῳ τὰ χρήματα ληΐσεται ; ἡ Πυθίη μετέρχεται τοῖσδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι" Γλαῦκ᾽ ᾿Ἐπικυδείδη, τὸ μὲν αὐτίκα κέρδιον οὕτω ὅρκῳ νικῆσαι, καὶ χρήματα ληΐσσασθαι. ὄμνν' ἐπεὶ θάνατός γε καὶ εὔορκον μένει ἄνδρα. ἀλλ᾽ Ὅρκου πάϊς ἐστὶν ἀνώνυμος" οὐδ᾽ ἔπι χεῖρες, οὐδὲ πόδες κραιπνὸς δὲ μετέρχεται, εἰσόκε πᾶσαν συμμάρψας ὀλέσει γενεὴν, καὶ οἶκον ἅπαντα. ἀνδρὸς δ' εὐόρκου γενεὴ μετόπισθεν ἀμείνων. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Τλαῦκος συγγνώμην τὸν θεὸν πταραιτέετο αὐτῷ ἴσχειν τῶν ῥηθέντων: ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἔφη, τὸ πειρηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὸ ποιῆσαι ἶσον δύνασθαι. Γλαῦκος μὲν δὴ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς Μιλησίους ξείνους, ἀποδιδοῖ σφι τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ δὲ εἵνεκα ὃ λόγος ὅδε, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὡρμήθη λέγεσθαι ἐς ὑμέας, εἰρήσεται" Γλαύκου νῦν οὔτε Te ἀπόγονόν ἐστι οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομένη εἶναι Γλαύκου" ἐκτέτριπταί τε πρόρριζος ἐκ Σπάρτης ". οὕτω ἀγαθὸν μηδὲ διανοέεσθαε περὶ παραθήκης ἄλλο γε, ἢ ἀπαιτεόντων ἀποδιδόναι." Λευτυχίδης μὲν εἴπας ταῦτα, ὥς οἱ οὐδὲ οὕτω ἐσήκουον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀπαλλάσσετο. Οἱ δὲ Αὐγινῆται Ἶ", πρὶν τῶν πρότερον ἀδικημάτων δοῦναι δίκας τῶν ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους ὕβρισαν Θηβαίοισι χαριζόμενοι, ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε' μεμφόμενοι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισε καὶ ἀξιοῦντες ἀδικέεσθαε, ὡς τιμωρησόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους παρεσκευάζοντο: καὶ Fv γὰρ δὴ ® πρόρριζος ἐκ Σπάρτης. ΤΌΨΕΝΑΙ, has Reddidit ergo metu, non moribus; οἱ ta- reproduced this story,—not very aptly as men omnem regards the subject he is illustrating : Vocem adyti dignam templo veramque probavit, ‘¢ Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia vates: Extinctus tot& pariter cam prole domoque Hand impunitum quondam fore, quod du- Et quamvis longa deductis gente propin- bitaret quis.”’ Depositum retinere, et fraudem jure tueri Sat. xiii. 199-—210. Jurando. querebat enim, que numinis esset 200 of δὲ Αἰγινῆται. The history of the Mens, et an hoc illi facinus suaderet feud between Athens and A¢gina is re- Apollo ? sumed from v. 89. ERATO. VI. 87.---91. 139 τοῖσε ᾿Αθηναίοισε revrernpis™ ἐπὶ Σουνίῳ, λοχήσαντες ὧν THY θεωρέδα νῆα εἷλον πλήρεα ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων ᾿Αθηναίων λα- βόντες δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἔδησαν. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ παθόντες ταῦτα πρὸς Αὐγινητέων, οὐκέτι ἀνεβάλλοντο μὴ οὐ τὸ πᾶν μηχανήσασθαι ἐπ᾽ Αὐγινήτησι' καὶ ἣν γὰρ Νικόδρομος Κνοίθου καλεόμενος ἐν τῇ Atyivy ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, οὗτος μεμφόμενος μὲν τοῖσι Αὐγινήτησι προ- τέρην ἑωντοῦ ἐξέλασιν ἐκ τῆς νήσου, μαθὼν δὲ τότε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναί- ous ἀναρτημένους ἔρδειν Αὐγινήτας κακῶς, συντίθεται ᾿Αθηναίοισι “τροδοσίην Αὐγίνης, φράσας ἐν τῇ τε ἡμέρῃ ἐπιχειρήσει, καὶ ἐκείνους ἐς τὴν ἥκειν δεήσει βοηθέοντας" μετὰ ταῦτα, καταλαμβάνει μὲν κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο᾽" ὁ Νικόδρομος ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὴν παλαεὴν καλεομένην πόλιν" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ οὐ παραγίνονταε ἐς δέον" οὐ γὰρ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσαε νέες σφι ἀξιόμαχοι τῇσι Αὐγινητέων συμβαλέειν" ἐν ᾧ ὧν Κορινθίων ἐδέοντο χρῆσαί σφι νέας, ἐν τούτῳ διεφθάρη τὰ πρήγματα ὦ. οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἦσαν γάρ ode τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον φίλοι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα Ἶ“", ᾿Αθηναίοισει διδοῦσι δεομένοισι εἴκοσε νέας, διδοῦσι δὲ πενταδράχμους ἀποδόμενοι" δωτίνην γὰρ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ οὐκ ἐξῆν δοῦναι" ταύτας τε δὴ λαβόντες οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ τὰς σφετέ- pas”, πληρώσαντες ἑβδομήκοντα νέας τὰς ἁπάσας, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Alywayr καὶ ὑστέρισαν ἡμέρῃ μιῇ τῆς συγκειμένης. Νικό- δρομος δὲ, ὡς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς τὸν καιρὸν οὐ παρεγίνοντο, ἐς πλοῖον ἐσβὰς ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τῆς Αὐγίνης' σὺν δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῶν ΑΑὐγινητέων ἔσποντο' τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι Σούνιον οἰκῆσαι ἔδοσαν" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὗτοι ὁρμεώμενοι ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Αὐγινήτας" ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὕστερον ἐγίνετο. Αὐγινητέων δὲ οἱ παχέες, ἐπαναστάντος τοῦ δήμου σφι ἅμα Νικοδρόμῳ, ἐπεκράτησαν" καὶ ἔπειτά σφεας χειρωσάμενοι, ἐξῆγον ἀπολέοντες. ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ καὶ ἄγος oft ἐγένετο τὸ ἐκθύσασθαι οὐκ οἷοί τε ἐγίνοντο ἐπι- 201 weyrernpis. This is the reading of 394 ἦσαν γάρ σφι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Sand V. Gaisford, with the majority of MSS, has πεντήρης, which would mean “3 galley with five banks of oars.” The meaning of the text is ‘‘a festival held every fifth year.” 303 κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο. on iv. 76. 263 διεφθάρη τὰ πρήγματα, “their game was ruined.” See § 13: κατεφαίνετό σφι elvas ἀδύνατα τὰ βασιλέος πρήγματα ὑπερ- βαλέσθαι. See note 211 tids φίλοι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. This friendship may have originated in the conduct of the Co- rinthians recorded in v. 93, they having put a decisive bar to the scheme of the Lacedzemonians for restoring the Pisistra- 205 καὶ τὰς σφετέρας. These therefore must have been fifty in number; for the reason of which see Suirn’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, sub voce vauxpapla. T2 88 89 90 91 92 140 HERODOTUS μηχανώμενοι" ἀλλ᾽ ἔφθησαν ἐκπεσόντες πρότερον ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἤ σφι ἵλεων γενέσθαι τὴν θεόν' ἑπτακοσίους γὰρ δὴ τοῦ δήμου ζωγρήσαντες, ἐξῆγον ὡς ἀπολέοντες" εἷς δέ τις τούτων ἐκφυγὼν τὰ δεσμὰ καταφεύγει πρὸς πρόθυρα Δήμητρος θεσμοφόρον ἐπίλαμ- βανόμενος δὲ τῶν ἐπισπαστήρων εἴχετο" οἱ δὲ, ἐπεί τέ μὲν ἀπο- σπάσας: οὐκ οἷοί τε ἀπέλκοντες ἐγίνοντο, ἀποκόψαντες αὐτοῦ τὰς χεῖρας ἦγον οὕτω" χεῖρες δὲ κεῖναι ἐμπεφυκυῖαι ἦσαν τοῖσι ἐπισπαστῆρσι. Ταῦτα μέν νυν σφέας αὐτοὺς οἱ Αὐγινῆται ἐργά- σαντο! ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ ἤκουσε ἐναυμάχησαν νηυσὶ ἑβδομήκοντα' ἑσσωθέντες δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐπεκαλέοντο τούτους αὐτοὺς τοὺς καὶ πρότερον *™, ᾿Αργείους" καὶ δή σφι οὗτοι μὲν οὐκέτι βοηθέουσι ἢ", μεμφόμενοι ὅτι Αὐγιναῖαι νέες ἀνάγκῃ λαμφθεῖσαι ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος ἔσχον τε ἐς τὴν ᾿Αργολίδα χώρην καὶ συναπέβησαν Δακεδαι- μονίοισι. συναπέβησαν δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ Σικυωνίων νεῶν avdpes” τῇ αὐτῇ ταύτῃ ἐσβολῇ. καί σφι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων ἐπεβλήθη ξημέη, χίλια τάλαντα ἐκτίσαι, πεντακόσια ἑκατέρους. Σικνώνιοι μέν νυν συγ- γνόντες ἀδικῆσαι, ὡμολόγησαν, ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκτίσαντες, ἀζήμιοι εἶναι: Αὐγινῆται δὲ οὔτε συνεγεινώσκοντο ἦσαν Te αὐθαδέστεροι. διὰ δὴ ὧν σφι ταῦτα δεομένοισι ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ δημοσίου οὐδεὶς ᾿Αργείων ἔτι ἐβοήθεε, ἐθελονταὶ δὲ ἐς χιλίους ἴδ ἦγε δὲ αὐτοὺς στρατηγὸς ἀνὴρ ᾧ οὔνομα Εὐρυβάτης, πεντάεθλον ἐπασκήσας. τούτων οὐ πλεῦνες οὐκ ἀπενόστησαν ὀπίσω, GAN ἐτελεύτησαν ὑπ᾽ 206 rods καὶ πρότερον. The Argives, of the ruling class of and be not according to their own and the Aginetan account, had contributed to the destruc- tion of the Athenians recorded in y. 85 —§7. 207 οὗτοι μὲν οὐκέτι βοηθέουσι. The severe blow which had been struck by Cleomenes to the ruling class probably much sad a them, independently of the soreness which they would have felt at the service rendered by Atginetan vessels in the transport of the Lacedsemonian army. But besides this, the population of Argos had been much altered. See note 188, above. 208 ἀπὸ Σικνωνίων νεῶν ἄνδρες. These appear to have been volunteers who joined in Cleomenes’s expedition. [If belonging to the commercial population of Sicyon, which was exalted in influence by the policy of the Orthagorid dynasty (see note 169 on v. 67), they would inherit a hatred unwilling to lend themselves to the policy of Cleomenes. 209 ἐθελονταὶ δὲ ἐς xiAlovs. Perhaps these may be regarded as mercenaries taken into the service of the A¢ginetee. It seems impossible to frame any con- nected notion of the operations in this contest, of which the important feature in the mind of the narrator appears to be the personal prowess of the two individuals whom he names. But the succession of contests, first between the Argives and Lacedsemonians, and, after the blow struck by Cleomenes, between the ruling class and the serfs, could hardly fail to collect bands of condottieri ready to take service any where if good pay were offered ;—and this it would certainly be in the power of a rich mercantile state to do. The skill of Eurybates certainly bespeaks a pro/es- sional soldier. ERATO. VI. 92.-9ὅ. 141 ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν Aiyiy αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς Εὐρυβάτης, μουνο- μαχέην ἐπασκέων, τρεῖς μὲν ἄνδρας τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ κτείνει, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ τετάρτου Σωφάνεος τοῦ 4Δεκελέος ἀποθνήσκει. Αἰγινῆται δὲ ἐοῦσι ἀτάκτοισε ᾿Αθηναίοισι συμβαλόντες τῇσι νηυσὶ ἐνίκησαν" καί σφεων νέας τέσσερας αὐτοῖσι ἀνδράσι elroy. ᾿Αθηναίοισε μὲν δὴ πόλεμος συνῆπτο πρὸς Αὐγινήτας. ὁ δὲ 94 Πέρσης τὸ ἑωυτοῦ ἐποίεε, ὥστε ἀναμιμνήσκοντός τα αἰεὶ τοῦ θερά- oe ᾿ wovros*” μεμνῆσθαί μιν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων sry of the “προσκατημένων καὶ διαβαλλόντων ᾿Αθηναίους, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος “ion. 6 Δαρεῖος, ταύτης ἐχόμενος τῆς προφάσιος, καταστρέφεσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος τοὺς μὴ δόντας αὐτῷ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ". Μαρδόνιον μὲν δὴ φλαύρως πρήξαντα τῷ στόλῳ παραλύει τῆς στρατηγίης" ἄλλους δὲ στρατηγοὺς ἀποδέξας ἀπέστειλε ἐπί te ᾿Ερέτριαν καὶ ᾿Αθήνας, 4ᾶτίν τε ἐόντα Μῆδον γένος, καὶ ᾿Αρταφέρνεα tov’ Apra- Expedition φέρνεος ᾿" παῖδα ἀδελφιδέον ἑωυτοῦ ἐντειλάμενος δὲ ἀπέπεμπε wee ἐξανδραποδίσαντας ᾿Αθήνας καὶ ᾿Ερέτριαν, ἄγει". ἑωυτῷ ἐς ὄψιν τὰ PO ἀνδράποδα". “Ds δὲ of στρατηγοὶ οὗτοι οἱ ἀποδεχθέντες, πορευό- 95 μενοι παρὰ βασιλέος ἀπίκοντο τῆς Κιλικίης ἐς τὸ ᾿Αλήϊον πεδίον", 98 210 ἀναμιμνήσκοντός τε αἰεὶ τοῦ θεράπον»- tes. See v. 106. 311 sobs μὴ δόντας αὑτῷ γῆν τε καὶ 48 Sep. See , ν 212 ᾿Αρταφέρνεα τὸν ᾿Αρταφέρνεος. The manuscripts P, K, V, F have ᾿Αρτα- φρένεα τοῦ ᾿Αρταφρένεος. See note 63 on v. 25. 213 ἄγειν ἑωντῷ és ἔψιν τὰ ἀνδράποδα. There is a harshness about this commis- sion which contrasts strongly with the mildness of the policy related in §§ 42, 43, and also with the treatment of the captive Eretrians when brought to Darius (§ 119). It would seem as if the failure of Mardonius had given greater weight to the party who advocated a stern policy in the treatment of the conquered nations. 1.) But the attributing the severity of iasion to personal irritation of Athenian colouring, and from the same mint as the story introduced by PLato into the funeral oration (Menexenus, § 10), that Datis was sent with orders to bring the Eretrians and Athenians into the pre- sence of Darius, if he wished to keep his own head on his shoulders. Compare Legg. iii. § 15. 414 +b ᾿Αλήϊον πεδίον. For ᾿Αλήϊον the manuscript 8 has ᾿Αλώϊζον, and P, ᾿Αλή- νιον. These are s all genuine readings,—at least, not derived from one another by any error of transcription, but representing the views of Alexandrine grammarians as to the proper form of the word. The root of this is perhaps really Al or Hal (see note 243 on i. 72), and the name may be derived from the acces- sibility of the place to vessels from the sea. Arta- In the Jiiad, after the usual manner of the Greeks to find etymologies for every . mame in their own tongue, it is made the scene of the wanderings (ἄλη) of Belle- rophon, who, —— καππεδίον τὸ ᾿Αλήζον οἷος ἁλᾶτο it ὃν θυμὸν κατέδων, κάτον ἀνθρώπων ἀλε- εἶνων (vi. 201). 142 HERODOTUS ἅμα ἀγόμενοι πεζὸν στρατὸν πολλόν τε καὶ εὖ ἐσκευασμένον, ἐνθαῦτα στρατοπεδενομένοισι ἐπῆλθε μὲν ὃ ναυτικὸς πᾶς στρατὸς ὁ ἐπιταχθεὶς ἑκάστοισι' παρογένοντο δὲ καὶ αἱ ἱππαγωγοὶ νέες, τὰς τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτεϊ προεῖπε τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ δασμοφόροισι Δαρεῖος ἑτοιμάζειν. ἐσβαλόμενοι δὲ τοὺς ἵππους ἐς ταύτας καὶ τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν ἐσβιβάσαντες ἐς τὰς νέας, ἔπλεον ἑξακοσίῃσι τριήρεσι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον εἶχον τὰς νέας ἰθὺ τοῦ τε Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῆς Θρηΐκης" GAN ἐκ Σάμου ὁρμεώμενοι, παρά τε ᾽ἾΪκάριον καὶ διὰ νήσων τὸν πλόον ἐποιεῦντο, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέει Ἶ", δείσαντες μάλιστα τὸν περίπλοον τοῦ “Aw, ὅτι τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτεϊ ποιεύμενοι ταύτῃ τὴν κομιδὴν μεγάλως προσέπται- σαν" πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἡ Νάξος σφέας ἠνάγκαζε, πρότερον οὐκ ἁλοῦσα. 96 ᾿Επεὶ δὲ, ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ικαρίου πελάγεος προσφερόμενοι προσέμιξαν τῇ Cepture of Nake, (ἐπὶ ταύτην γὰρ δὴ πρώτην ἐπεῖχον στρατεύεσθαι οἱ aed Πέρσαι, μεμνημένοι τῶν πρότερον Ἶ,,) οἱ Νάξιοι πρὸς τὰ οὔρεα οἴχοντο φεύγοντες, οὐδὲ ὑπέμειναν" οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἀνδραποδισάμενοι τοὺς κατέλαβον αὐτῶν, ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὰ ἱρὰ καὶ τὴν πόλιν: ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ᾿, ἐπὶ τὰς ἄλλας νήσους ἀνάγοντο. 97 ἘἜἪΝν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι ταῦτα ἐποίευν, οἱ Δήλιοι, ἐκλιπόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ pe ea a τὴν Δῆλον, οἴχοντο φεύγοντες és Τῆνον τῆς δὲ στρατιῆς xata- Driow, to, Trcovans, ὁ Δᾶτις προπλώσας οὐκ ἔα τὰς νέας πρὸς τὴν νῆσον ysthe προσορμίξεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πέρην ἐν τῇ ᾿Ῥηνέῃ ᾽"". αὐτὸς δὲ πυθόμενος ighest re- spect. ἵνα ἦσαν of Δήλιοι, πέμπων κήρυκα ἠγόρενέ σφι τάδε “ ἄνδρες ἱροὶ, τί φεύγοντες οἴχεσθε οὐκ ἐπιτηδέα καταγνόντες κατ᾽ ἐμεῦ ; ἐγὼ γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτό γε φρονέω, καί μοι ἐκ βασιλέος ὧδε ἐπέσταλται, ἐν ἣ χώρῃ οἱ δύο θεοὶ." ἐγένοντο ταύτην μηδὲν 215 δοκέει. Gaisford has δοκέειν. The ν. 31. MSS are divided. 218 ἀλλὰ πέρην ἐν τῇ Ῥηνέῃ. The word 216 μεμνημένοι τῶν πρότερον. They ἔσχε or some equivalent is to be supplied, appear to have remembered the powerful gathered by inference from οὐκ ἕα προσ- resistance made by the Naxians (νυ. 34) ορμίζεσθαι. See note 190 on i. 59. when they had notice of the armament 319 οἱ δύο θεοί. The Median Datis re- coming against them, and therefore deter- cognized in the Phoebus and Phoebe of mined to surprise them this time. The Delos the Mithras and Mitra of the Ma- manuscripts 8 and V have τῶν προτέρων, gian religion. Hecatus and Hecate were which is perhaps the preferable reading, the names under which the same deities —if it were supported by an equal weight were worshipped over all the Asiatic coast of authority. in the neighbourhood of Lesbos and Te- 31] γαῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες. For some nedos. (See note 506 on i. 151.) The idea of the amount of the mischief com- Phecenicians, who doubtless formed a prised in this brief notice see note 77 on part of the fleet, would have had no re- ERATO. VI. 96—98. 143 σίνεσθαε, μήτε αὐτὴν THY χώρην μήτε τοὺς οἰκήτορας αὐτῆς. νῦν ὧν καὶ ἄπιτε ἐπὶ τὰ ὑμέτερα αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν νῆσον νέμεσθε." ταῦτα μὲν ἐπεκηρυκεύσατο τοῖσε 4ηλίοισι' μετὰ δὲ, λιβανωτοῦ τριηκόσια τάλαντα κατανήσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἐθυμίησε. Δᾶτις 98 μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἔπλεε ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ερέτριαν The sme πρῶτα, ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ ἤωνας καὶ Αἰολέας 5. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον for Ereiria. ἐνθεῦτεν ἐξαναχθέντα, Δῆλος ἐκινήθη, ὡς ἔλεγον οἱ Δήλιοι, καὶ πρῶτα καὶ ὕστατα [μέχρι ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα] καὶ τοῦτο μέν κου An earth- τέρας ἀνθρώποισι τῶν μελλόντων ἔσεσθαι κακῶν 3 ἔφῃνε ὁ θεός" Dales γιο- ἐπὶ γὰρ Aapelov τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος καὶ Ἐέρξεω τοῦ Δαρείον καὶ ΡΟ ες ᾿Αρταξέρξεω τοῦ Ἐέρξεω **, τριῶν τουτέων ἐπεξῆς γενεέων, ἐγένετο τε λον πλέω κακὰ τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἢ ἐπὶ εἴκοσι ἄλλας γενεὰς τὰς πρὸ Δαρείου τες οἱ γενομένας" τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Περσέων αὐτῇ γενόμενα, τὰ δὲ ἀπ᾽ Xerxes, taxerxes. spect for this combination of deities; and hence Datis sailed on by himeelf, and kept them at Rhenea. They would have re- spected Mfifra in her character of Aphro- dite Urania; but in this she would have not been coupled with a male deity, but have been more analogous to the Arcadian Artemis, or the Sardian Cybebe. (See note 297 on v. 102.) For another instance of Datis’s reverence for the Delian Apollo, see § 118. 320 ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ Ἴωνας xa) Αἰολέας. The effect of the conciliatory and tempe- rate policy of Darius (§§ 42, 43) had doubt- less been to render the Hellenic cities on the main again available for supplying a subsidiary force, just as they had been to Cyrus and Cambyses. (See ii. 1; iii. 1.) 221 [μέχρι ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα]. The MSS vary in this passage in such a way as to induce the belief that the variations have all arisen out of the desire of explaining the fact that Herodotus limited the asser- tion of the Delians to his own experience, —which of course from the nature of the case he necessarily did. M and K have μέχρε ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα, which Gaisford adopts. One manuscript (F) has ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα without μέχρι. One (P) has μέχρι ἐμέο μηδέποτε σεισθεῖσα, and seve- ral τὰ μέχρι (or μέχρις) ἐμέο οὐ σεισθεῖσα. A great deal of trouble has been occa- sioned to the commentators by the cir- cumstance of Taucypipss (ii. 8) having stated that Delos was stirred by an earth- quake just before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, adding πρότερον οὔπω σεισθεῖσα ἀφ᾽ οὗ Ἕλληνες μέμγηνται. There is no doubt that his statement and that of Herodotus are at direct issue with each other; but it will be observed that Herodotus grounds his merely upon the assertions of the Delians; and the only inference to be drawn from the discrepancy is, that Thucydides, if he heard, did not credit the story of the first earthquake, and that Herodotus either wrote this pas- sage before the second occurred (see last note on vii. 137), or at some place where he did not hear of it,—which if he were in Italy would not be wonderful. For a proof of the futility of basing historical conclusions on such statements as these, see note 32 on iii. 10. 322 μελλόντων ἔσεσθαι κακῶν. In the view of the victorious Greeks after the battles of Salamis and Plateea, the destruc- tion of Athens and of the other towns in Europe devastated in the expedition of Xerxes appeared the prominent features of Hellenic suffering. But from the ac- count of Herodotus himeelf it is very plain that the destruction of Miletus, Phocea, Naxos, and other Hellenic states in the islands and on the Asiatic main, must have produced a far greater amount of cala- mity. 323 καὶ "Apratéptew τοῦ Héptew. It has been argued that because Herodotus names the three Persian sovereigns toge- ther, and at the same time speaks of three generations, Artaxerxes must bave been dead ; and consequently that this passage could not have been written before B.c. 425. See the following note. 99 The arma- ment arrives at Carystus, which at 144 HERODOTUS αὐτῶν τῶν κορυφαίων περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολεμεύντων. οὕτω οὐδὲν ἣν ἀεικὲς κινηθῆναι Δῆλον τὸ πρὶν ἐοῦσαν ἀκίνητον: καὶ ἐν χρησμῷ ἦν γεγραμμένον περὶ αὐτῆς ὧδε' Κινήσω καὶ Δῆλον, ἀκίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν 2%, δύναται δὲ κατὰ ᾿Ελλάδα γλῶσσαν ταῦτα τὰ οὐνόματα, Aapetos ἐρξίης, Ἐέρξης ἀρήϊος, ᾿Αρταξέρξης μέγας apyjios™: τούτους μὲν δὴ τοὺς βασιλέας ὧδε ἂν ὀρθῶς κατὰ γλῶσσαν τὴν σφετέρην “Ἕλληνες καλέοεεν. Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ὡς ἀπῆραν ἐκ τῆς Δήλου προσίσχον πρὸς τὰς νήσους 3.3. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ στρατιήν τε παρελάμβανον καὶ ὁμήρους τῶν νησιωτέων παῖδας ἐλάμβανον" ὡς δὲ περιπλέοντες τὰς νήσους first resists, προσέσχον καὶ ἐς Κάρυστον , (οὐ γὰρ δή σφι οἱ Καρύστιοε οὔτε 224 καὶ ἐν χρησμῷ ἦν γεγραμμένον... ἀκίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν. These words are omitted in the manuscripts Μ, F, K. But they exist in the rest; and they can hardly be considered as an interpolation, although perhaps neither they nor indeed the greater part of the section may have existed in the first draught of the work. (See note 23] on § 101.) 225 ᾿Αρταξέρξης μέγας ἀρήϊος. If, as seems to follow from this , the root Art has the significance of μέγα, the conjecture of Creuzer, that the word “Apreuis is a derivative of Arta, gains some plausibility; as the signification of the word would in that case be ἡ μεγάλη, or even ἡ μεγάλη μήτηρ, and it is in this character that the Artemis worship pre- vailed from Ephesus throughout Phrygia and Cappadocia. 216 πρὸς τὰς νήσους. These are douht- leas the Cyclades, which were dependent upon Naxos, and were likely to yield at once when the metropolis fell. (See v. 31.) The Persians do not seem to have landed their cavalry until their arrival in Eubcea. It should not be overlooked that in this expedition Datis exactly followed the plan of operations sketched out some years before by Aristagoras in his confer- ence with the elder Artaphernes. 337 ὃς Κάρυστον. This city, which was situated on the roots of Mount Ocha, de- rived ite wealth mainly from exporting the marble from the quarries in its vicinity, the fine polish of which made the expres- sion Καρύστιαι κίονες proverbial. (Strano, x.c. 1, p. 322.) The marble is that which in Italy is called cipotino, which was much used by the wealthy Romans of the time of the empire, as is evinced by the nember of columns of it still remaining. In resist- ing the summons of the Persians, the Carystians depended upon the danger of their rockbound neighbourhood, which is at this day considered the most dangerous navigation of the whole Agean. The present population are wreckers of the very worst description; and although the bay appears to be protected from the Etesian winds (exposed as it is to every other), the appearance is a fallacious one. HAWKINS was nearly lost there, and de- scribes the circumstance as follows: “We appeared to be so completely sheltered from the Meltem (Etesian) wind then blowing by the ridge of Mount Ocha, and there was 80 little chance at that season (September τοὶ he wind from any other quarter, that I felt no apprehension of danger. What then could exceed my sur- ise and consternation when the whole fury of the Meltem poured down upon us | from the ridge above,—its force having been concentrated, as I conceive, by the hollow form of the coast on the opposite side of the island? I had often experi- enced the effect of very violent gusts of wind in sailing along a mountainous coast; but this was a continued blast for the space of thirty hours, which would have tried the strength of the stoutest cable.” (ap. Wal- pole'’s Turkey, ii. p. 287.) ERATO. VI. 99—101. 145 ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν οὔτε ἔφασαν ἐπὶ πόλις ἀστυγείτονας στρατεύ- but after- εσθαε, λέγοντες ᾿Ερέτριάν τε καὶ ᾿Αθήνας,) ἐνθαῦτα τούτους ἐπολι- La όρκεόν τε καὶ τὴν γῆν σφέων ἔκειρον, és ὃ καὶ οἱ Καρύστιοι παρ- έστησαν ἐς τῶν Περσέων τὴν γνώμην. ᾿Ερετριέες δὲ πυνθανόμενοε 100 τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν Περσικὴν ἐπὶ σφέας ἐπιπλέουσαν, ᾿Αθηναίων The Ever ἐδεήθησαν σφίσι βοηθοὺς γενέσθαι: ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἀπείπαντο oa for τὴν ἐπικουρίην, ἀλλὰ τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους κληρουχέοντας τῶν ἱπποβοτέων Χαλκιδέων τὴν χώρην, τούτους σφι διδοῦσι τιμωρούς" τῶν δὲ ᾿Ερετριέων ἦν ἄρα οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς βούλευμα" of μετεπέμποντο μὲν ᾿Αθηναίους, ἐφρόνεον δὲ διφασίας ἰδέας" οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐβουλεύοντο ἐκλυπεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τῆς EvBolns™, ἄλλοι δὲ avrav™ ἴδια κέρδεα προσδεκόμενοι παρὰ τοῦ Πέρσεω οἴσεσθαι, προδοσίην ἐσκευάζοντο’' μαθὼν δὲ τούτων ἑκάτερα ὡς εἶχε Αἰσχίνης ὁ NoOwvos, ἐὼν τῶν ᾿Ερετριέων τὰ πρῶτα, φράζει τοῖσε ἥκουσι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων πάντα τὰ παρεόντα σφι πρήγματα" προσεδέετό τε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαί σφεας ἐς τὴν σφετέρην ἵνα μὴ προσαπόλωνται" οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ταῦτα Αἰσχίνῃ συμβουλεύσαντι πείθονται: καὶ οὗτοι μὲν διαβάντες ἐς ᾿Ωρωπὸν ἔσωζον σφέας αὐτούς. Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι πλέοντες κατέσχον τὰς νέας τῆς ᾿Ερετρικῆς 10] χώρης κατὰ Ταμύνας καὶ Χοιρέας καὶ Αὐγίλια' κατασχόντες δὲ The arma ment arrives ταῦτα τὰ χωρία, αὐτίκα ἵππους τε ἐξεβάλλοντο ᾿", καὶ παρεσκευ- a ἘΠΗ͂Ν, an r 316 és τὰ ἄκρα τῆς EiBolys, “ into the in Eretria strongly inclined towards mountain tops of Eubcea.”” Valcknaer, party the Pisistratid faction is plain from the from ἃ description of the coast given by Dio Carysostom under the person of a shipwrecked mariner, who gets ashore with great difficulty by running πρὸς τὰ κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίας, which he describes as ἄγρια καὶ σκληρὰ τῆς νήσον τὰ πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος, forms the strange opinion that the τὰ ἄκρα spoken of here are pretty nearly the same as the τὰ κοῖλα of viii. 13; and that the object of the Eretrians was to seek a refuge on a part of the coast inaccessible, or difficult of access, to the ships of the Persians. But a coast may very well be a rocky and rough one, and extremely dan- gerous to land on, although the height of the cliffs may be very small. The sum- mits on which the Eretrians proposed to take refuge were no doubt those of the mountains, of which Derphys, in the im- mediate neighbourhood of the town, is nearly inaccessible from its steepness. 229 ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτῶν. That there was a VOL. II. fact of that town serving as the base of Pisistratus’s operations against Athens during his second exile. (See i. 62, and the note 199 on v. 74.) XENOPHON speaks of the olian towns Myrina and Grynium, as given by the king of the Persians to one Goggylus, ὅτι μόνος Ἔρε- τριέων μηδίσας ἔφνγεν. (Hellenica, iii. 1. 6.) Gorgion, the brother of Goggylus, had the town Gambrium in the same vici- nity, and the two joined Thimbron in his ition. As this was eighty years after the battle of Marathon, we must suppose the Goggylus of Xenophon either to have played the traitor at a much later time than the one of which Herodotus is speak- ing, or to have been the grandson of the original grantee. 330 αὐτίκα ἵππους τε ἐξεβάλλοντο. The cavalry was ἃ powerful arm both at Ere- tria and its neighbour Chalcis. (See the passage of ARISTOTLE quoted in the note U six days burns the town and carries off the inha- bitants. 102 Under the guidance of Hippias, the Persians then land Marathon where the Athenians 103 Ἱππίης" ὁ Πεισιστράτεω. 146 HERODOTUS ἄζοντο ὡς προσοισόμενοι τοῖσε ἐχθροῖσι" οἱ δὲ ᾿Ἐρετριέες ἐπεξελ- θεῖν μὲν καὶ μάχεσθαι οὐκ ἐποιεῦντο βουλήν" εἴ κως δὲ διαφυ- λάξαιεν τὰ τείχεα, τούτου ode ἔμελε πέρι, ἐπεί τε ἐνίκα μὴ ᾽κλυπεῖν τὴν TOMY προσβολῆς δὲ γινομένης καρτερῆς πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ἔπιπτον ἐπὶ ὃξ ἡμέρας πολλοὶ μὲν ἀμφοτέρων: τῇ δὲ ἑβδόμῃ Εὔφορβός τε ὁ ᾿Αλκιμάχον καὶ Φίλαγρος ὁ Kuvéov, ἄνδρες τῶν ἀστῶν δόκιμοι, προδιδοῦσι τοῖσε Πέρσῃσι: ot δὲ ἐσελθόντες ἐς τὴν πόλιν, τοῦτο μὲν τὰ ἱρὰ συλήσαντες ἐνέπρησαν ἀποτιννύμενοι τῶν ἐν Σάρδισι κατακαυθέντων ἱρῶν, τοῦτο δὲ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἠνδραποδίσαντο ᾽"" κατὰ τὰς Δαρείου ἐντολάς. Χειρωσάμενοι δὲ τὴν ᾿Ερέτριαν καὶ ἐπισχόντες ὀλύγας ἡμέρας, ἔπλεον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, κατέργοντές ᾿ τε πολλὸν, καὶ δοκέοντες ταὐτὰ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ποιήσειν τὰ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ερετριέας ἐποίησαν" *t καὶ ἣν γὰρ ὁ Μαραθὼν ἐπιτηδεώτατον χωρίον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐνυπ- πεῦσαι καὶ ἀγχοτάτω τῆς ᾿Ερετρίης, ἐς τοῦτό σφι κατηγέετο 206 on ν. 77.) There was therefore rea- son for landing the horses. The resources of Eretria in its palmy days, which must have been about this time, are evinced from the circumstance that on a column in the temple of Artemis at Amarynthus (a village about a mile from the town) Srraso (x. c. 1, p. 325) found an inscrip- tion stating that the festival of the goddess had been attended by a procession of 3000 hoplites, 600 knights, and 60 chariots. Andros, Tenos, Ceos, and other islands, independently of the settlements on the Macedonian shore, were among the de- pendencies of the town. Yet at Salamis the surviving Eretrians could only muster seven galleys (viii. 46), and at Plateea only 600 hoplites, including the contingent from their neighbouring dependency Styra (ix. 28). 231 robs ἀνθρώπους ἡνδραποδίσαντο. Srrapo seems to have read a different text here from that which the present MSS give. His words are τὴν μὲν οὖν ἀρχαίαν πόλιν κατέσκαψαν Πέρσαι, “αγηνεύσαντες &s φησιν Ἡρόδοτος τοὺς: ἀνθρώπου: τῷ πλήθει, περιχυθέντων τῶν βαρ ν τῷ τείχει (x. cap. 1, p. 324). Undoubt- edly there was a tradition that this opera- tion had been carried into effect in the case of the Eretrians, for Piato (Legg. iii. § 14) mentions that Datis τινὰ λόγον εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν πόλιν ἀφῆκε φοβερὸν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, ὡς οὐδεὶς Ἐρετριέων αὑτὸν ἐκπεφευγὼς τὴ συνάψαντες ag τὰς hed σαγη- νεύσαιεν πᾶσαν τὴν 'Eperpuchy of στ τιῶται τοῦ Δάτιδος. g oi MSS in the time of Strabo may have varied here, as the present MSS vary in iii. 149. That the destruction or capture of the Eretrians was nearly complete, appears from the circumstances mentioned in the last note ; bat that Datis’s boast was not strictly true is insinuated by Plato himself. 333 κατέργοντες. The manuscripts 8, V, P have xarepyd(ovres. The passago appears to me corrupt, but I can suggest no plausible correction. 383 ds τοῦτό σφι κατηγέετο Ἱππίης. It was by this point that Pisistratus entered Attica after his second exile; and inde- pendently of the circumstances mentioned in the text, and the good omen which the former success furnished, it seems not im- probable that Hippias expected a demon- stration to be made by his partizans in Attica similar to that which took place on the former occasion. (See i. 62, 63, and the notes.) But the new arrange- ments which resulted from Clisthenes’s constitution (v. 66), had done much to break up the old associations, and the Athenian force was able to meet the in- vaders on the coast without immediate fear of an attack in the rear. (See note 176 on v. 69.) : ERAT®O. VI. 102—104. 147 ἐβοήθεον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὸν Mapadava: ἦγον δέ σῴεας στρατηγοὶ under Mil- δέκα, τῶν ὁ δέκατος ἦν Μιλτιάδης ™* τοῦ τὸν πατέρα Κίμωνα τὸν πρῶτα θυ ΣΣ τησαγόρεω κατέλαβε φυγεῖν ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων Πεισίστρατον τὸν “Ιπποκράτεος" καὶ αὐτῷ φεύγοντι ὀλυμπιάδα ἀνελέσθαι τεθρίππῳ συνέβη, καὶ ταύτην μὲν τὴν νίκην ἀνελόμενόν μιν τὠντὸ ἐξενεί- κασθαι τῷ ὁμομητρίῳ ἀδελφεῷ Μιλτιάδῃ pera δὲ, τῇ ὑστέρῃ ὁλυμπιάδι thos αὐτῇσι ἵπποισι νικῶν παραδιδοῖ Πεισιστράτῳ ἀνακηρυχθῆναι, καὶ tip νίκην παρεὶς τούτῳ κατῆλθε ἐπὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ ὑπόσπονδος" καί μὲν ἀνελόμενον τῇσε αὐτῆσι trios ἄλλην ὀλυμπιάδα κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν Πεισιστράτου “παίδων, οὐκέτι περιεόντος αὐτοῦ Πεισιστράτου" κτείνουσι δὲ οὗτοί μὲν κατὰ τὸ πρυτανήϊον, νυκτὸς ὑπείσαντες ἄνδρας. τέθαπται δὲ Κίμων πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος, πέρην τῆς διὰ Κοίλης καλεομένης ὁδοῦ 5" καταντίον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ αἱ ἵπποι τεθάφαταε αὗται αἱ τρεῖς ὀλυμπιάδας ἀνελόμεναι. ἐποιήσαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ἵπποι ἤδη τὠντὸ τοῦτο, Εὐαγόρεω Λάκωνος" πλέω δὲ τουτέων, οὐδαμαί. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρεσ- βύτερος τῶν παίδων τῷ Κίμωνι Στησαγόρης ἦν τηνικαῦτα παρὰ τῷ πάτρῳ Midriddy τρεφόμενος ἐν τῇ Χερσονήσῳ᾽ ὃ δὲ νεώτερος παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Κίμωνι ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι, τοὔνομα ἔχων ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκιστέω τῆς Χερσονήσου Μιλτιάδεω: [Μιλτιάδης "]. Οὗτος δὴ ὧν τότε ὁ Ματιάδης, ἥκων ἐκ τῆς Χερσονήσου καὶ ἐκπεφευγὼς διπλόον θάνατον, ἐστρατήγεε ᾿Αθηναίων. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες αὐτὸν οἱ ἐπιδιώξαντες μέχρι Ἴμβρου περὶ πολλοῦ ἐποιεῦντο λαβεῖν τε καὶ ἀναγαγεῖν παρὰ βασιλέα, ἅμα δὲ ἐκφυγόντα τε τούτους καὶ ἀπικό- μενον ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ, δοκέοντά τε εἶναι ἐν σωτηρίῃ, ἤδη τὸ ἐνθεῦτέν μὲν οἱ ἐχθροὶ 3“ ὑποδεξάμενοι καὶ ὑπὸ δικαστήριον αὐτὸν ἀγαγόντες, ἐδίωξαν τυραννίδος τῆς ἐν Χερσονήσῳ' ἀποφυγὼν δὲ καὶ τούτους στρατηγὸς οὕτω ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπεδέχθη ᾿", αἱρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου. 104 334 γῶν ὃ δέκατος ἦν Μιλτιάδης. The account of this family is resumed from §§ 34—43 of this book. 235 πέρην τῆς διὰ Κοίλης καλεομόνης ὁδοῦ. From this point the author seems to get into the full stream of Athenian local traditions. The story of Cimon is apparently connected with his tomb; that of A μεσ Vet (§ 106) with the shrine of Pan. See note 52 on i. 13. 236 [Μιλτιάδης.). I have enclosed this word between brackets because, if not spurious, it seems at any rate not in ite proper place. 237 of ἐχθροί. These were doubtless the Alemseonids. See note 263 on § 115, below. 238 στρατηγὸς οὕτω ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπεδεί- χθη, ‘‘ was ἘΛΟΡΕΜΜΟΝ made general of the Athenians,”’—as if something connected with the trial led to the distinction. See note 315 on § 140, below. Compare &p- pce οὕτως, § 107, and St. JonN (Evang. iv. 6): ὅ οὖν ‘Ingots κεκοπιακὼς ἐκ τῆς ὁδοιπορίας ἐκαθέζετο οὕτω «: (as he reached it) ἐπὶ τῇ πηγῇ. υ 2 148 HERODOTUS 105 ΚΚαὶ πρῶτα μὲν, ἐόντες ἔτι ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ, οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀποπέμ- ei iy i, Tovet ἐς Σπάρτην κήρυκα Φειδιππίδην, ᾿Αθηναῖον μὲν ἄνδρα δ Prada ἄλλως δὲ ἡμεροδρόμον τε καὶ τοῦτο μελετῶντα' τῷ δὴ, ὡς αὐτός The god τε ἔλεγε Dedurldns καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἀπήγγελλε ᾿", περὶ τὸ Παρ- Pan appears θέμιον οὖρος τὸ ὑπὲρ Τεγέης ὁ Πὰν περιπέπτει' βώσαντα δὲ τὸ to him on τ my οὔνομα τοῦ Φειδιππίδεω τὸν Πᾶνα, ᾿Αθηναίοισι κελεῦσαι atraryei- misesaid. Yat διότι ἑωυτοῦ οὐδεμίαν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῦνται ἐόντος εὔνου ᾿᾽Α4θη- ναίοισι, καὶ πολλαχῆ γενομένου ἤδη σφίσε χρησίμου, τὰ δ᾽ Ere καὶ ἐσομένον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καταστάντων σφίσε εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρηγμάτων ™ πιστεύσαντες εἶναι ἀληθέα, ἱδρύσαντο ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλε Πανὸς ἱρὸν Ἶ" 239 ὡς αὐτός τε ἔλεγε Φειδιππίδης καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισε ἀπήγγελλε. In later times the feat of Phidippides was adorned with some picturesque features quite incompa- tible with this statement. He was said on returning to have brought back to Athens the news of the victory at Mara- thon ; and, rushing into the prytaneum, to have died with the words χαίρετε" νικῶμεν on his lips. (Luctan, Pro lapsu, § 3.) (See the note 284 on i. 82.) And in some accounts the adventitious part of the narrative even extruded the historical foundation. Phidippides’s death was re- lated to have taken place in an attempt, in obedience to an oracle, to bring the sacred fire from Delphi to Athens in ἃ single day. (Schol. inedit. ad Aristidem, quoted by Valcknaer.) Pausanras, where he gives an account of the fane (i. 28. 4), calls the courier Philippides,—which 18 also the reading of the manuscripts 8 and V. I should be inclined to think it the genuine one; for the name Phidippides is put by ΑΒΙΒΤΟΡΗΑΝΕΒ (Nud. 67) as if invented by the homely Strepsiades and his fashionable wife by way of compro- mise between their respective crotchets. The point of the jest would be a good deal dulled if the name had been one of any celebrity at the time the Clouds were acted. 240 καταστάντων σφίσι εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρη- γμάτων, “when their affairs were at on a firm footing.”” The establishment of the ritual was apparently coincident with the settlement of the new constitu- tion on a firm basis,—a result to which it cannot be doubted the great national effort in repelling the foreigners contri- buted a most important part. See the καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελέης way in which the Athenian is made by Pxiato to put the matter: ἡμῖν γὰρ xat’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὅτε ἡ Περσῶν ἐπίθεσις τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἴσως δὲ σχεδὸν ἅπασι τοῖς τὴν Εὐρώπην οἰκοῦσιν, ἐγίγνετο, πολιτεία τε ἦν παλαιὰ καὶ ἐκ τιμημάτων ἀρχαί τινες τεττάρων, καὶ δεσπότις ἐνῆν τις αἰδὼς, δι᾿ hy δουλεύοντες τοῖς τότε νόμοις (ἔν ἠθέλομεν" καὶ πρὸς τούτοις τὸ μέγε- θος τοῦ στόλον κατά τε γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν γενόμενον, φόβον ἄπορον ἐμβα- λὸν, δουλείαν ἔτι μείζονα ἐποίησεν ἡμᾶς τοῖς τε ἄρχουσι καὶ τοῖς νόμοις δουλεῦσαι" καὶ διὰ ταῦτα πάνθ᾽ ἡμῖν ξυνέπεσε πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὑτοὺς σφόδρα φιλία. (Legg. iii. § 15.) The statesmen of the time took advantage of that feeling of union which the external pressure had generated to conciliate that part of the population which was descended from the rustic aborigines, identical in blood and religious associations with the Arcadian moun- taineers. This was effected by making Pan, (deus Arcadia) one of the state deities, and dedicating to him a fane in the acropolis, which obtained national reverence the more easily from the occa- sion which gave rise to its consecration. (See note 176 on v. 69.) 341 Πανὸς ἱρόν. It is very doubtful whether what was done was more than the revival with new (and probably in- creased) solemnities of an old and possibly neglected ritual. For the shrine of Pan was in a cave immediately below the Pro- pylea, by the side of a well of water. (PausaN148, i. 28. 4.) He was associated with Apollo here, the cave being the re- puted scene of the union of that deity with Creusa, the daughter of Erectheus and mother of Ion. (Pausawmias, l. c.) ERATO. VI. 105—107. 149 θυσίῃσι ἐπετείησι καὶ λαμπάδι" ἱλάσκονται. Tore δὲ πεμφθεὶς 106 ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁ Φειδιππίδης οὗτος, ὅτε πέρ οἱ ἔφη καὶ τὸν τ overs Πᾶνα φανῆναι, δευτεραῖος ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων ἄστεος ἦν ἐν Σπάρτῃ" bate a ἀπεκόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔλεγε' “ὦ Aaxedatpoviot, ᾿Αθη- ne se ναῖοε ὑμέων Séovrai σφισι βοηθῆσαι καὶ μὴ περιϊδεῖν πόλεν all ἀρχαιοτάτην ἐν τοῖσι “Endnote δουλοσύνῃ περιπεσοῦσαν πρὸς port. ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων" καὶ γὰρ νῦν ᾿Ερότριά τε ἠνδραπόδισται, καὶ WAL λογίμῃ ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς γέγονε ἀσθενεστέρη." ὁ μὲν δή σφι τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἀπήγγελλε" τοῖσι δὲ Eade μὲν βοηθέειν ᾿Αθηναίοισι, ἀδύνατα δέ σφι ἦν τὸ παραυτίκα ποιέειν ταῦτα οὐ βουλομένοισι λύειν τὸν νόμον ἦν γὰρ ἱσταμένου τοῦ μηνὸς εἰνάτη" εἰνάτῃ δὲ οὐκ ἐξελεύσεσθαι ἔφασαν, μὴ οὐ πλήρεος ἐόντος τοῦ κύκλου. Οὗτοι μέν νυν τὴν πανσέληνον ἔμενον" τοῖσι δὲ βαρβάροισι κατ- 107 ηγέετο ᾿[Ἱππίης ὁ Πεισιστράτου ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα, τῆς παροιχο- Hiri μένης νυκτὸς ὄψιν ἰδὼν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ τοιήνδε' ἐδόκεε 6 Ἱππίης τῇ μητρὶ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ συνευνηθῆναι: συνεβάλετο ὧν ἐκ τοῦ ὀνείρου, κατελθὼν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας καὶ ἀνασωσάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν, τελευτή- σειν ἐν τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γηραιός . ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς ὄψιος συνεβάλετο ™ This site is confirmed by Evnriripes. run toa fane so situated as that of Pan It is: “ ἔνθα προσβόρρους πέτρας Παλλάδος ὑπ᾽ ὄχθῳ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων χθονὸς Μακρὰς καλοῦσι γῆς ἄνακτες ᾿Ατθίδος. (Ton, 11.) and on a coin figured by Lzaxz from the original in the British Museum, the fane appears as a grotto in the rock of the acropolis, on the north side of the descent from the Propylea. There is a descent to it from the platform of the acropolis by forty-seven steps cut in the rock. (WorRDs- WworTH, Alhens and Aitica, p. 82.) Such a site as this indicates (on the principle laid down by TuHucypipes, ii. 15) a ritual of the very earliest times ; and pro- bably the Apollo who forced Creusa was originally a Pan, who in later times under Dorian influence gave place to the other deity, and now again was admitted to a share of his old quarters. 242 λαμπάδι. For the nature of the torch-race, see the Dictionary of Greek and Latin Antiquities, v. λαμπαδηφορία. It is however an assumption to suppose that the word λαμπὰς always implies a race. It is not likely that it does so here; for it would have been quite impossible to was. (See the last note.) Neither could there have been any race in that portion of the solemnity in honour of Hepheestus, at the time of the Apaturia, when ᾿Αθη- γαίων of καλλίστας στολὰς ἐνδεδυ- κότες, λαβόντες ἡμμένας λαμπάδας ἀπὸ τῆς ἑστίας, ὑμνοῦσι τὸν “Ἥφαιστον θύον- tes, ὑπόμνημα τοῦ κατανοήσαντα τὴν χρείαν τοῦ πυρὸς διδάξαι τοὺς ἄλλους. on ap. Harpocration, v. λαμπάς.) too the solemn procession with which the Orestean trilogy of ASscuytus termi- nated had torches, but nothing like a race. In the case in the text it seems as likely that an illumination of the cave with torches was the ceremony introduced. At Acace- sium in Arcadia fire was kept continually burning before the image of Pan, who, as at Athens, was there associated with Apollo. (PausaniAs, viii. 36. 8.) See also the quoted in the note 109 on i. 32. 313 γηραιός. For bis age at this time see notes 208 on i. 61, and 165 on v. 65, from which it will appear prodadle that he had been a young man grown up sixty years before, and therefore could not be less than seventy-six or seventy-seven. 344 συνεβάλετο. See note 322 on i. 91. The interpretation which he put upon his 108 The Plate- ans only help the Athenians, Origin of the con- nexion be- twecn them. 150 HERODOTUS ταῦτα' τότε δὲ κατηγεόμενος, τοῦτο μὲν τὰ ἀνδράποδα τὰ ἐξ ᾿Ερετρίης ἀπέβησε ἐς τὴν νῆσον τὴν Σ᾽ τυρέων, καλεομένην δὲ Αὐγίλειαν 3,5. τοῦτο δὲ κατωγομένας ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα τὰς νέας ὥρμιζε οὕτως *"*, ἐκβάντας τε ἐς γῆν τοὺς βαρβάρους Séracae καί οἱ ταῦτα διέποντι ἐπῆλθε πταρεῖν τε καὶ βῆξαι μεζόνως ἢ ὡς ἐώθεε' οἷα δέ οἱ πρεσβυτέρῳ ἐόντι τῶν ὀδόντων οἱ πλεῦνες ἐσείοντο" τούτων ὧν ἕνα τῶν ὀδόντων ἐκβάλλει ὑπὸ βίης βήξας" ἐκητεσόντος δὲ ἐς τὴν ψάμμον αὐτοῦ, ἐποιέετο πολλὴν σπουδὴν ἐξευρεῖν ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἐφαίνετό οἱ ὁ ὀδὼν, ἀναστενάξας εἶπα πρὸς τοὺς παρα- στάτας" “ ἡ γῆ ἥδε οὐκ ἡμετέρη ἐστὶ, οὐδέ μιν δυνησόμεθα ὑπο- χειρίην ποιήσασθαι ὁκόσον δέ τι μοι μέρος μοτὴν ὁ ὀδὼν μετέχει." Ἱππίης μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ τὴν ὄψιν συνεβάλετο ἐξεληλυθέναι" ᾿Αθη- ναίοισε δὲ τεταγμένοισι ἐν τεμένεϊ ᾿ Ἡρακλέος, ἐπῆλθον βοηθέοντες Πλαταιέες πανδημεί. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐδεδώκεσάν σφεας αὐτοὺς τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι οἱ Πλαταιέες, καὶ πόνους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι συχνοὺς ἤδη ἀναιρέατο' ἔδοσαν δὲ ὧδε" πιεζεύμενοι ὑπὸ Θηβαίων οἱ Πλαταιέες ἐδίδοσαν πρῶτα παρατυχοῦσι Κλεομένεϊξ τε. τῷ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω "" καὶ Δακεδαιμονίοισι σφέας αὐτούς: οἱ δὲ οὐ δεκόμενοι ἔλογόν σφε τάδε" “ ἡμεῖς μὲν ἑκαστέρω τε οἰκέομεν καὶ dream was the same which Julius Ceesar’s advisers gave him under similar circum- stances: ‘‘Confusum eum somnio prox- ims noctis (nam visus erat per quietem matri stuprum intulisse) conjectores ad amplissimam spem incitaverunt, arbitrium orbis terrarum porténdi interpretantes ; quando mater quam subjectam sibi vidis- set, non alia esset quam terra que omnium parens haberetur.” (Surtonivus, Julius Cesar, § 8.) Compare also PaAuUsANIAS, iv. 26.3. In the time of ARTEmMIDORUS such a vision was recognized as a particu- larly lucky one for a statesman, on the principle above mentioned. (Oneirocrit. i. 82.) And it seems not impossible that a strange notice respecting Cyrus the Great in Crmsias (see note 441 on i. 130) is to be explained from the existence of some piece of mystical symbolism in the Magian religion, by which the absolute sovereignty over the earth was formally conveyed to the monarch at his corona- tion. 245 καλεομένην δὲ Αἰγίλειαν. This clause appears to me an in lated note. Some of the MSS have AlyAelny, and Stephanus Byzantinus Αἰγιάλεια. The place seems the same as that spoken of above ( 101) under the name of AlyiAca or AlylAeas. 446 οὕτως. This is the reading of one MS sor (δ). Gaisford with the majority reads οὗτος. But οὕτως is very significant (see note 238, above), and οὗτος would be superfluous. Hippias, accustomed to operations on the Greek coasts, first ran his ships aground and debarked the troops, and thereupon, as on being lightened the ships again floated, he moored them with an anchor out to sea, just off the shore, 80 as to be ready to receive the land forces again on an emergency. After doing this he proceeded to form the bar- . barians who had landed. The manceuvre, as far as the ships are concerned, is pre- cisely the same as that mentioned in vii. 188. 747 Κλεομένεΐ τε τῷ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, This occasion will probably have been when the Pisistratids were expelled (v. 64, 65), and while Cleomenes expected that the principal influence in Athens would be retained by the party to which he was favourable, vis. that represented by Isagoras. ERATO. VI. 108. 151 ὑμῖν τοιήδε τις γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐπικουρίη ψυχρή" φθαίητε yap ἂν πολ- λάκις ἐξανδραποδισθέντες ἤ τινα πυθέσθαι ἡμέων: συμβουλεύ- ομεν δὲ ὑμῖν δοῦναι ὑμέας αὐτοὺς ᾿Αθηναίοισι, πλησιοχώροισί τε ἀνδράσε καὶ τιμωρέειν ἐοῦσι οὐ κακοῖσι". ταῦτα συνεβούλευον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ κατὰ εὐνοίην οὕτω τῶν Πὶ)λαταιέων, ὡς βου- λόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἔχειν πόνους συνεστεῶτας Βοιωτοῖσι ᾿"" Δακεδαιμόνιοι μέν νυν Πλαταιεῦσι ταῦτα συνεβούλενον' oi δὲ οὐκ ἠπίστησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἱρὰ ποιεύντων τοῖσι δώδεκα Oeqias*”, ἱκέτας ἱζόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς: Θηβαῖοι δὲ πτυθόμενοι ταῦτα ἐστρατεύοντο ἐπὶ τοὺς Πλαταιέας, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέ σφι ἐβοήθεον' μελλόντων δὲ συνάπτειν μάχην, Κορίνθιοι οὐ περιεῖδον: παρατυχόντες δὲ καὶ καταλλάξαντες ἐπιτρεψάντων ἀμφοτέρων, οὔρισαν τὴν χώρην ἐπὶ τοῖσδε' ἐᾶν Θηβαίους Βοιωτῶν τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους ἐς Βοιωτοὺς τέλέειν . Κορίνθιοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γνόντες ἀπαλλάσσοντο" ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ ἀπιοῦσι ὀπεθήκαντο Βοιωτοὶ, ἐπιθέμενοι δὲ ἑσσώθησαν τῇ μάχῃ ὑπερβάντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς οἱ Κορίνθιοι ἔθηκαν Πλαταιεῦσι εἶναι οὔρους, τού- τους ὑπερβάντες τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν αὐτὸν ἐποιήσαντο οὖρον Θηβαίοισι πρὸς Πλαταιέας εἶναι καὶ Ὑσιάς 5. ἔδοσαν μὲν δὴ οἱ Πλαταιέες ἃ συμβουλεύομεν δὲ ὑμῖν, κιτ.λ. This is the same view of the matter as that offered by the Plateeans when tried for their lives by the Thebans and Laceds- monians about sixty years afterwards: δεομένων yap ξυμμαχίας ὅτε Θηβαῖοι ἡμᾶς ἐβιάσαντο, ὑμεῖς ἀπεώσασθε καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αθη- ναίους ἐκελεύετε τραπέσθαι ὡς ἐγγὺς ὄντας, ὑμῶν δὲ μακρὰν ἀποικούντων. (THUCYDI- DRS, iii. 55.) But im Thucydides the Pla- tans make this abandonment of them- selves by the Lacedemonians take place after the year of the earthquake and the occupation of Ithome by the Helots. Their argument required this; but it is striking that such an anachronism should be confidently ventured so soon after the events themselves. See notes 213 on i. 63; 138 on iii. 47; and 279 on v. 96. 248 συνεστεῶτας Βοιωτοῖσι, “having come to direct iseue with Boeotians.”’ 866 note on vii. 142. 249 rota: δώδεκα θεοῖσι. If the object of the Plateans was to establish a league between themselves and Athens, the time of a sacrifice to “the twelve gods’ would be an especially appropriate oceasion; for they were probably θεοὶ συμβόλαιοι. See note 16 on ii. 4. 250 δὲἕἔν Θηβαίους Βοιωτῶν τοὺς μὴ Bov- λομένους ἐς Βοιωτοὺς τελέειν, ““ that the Thebans should not meddle with those of the Boeotians who chose not-to be merged in the Boeotian league.’’ See for an ex- planation of the phrase the note 96 on iii. 351 πρὸς Πλαταιέας εἶναι καὶ “fords. Probably it was to recover the territory thus lost that the Thebans took advantage of the Lacedemonian occupation of Eleu- sis (described νυ. 74) to seize Hysize. The Platean orator in Taucypipes (ii. 71) asserts that the independence of Platea was solemnly guaranteed by Pausanias and the Lacedeemonians in the presence of all the allied army immediately after the victory over Mardonius. At that time the Thebans would be in extremely bad odour from the connexion of the party in power with the Persian imvaders; and perhaps this circumstance was taken ad- vantage of to procure a declaration which at any other time could scarcely have been hoped for. 152 HERODOTUS σφέας αὐτοὺς ᾿Αθηναίοισι τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ' ἧκον δὲ τότε ἐς Μαραθῶνα βοηθέοντες. 109 Τοῖσι δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγοῖσι ἀγίνοντο δίχα αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν sae tke μὲν οὐκ ἐώντων συμβάλλειν: ὀλύγους γὰρ εἶναι στρατιῇ TH Μήδων pia συμβαλέειν: τῶν δὲ καὶ Μιλτιάδεω κελευόντων ὡς δὲ δέχα τε ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἐνίκα ἡ χείρων τῶν γνωμέων, ἐνθαῦτα, ἦν γὰρ ἑνδέκα- Tos Ψψηφιδοφόρος ὁ τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν ᾿Αθηναίων πολεμαρχέεεν" τὸ παλαιὸν γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὁμόψηφον τὸν πολέμαρχον ἐποιεῦντο τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι, ἦν δὲ τότε πολέμαρχος Καλλίμαχος ᾿Αφιδναζος: duct of arpds τοῦτον ἐλθὼν Μιλτιάδης ἔλεγε τάδε “ ἐν σοὶ viv, Καλλί- andthe μαᾶχε, ἔστι" ἢ καταδουλῶσαι ᾿Αθήνας, ἢ ἐλευθέρας ποιήσαντα Callima- μνημόσυνα λιπέσθαι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα ἀνθρώπων βίον, οἷα οὐδὲ “Αρμόδιός τε καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων λεύπουσι" νῦν γὰρ δὴ, ἐξ οὗ ἐγέ- vovro ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς κίνδυνον ἥκουσι μέγιστον" καὶ ἢν μέν γε ὕπο- κύψωσι τοῖσι Μήδοισι, δέδοκται τὰ πείσονται παραδεδομένοι Ἵππίῃ" ἣν δὲ περυγένηται αὕτη ἡ πόλιες, οἵη τέ ἐστε πρώτη τῶν “Ἑλληνίδων πολίων γενέσθαι. κῶς ὧν δὴ ταῦτα οἷά τέ ἐστι γενέσθαι, καὶ κῶς ἐς σέ τι τούτων ἀνήκει τῶν πρηγμάτων τὸ κῦρος ἔχειν, νῦν ἔρχομαι φράσων: ἡμέων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐόντων δέκα δίχα γίνονται αἱ γνῶμαι' τῶν μὲν κελενόντων συμβαλέειν, τῶν δὲ οὐ [συμβαλέειν "3 ἣν μέν νυν μὴ συμβάλωμεν, ἔλπομαξ τινα στάσιν μεγάλην"" ἐμπεσοῦσαν διασείσειν τὰ ᾿Αθηναίων φρονή- ματα, ὥστε μηδίσαι: ἣν δὲ συμβάλωμεν πρίν τι καὶ σαθρὸν ᾿Αθηναίων μετεξετέροισι ἐγγενέσθαι, θεῶν τὰ ἶσα νεμόντων, οἷοι τε εἰμὲν περυγενέσθαι τῇ συμβολῇ. ταῦτα ὧν πάντα ἐς σὲ νῦν τείνει, καὶ ἐκ σέο dprntay ἢν γὰρ σὺ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐμῇ προσθῇ, ἔστι τοι ππατρίς τε ἐλευθέρη καὶ πόλις πρώτη τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι" ἣν δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀποσπευδόντων τὴν συμβολὴν ὅλῃ, ὑπάρξει τοι τῶν ἐγὼ 110 κατέλεξα ἀγαθῶν τὰ ἐναντία 5." Ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Μιλτιάδης is the cause ofan imme- Τροσκτᾶται τὸν Καλλίμαχον' προσγενομένης δὲ Tod πολεμάρχου 352 ἐν σοὶ νῦν... ἔστι. See note 231 334 ἔλπομαί τινα στάσιν μεγάλην. This on iii. 85. is perhaps an allusion to the Alemeonids. 253 [συμβαλέει»ν]. The MSS vary be- See note 263 on § 115, below. tween συμβαλέειν, συμβάλλειν, and ξυμ- 355 τῶν ἀγὼ κατέλεξα ἀγαθῶν τὰ ἐναν- βάλλειν, which induces the suspicion that τία. By this circuitous expression the the word has crept in from the margin. speaker avoids the use of words of ill It is not necessary ; and in fact the real omen, which in such a moment would be ae is not of συμβάλλειν, but of κελευ- consid fatal. των. ERATO. VI. 109—112. 153 τῆς γνώμης, ἐκεκύρωτο συμβάλλειν μετὰ δὲ, οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν ἡ diate en- γνώμη ἔφερε συμβάλλειν, ὡς ἑκάστου αὐτῶν ἐγίνετο πρντανηΐῃ Το τῆς ἡμέρης, Μιλτιάδῃ παρεδίδοσαν" 6 δὲ δεκόμενος οὔτε κω συμ- βολὴν ἐποιέετο, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτοῦ πρυτανηΐη ἐγένετο. “Ὥς δὲ ἐς ἐκεῖνον περιῆλθε, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ὁτάσσοντο ὧδε ᾿Αθηναῖοι 111 ὡς ovpBadbovres τοῦ μὲν δεξιοῦ κέρεος ἡγέετο ὁ πολέμαρχος Drier of Καλλίμαχος" ὁ γὰρ νόμος τότε εἶχε οὕτω τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι, τὸν πολέμαρχον ἔχειν κέρας τὸ δεξιόν 5 ἡγεομένου δὲ τούτου ἐξεδέ- κοντὸ ὡς ἀριθμέοντο᾽"" αἱ φυλαὶ, ἐχόμεναι ἀλληλέων" τελευταῖοι δὲ ἐτάσσοντο, ὄχοντες τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας, Πλαταιέες. ἀπὸ ταύτης “γάρ σφι τῆς μάχης, θυσίας ᾿Αθηναίων ἀναγόντων καὶ πανηγύριας τὰς ἐν τῇσι πεντετηρίσι γινομένας, κατεύχεται 6 κήρυξ ὁ ᾿Α4θη- ναῖος ἅμα τε ᾿Αθηναίοισι (λέγων) γίνεσθαι τὰ ὠγαθὰ καὶ Πλα- ταιεῦσι. τότε δὲ τασσομένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι, ἐγίνετο τοιόνδε τι' τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐξισούμενον τῷ Μηδικῷ στρα- τοπέδῳ, τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ μέσον ἀγίνετο ἐπὶ τάξιας ὀλίγας, καὶ ταύτῃ ἦν ἀσθενέστατον τὸ στρατόπεδον: τὸ δὲ κέρας ὁκάτερον ἔρρωτο πλήθεϊ. ‘As δέ σφι διετέτακτο καὶ τὰ σφάγια ἀγίνετο καλὰ, 112 ἐνθαῦτα as ἀπείθησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, δρόμῳ ἵεντο és τοὺς βαρ- ihe Athe nians charge βάρους" ἦσαν δὲ στάδιοι οὐκ ἐλάσσονες τὸ μεταίχμιον αὐτῶν 4) the ecg ὀκτώ ot δὲ Πέρσαι ὁρέωντες δρόμῳ ἐπιόντας παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς δεξόμενοι: μανίην τε τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐπέφερον καὶ πάγχυ ὀλεθρίην, ὁρέωντες αὐτοὺς ὀλύγους, καὶ τούτους δρόμῳ ἐπευγομένους, οὔτε ὕππου ὑπαρχούσης σφι οὔτε τοξευμάτων “5. ταῦτα μέν νυν οἱ βάρβαροι κατείκαζον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐπεί τε ἀθρόοι προσέμιξαν τοῖσι βαρβάροισι, ἐμάχοντο ἀξίως λόγου πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ "᾿Ε)λ- λήνων πάντων, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, δρόμῳ ἐς πολεμίους ἐχρήσαντο, 256 γὸν πολέμαρχον ἔχειν κέρας τὸ Mantis. δεξιόν. In accordance with this custom 97 bs ἀριθμέοντο, “ according as they Evunirrpss (Suppl. 656) makes Theseus, were numbered,” that is, with reference the commander of the | carted army in to the turn of their prytanes to preside in the battle against the Thebans, occupy the assembly. the same post: αὑτόν τ᾽ ἄνακτα, παῖδα κλεινὸν Αἰγέως, καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ δεξιὸν τεταγΎμ ἐ- νους κέρας, παλαιᾶς Κεκροπίας οἰκήτορας. The tribe which occupied the right ex- tremity in the battle of Marathon was the VOL. 11. 3588. οὔτε ἵεπον ὑπαρχούσης: σφι οὔτε τοξευμάτων. The Persians conceived that it would be impossible for them to keep order in the onset under such circum- stances; and that having no cavalry or archers to cover them while reforming, they must infallibly be destroyed. X 118 and after an obstinate combat con- quer and ursue the ersians to their ships, a 114 Distin- guished conduct of Callimachus 154 HERODOTUS πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνέσχοντο ἐσθῆτά τε Μηδικὴν ὁρέωντες καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ταύτην ἐσθημένους “5 τέως δὲ ἦν τοῖσι "“Ελλησι καὶ τὸ οὔνομα τὸ Μήδων φόβος ἀκοῦσαι 3. Μαχομένων δὲ ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι χρόνος éyivero πολλός" καὶ τὸ μὲν μέσον τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐνίκων οὗ βάρ- βαροι, τῇ Πέρσαι τε αὐτοὶ καὶ Σάκαι" ἐτετάχατο" κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἐνίκων οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ ῥήξαντες ἐδίωκον ἐς τὴν μεσόγαεαν᾽ τὸ δὲ κέρας ἑκάτερον ἐνίκων ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε καὶ Πλαταιέες, νικῶντες δὲ, τὸ μὲν τετραμμένον τῶν βαρβάρων φεύγειν ἔων, τοῖσε δὲ τὸ μέσον ῥήξασι αὐτῶν συναγαγόντες τὰ κέρεα ἀμφότερα ἐμάχοντο" καὶ ἐνίκων ᾿Αθηναῖοι" φεύγουσι δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι εἵποντο κόπτον- τες, ἐς ὃ ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπικόμενοι πῦρ τε αἴτεον καὶ ἐπελαμ- βάνοντο τῶν νεῶν. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὁ πολέμαρχος Καλλίμαχος διαφθείρεται, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος ἀγαθὸς, ἀπὸ δ᾽ ἔθανε τῶν στρατηγῶν Στησίλεως ὁ Θρασύλεω' τοῦτο δὲ Κυναύγειρος "" ὁ Εὐφορίωνος 259 ἐσθημένους. This word, which is of the form of a perfect participle, as from a present tense ἐσθέειν, is used in one other passage (iii. 129). It is peculiar to He- rodotus, and no other tense is any where used by him. 260 +d οὔνομα τὸ Μήδων φόβος ἀκοῦσαι. It seems likely that at the time of Datis’s expedition the distinction between the Medes and Persians was little known in European Greece, even if it was in Asiatic. Accordingly ὁ Μῆδος was the general name by which the enemy was designated. The Medians were, it can hardly be doubted, the more civilized part of Darius’s sub- jects, and from them the Persians must have learnt their scientific strategics. See the notes 535 on i. 162, and 512 on iv. 200. The statement in the text has been by some considered as contradictory to i. 165 and v. 120 (in which passages Asiatic Hellenes are represented as engaging with Persians), and to i. 169, where their re- sistance to these is spoken of as creditable to them. But this seems pressing the author too closely. It is very far from certain that the conquest even of Ionia was effected by Median troops; and cer- tainly they would hardly be expected to do garrison duty. They may rather be regarded in the same light as the European regiments in the Anglo-Indian army. And all that Herodotus means to say in the text is that the Athenians at Marathon were the first Hellenes with whom the préstige of the Median soldiers went for nothing. This was only natural, as they had no experience of them like the Asia- tics. But still their prowess made the term ἄνδρες Μαραθωνομάχαι proverbial. (Ani- STOPHANES, Nub. 386.) 361 καὶ Σάκαι. These were probably the marines of the fleet landed upon the occasion. In the great expedition of Xer- xes we find this service performed by Sacans (vii. 96), the name by which the Persians designated all Scythians (as He- rodotus says)—that is, perhaps, all troops whose armament was similar to the Scy- thian, in which the bow was the principal weapon. This would be by far the most efficient engine for such a service as that of marines. The English bow-men per- formed the same duty in the infancy of English naval warfare. See the important part played by Locksley in the old ballad . of Sir Andrew Barton. 30) Kuvalyeipos. This is the brother of ZEschylus the tragic poet. The story of his gallantry was improved upon in later times. Justin (ii. 9) makes him, on losing his right hand, seize hold with his left ; and upon this being likewise hewn off, take hold with his teeth (‘‘ ad postre- mum morsu navem detinuit”’). A similar caricature is observable in the more mo- dern ballad of Chevy Chase (of about the time of James I.) as compared with the ERATO. VI. 118—116. 155 ἐνθαῦτα, ἐπιλαβόμενος τῶν ἀφλάστων νηὸς, THY χεῖρα ἀποκοπεὶς and Cyna- πελέκεϊ πίπτει τοῦτο δὲ ἄλλοι Αθηναίων πολλοί τε καὶ ὀνομαστοί. τ ᾿Ἑπτὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν νεῶν ἐπεκράτησαν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ᾿Αθηναῖοι’. 115 τῇσε δὲ λοιπῇσι οἱ βάρβαροι ἐξανακρουσάμενοι, καὶ ἀναλαβόντες thei ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἐν τῇ ἔλυπον τὰ ἐξ ᾿Ερετρίης ἀνδράποδα, περιέπλωον Cmbarking Σούνιον βουλόμενοι φθῆναι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἢ Ῥοίδτνπε, ἄστυ; αἰτίη δὲ ἔσχε ἐν ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐξ ᾿Αλκμαιωνιδέων ᾽“ μηχανῆς αὐτοὺς ταῦτα ἐπινοηθῆναε' τούτους γὰρ συνθεμένους τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἀναδέξαι ἀσπίδα, ἐοῦσι ἤδη ἐν τῇσι νηυσί. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ περ. 116 ἔπλωον ᾽“ Σούνιον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ποδῶν εἶχον τάχιστα ἐβοήθεον ὃν by ae és τὸ dotu καὶ ἔφθησάν τε ἀπικόμενοι πρὶν ἢ τοὺς βαρβάρους Tose movement ἥκειν, καὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἀπυγμένοι ἐξ ᾿Ηρακληΐου τοῦ ἐν Xf the Athe- Μαραθῶνι ἐν ἄλλῳ ᾿Ηρακληΐῳ τῷ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ """. οἱ δὲ βάρ- retum to βαροι τῇσι νηυσὶ ὑπεραιωρηθέντες Φαλήρου, (τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ἐπίνειον τότε τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων,) ὑπὲρ τούτου ἀνακωχεύσαντες τὰς νῆας ἀπ- ἐπλωον ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην Ἶ". original of nearly two hundred years earlier. The latter says: “ For Weth n my harte was wo That ever he slayne sholde be ; For when both his leggis wer hewyn info, Yet he knyled and fought on his knee.” The two last lines became in the new ver- sion : ‘‘ For when his leggs were smitten off, He fought upon hie stumpes.”’ For the description of the &pAacra, of which Cynegirus is represented as taking hold, see the article Aplustre in the Dic- tionary of Greek and Latin Antiquities. It is not n however to infer, with the writer of the article, from this passage, that an unusual direction was given to the extremity of the woodwork, denoted by the word ἄφλαστα. Herodotus seems to include in the term the whole of the after part of the upper works; and Cynegirus, in his account, appears to have been climbing up into the vessel by the stern, which, supposing her riding on a hawse carried out from the bow, would be de- pressed for the moment that the latter rose with a swell. Justin’s notion rests upon the Homeric standard of men’s strength and ships’ size. An Athenian in 490 B.c. had too much experience of the sea to attempt to Aold a vessel of probably at least eighty tons burthen by seizing it - with his hand. 263 δὲ ᾿Αλκμαιωνιδέων. To this evil re- port Prnpar seems to allude in an Ode 4Pyth. vii.) composed in honour of a Me- gacles, probably the son of Hippocrates, and brother of Agariste (mentioned by Herodotus vi. 131). Béckh considers that the Pythian victory commemorated was in the same year with the battle of Marathon. The poet, felicitating Megacles on his suc- ceas,— which was by no means the first of the kind,—says, νέᾳ δ᾽ εὐπραγίᾳ χαίρω τι" τὸ δ᾽ ἄχνυμαι Φθόνον ἀμειβόμενον τὰ καλὰ ἔργα. Heyne however places the victory in the year 474 B.c. If the attack upon Miltiades mentioned above, § 164, pro- ceeded from the party of Clisthenes, no doubt the faction of Miltiades would take advantage of the popularity just acquired by their own leader (below, § 132) to damage the influence of the Alcmeonids if a favourable occasion offered. It can hardly have been any but that party whom Miltiades had in his eye in his speech to the polemarch (§ 109). They seized the first opportunity to return the blow (§ 136). 3064 περιέπλωον. This is the reading of all the MSS except one (F), which last in iv. 156, has ἀπέπλεον. See the note 409 on that passage. 365 ἐν ἄλλῳ ᾿Ηρακληΐῳ τῷ ἐν Κυνοσάρ- γεῖ. See note 160, a, on v. 63. 266 of δὲ βάρβαροι. .. . ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, x 2 117 Numbers of tho slain on sides. Portent which befel the Athe- nian, 119 Humane treatment of the Ere- 156 HERODOTUS Ἔν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐν Μαραθῶνε μάχῃ ἀπέθανον τῶν βαρβάρων κατὰ ἑξακισχιλίονς καὶ τετρακοσίους ἄνδρας, ᾿Δ4θηναίων δὲ ἑκατὸν ἀννενήκοντα καὶ δύο' ἔπεσον μὲν ἀμφοτέρων τοσοῦτοι. συνήνεικε δὲ αὐτόθι θῶμα γενέσθαι τοιόνδε" ᾿Αθηναῖον ἄνδρα ᾿Επίζηλον τὸν Κουφαγόρεω ἐν τῇ συστάσει μαχόμενόν τε καὶ ἄνδρα γινόμενον ἀγαθὸν τῶν ὀμμάτων στερηθῆναε, οὔτε πὶ @ οὐδὲν τοῦ σώμα- Tos οὔτε βλῳθέντα' καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ζόης διατελέειν ἀπὸ τούτου σοῦ χράμον ἐόντα τνφλάν. λόγεω δὲ αὐτὸν περὶ τοῦ πτάθεος ἤκουσα τοιόνδε τινὰ λόγον ἄνδρα οἱ δοκέειν ὁπλέτην ἀντιστῆναι μέγαν τοῦ τὸ γένειον τὴν ἀσπίδα πᾶσαν σκιάξειν, τὸ δὲ φάσμα τοῦτο ἑωυτὰν μὲν παρεξελθεῖν, τὸν δὲ ἑωυτοῦ παραστάτην ἀπὸο- «τεῖναι' ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ᾿Επίζηλον ἐπυθόμην λέγειν. Δᾶτις δὲ πορευόμενος , ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην ὀπεί τε ἀγένετο ἐν Μυκόνῳ, εἶδε ὄψιν ἐν τῷ ὕπνφ' καὶ ἥτις μὲν ἦν ἡ ὄψις, οὐ λόγεται' ὁ δὲ, ὡς ἡμέρη τάχιστα ἐπέλαμψε, ζήτησιν ἐποιέετο τῶν νεῶν" εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν Φοινίσσῃ νηὶ ἄγαλμα ᾿Απόλλωνος κεχρυ- σωμένον, ἐπυνθάνετο ὁκόθεν σεσυλημένον εἴη; πυθόμενος δὲ ἐξ οὗ ἦν ἱροῦ, ἔπλεε τῇ ἑῥωντοῦ νηὶ ἐς Δῆλον “5, καὶ ἀπίκατο γὰρ τηνικαῦτα οἱ Δήλιοι ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν νῆσον, κατατίθεταί 5 τε ἐς τὸ ἑρὸν τὸ ἄγαλμα καὶ ἐντέλλεται τοῖσε 4ηλίοισι ἀπωγωγεῖν τὸ ἄγαλμα ἐς Δήλιον τὸ Θηβαίων: τὸ δ᾽ ἔστι ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ Χαλκίδος Δᾶτις μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐντειλάμενος ἀπέπλεε. τὸν δὲ ἀνδριάντα τοῦτον Δήλιοι οὐκ ἀπήγαγον, ἀλλά μὲν δι᾽ ἐτέων εἴκοσι Θηβαῖοι αὐτοὶ ἐκ θεοπροπίου ἐκομίσαντο ἐπὶ Δήλιον. Τοὺς δὲ τῶν ᾿Ερετριέων ἀνδραποδισμένους Δᾶτίς τε καὶ ᾿Δρταφέρνης ὡς προσέσχον ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην πλέοντες, ἀνήγωγον ἐς Σοῦσα βασιλεὺς καταντίον. ‘¢ and the barbarians, when in their course they had come off Phalerum with the fleet (for this was at that time the port of the Athenians), brought up off this point, and made sail back to Asia.” For the precise meaning of the word ἀγνακωχεύει» seo note on vil. 36. 307 Δᾶτις δὲ πορευόμενος. The account of the proceedings οὗ the expedition on the Attic shore is exactly of such a kind as one might expect to receive from an Athenian attached to Miltiades’s party forty or fifty years after they happened. The present anecdote is as obviously de- rived from Delos. The account of the well at Ardericca again betrays the ἔμπο- pos, familiar with the commodities which he was accustomed to ship, and giving the account which he had received from the exporter of the way in which they were procured. 268 ἔχλες τῇ ἑωντοῦ νηϊ ἐς Δῆλον. See note 219 on § 97, above. 369 κατατίθετα. The manuscript 8 has, immediately after this word, the two, és Δήλιον, omitting those which appear in the interval in all the other MSS. See note 136 on i. 45. ERATO. VI. 117—119. 157 δὲ “Δαρεῖος, rply μὲν αὐχμαλώτους γενέσθας τοὺς ᾿Ἐρετριέας, ἐνεῖχέ trian pri- ods δεινὸν χόλον, οἷα ἀρξάντων ἀδικίης προτέρων τῶν Eperpsbor Darius” ἐπεί τε δὲ εἶδέ σφεας ἀπαχθέντας παρ᾽ ἑωυτὸν καὶ ὑποχειρίους ἑωυτῷ ἐόντας, ἐποίησε κακὸν ἄλλο οὐδὲν, ἀλλά σφεας τῆς Κισσίης χώρης κατοίκισε ἐν σταθμῷ ἑωυτοῦ τῷ οὔνομά ἐστι Δρδέρικκα *”, They are ἀπὸ μὲν Σούσων δέκα καὶ διηκασίους σταδίους ἀπέχοντι, τεσσε- pier ράκοντα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ φρέατος τὸ wapéyeras τριφασίας ἰδέας" καὶ ead. > yap ἄσφαλτον καὶ ἅλας καὶ ἔλαιον ἀρύσσονται ἐξ αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ ἀγρό τ τας τοιῷδε: ἀντλέεται μὲν κηλωνηΐφ' ἀντὶ δὲ γαυλοῦ, ἥμισν ἀσκοῦ οἱ Sires οἷν, προσδέδεται' ὑποτύψας 7" δὲ τούτῳ ἀντλέει καὶ ὄπειτα ὀἀγχέει ἐς sphalt. δεξαμενή;» ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐς ἄλλο διαχεόμενον τρέπεταε τριφασίας ὁδούς" καὶ ἡ μὲν ἄσφαλτος καὶ οἱ ἅλες πήγνυνται παραυτίκα, τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον συνάγουσι ἐν ἀγγείους, τὸ οἱ Πέρσαι καλέουσι ῥαδινάκην Ἶ ἔστι δὲ μέλαν καὶ ὀδμὴν παβεχόμενον βαρέαν. ἐνθαῦτα τοὺς ᾿Ερετριέας κατοίκισε βασιλεὺς 4αρεῖος" of καὶ μέχρι ἐμέο εἶχον τὴν χώρην ταύτην, φυλάσσοντες τὴν ἀρχαίην γλῶσσαν". τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ ᾿Ερετριέας ἔσχε οὕτω. 310 γῷ οὔνομά ἐστι ᾿Αρδέρικκα. Proba- bly this name is a significant one, and given to several places. The village in the text is entirely different from the one men- tioned in i. 185. ing to Srrazo (xvi. c. 1, p. 351) these Eretrians were settled among the people “ formerly called Carduchi, and in his time Gordyzi,” 3. e. Kurds. 271 ὑποτύψας, All the MSS and Gais- ford have ὑποτύψας. But the word ὕπο- κύπτω (the reverse of ἀνακύπτω) seems especially applicable to the action denoted here and in ii. 136; iii. 130. The machine described in the text is one similar to that commonly employed in drawing water in Italy and the South of France at this day. The pail is attached to a long pole hung at the longest arm of a long lever, the short arm of which is so heavily weighted with stones, that the empty pail remains on a level with the mouth of the well. In order that water may be raised, the drawer lays hold of the pole, first pulling till the lever is horizontal,—which brings the pail to about the level of the water in the well—and then pushing the pole by stoop- ing, he fills it with water. This part of the action is expressed by the word dzo- κύπτειν, and it is obviously exactly the same with that of a person sounding a pool with a staff (xovrds), or dippin down into a chest of loose coins wit @ saucer. RawLinson (Journal of the Geogr. Soc. ix. p. 92) imagines that the spot described by Herodotus is Kir Abd (the bitumen water) which is about twenty-eight miles north of Digi, a point on the great mili- tary road into Media, lat. 32° 10’, long. 48° 30’. He says that the liquid bitamen is collected at the present day in the way described by Herodotus ;—but ‘‘ the bitu- men pits abound ”’ in the locality in ques- tion, and the distance is too great for any site which can be assigned to Susa to allow identification with the φρέαρ in the text, if the writer be regarded as an eye- witness. See note 267, above. 372 τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον συνάγουσι ἐν ἀγγείοις, τὸ of Πέρσαι καλέουσι ῥαδινάκην. Several MSS have, instead of this sentence, τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον of Πέρσαι καλέουσι τοῦτο ῥαδινά- any, and two (4, c), τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον of Πέρσαι καλέουσι ῥαδινάκην». 273 of καὶ μέχρι ἐμέο εἶχον τὴν χώρην ταύτην, φυλάσσοντες τὴν ἀρχαίην γλῶσ- gay. This clause is omitted in one manu- script (F), and it can scarcely be of the time of Herodotus. Hardly a generation had passed from the time of the engage- ment at Marathon to his emigration to 158 HERODOTUS “Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἧκον és tas ᾿Αθήνας δισχίλιοι μετὰ τὴν πανσέληνον, ἔχοντες σπουδὴν πολλὴν καταλαβεῖν οὕτω ὥστε τριταῖοι ἐκ Σπάρτης ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ" ὕστεροι δὲ ἀπικόμενοι τῆς συμβολῆς, ἱμείροντο ὅμως θεήσασθαι τοὺς Μήδους" ἐλθόντες δὲ ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα ἐθεήσαντο' μετὰ δὲ, αἰνέοντες ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ τὸ ἔργον αὐτῶν ἀπαλλάσσοντο ὀπίσω. Θῶμα δέ μοι, καὶ οὐκ ἐνδέκομαι τὸν λόγον, ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδας ἄν κοτε ἀναδέξαι Πέρσῃσι ἐκ συνθήματος ἀσπίδα, βουλομένους ὑπὸ βαρβάροισί τε εἶναι ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ ὑπὸ ᾿Ἱππίῃ 1. οἵτινες μᾶλλον, ὁμοίως Καλλίῃ τῷ Φαινίππου, ᾿Ιππονίκου δὲ πατρὶ, φαίνονται μισοτύραννοι ἐόντες. Καλλίης τε γὰρ μοῦνος ᾿Αθηναίων ἁπάντων ἐτόλμα, ὅκως Πεισίστρατος ἐκπέσοι ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων, τὰ χρήματα αὐτοῦ κηρυσσόμενα ὑπὸ τοῦ δημοσίον ὠνέεσθαι, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ ὄχθιστα ἐς αὐτὸν πάντα ἐμηχανᾶζο. Καλλίεω δὲ τούτου “75 ἄξιον πολλαχοῦ μνήμην ἐστὶ πάντα τινὰ ἔχειν" τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τὰ προ- λελεγμένα, ὡς ἀνὴρ ἄκρος ἐλευθερῶν τὴν πατρίδα τοῦτο δὲ τὰ ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίῃ ἐποίησε, ἵππῳ νικήσας "5 τεθρίππω δὲ δεύτερος γενό- μενος, Πύθια δὲ πρότερον ἀνελόμενος, ἐφανερώθη ἐς Tous” EXAnvas πάντας μεγίστῃσι δαπάνῃσι' τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἑωντοῦ θυγατέρας, ἐούσας τρεῖς, οἷός τις ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο' ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐγένοντο γάμον ὡραῖαι, ἔδωκέ oft δωρεὴν μεγαλοπρεπεστάτην, ἐκείνῃσί τε ἐχαρίσατο" ἐκ γὰρ πάντων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τὸν ἑκάστη ἐθέλοι ἄνδρα ἑωυτῇ ἐκλέξασθαι ἔδωκε τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδρί. Καὶ οἱ ᾿Αλκ- μαιωνίδαι ὁμοίως, ἢ οὐδὲν ἧσσον τούτου, ἦσαν μισοτύραννοι "ἷ" 120 A detach- ment of 2000 Spar- tans arrive too late for the battle. 121 Credence is not to be attached to the story of the Alemaz- onids having signaled to the enemy. 122 123 Italy, and to notice the fact of a popula- tion not having forgotten their lan in so short an interval would be absurd. 276 καὶ ὑπὸ Ἱππίῃ. Of course if the Alcemeonids contemplated treachery, it would not have been under the idea of receiving Hippias back again; but to put themselves in the position of vassals of the Persian court and sovereigns of Athens through Persian influence. The writer of the paragraph (see note 277, below) quietly assumes the very point at issue. 375 Καλλίεω δὲ τούτου, x.7.A. The whole of this section is wanting in the manuscripts M, K, P, F, 5. Gaisford in- cludes it between brackets. 278 ἵππῳ νικήσας. This was, according to the ScHoLtrasT ON ARISTOPHANES (Nubd. 284), in the fifty-fourth Olympiad. 877 ἦσαν μισοτύραννοι. This is doubt- less the light in which the Alcmzonids wished to appear to their countrymen after the establishment of the democracy. See note 165 on v. 65. But the whole account which Herodotus gives of the early part of the tyranny of Pisistratus (see espe- ᾿ cially i. 61, 62) is quite at variance with this statement. The whole of the discus- sion (§§ 121—124) appears to me to pro- ceed from a later hand than Herodotus; and to be of the nature of a note, drawn up by some person well acquainted with the family history of the Alcmeeonids. This may have been afterwards incorpo- rated with the text, and perhaps not long after the age of Herodotus. But it would almost seem that Pausanias (iii. 4. 6) must have used a copy of the work in ERATO. VI. 120—125. 159 θῶμα ὧν pot, καὶ ob προσίεμαι τὴν διαβολὴν, τούτους ye ἀναδέξαι ἀσπέδα οἵτινες ἔφευγόν τε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τοὺς τυράννους Ἶ"", ἐκ μηχανῆς τε τῆς τούτων ἐξέλιπον οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι τὴν τυραννίδα. καὶ οὕτω τὰς ᾿Αθήνας οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐλευθερώσαντες πολλῷ μᾶλ- λον ἤπερ “Αρμόδιός τε καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω" οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐξηγρίωσαν “ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους Πεισιστρατιδέων “Ἱππαρχον ἀποκτείναντες, οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἔπαυσαν τοὺς λοιποὺς τυραννεύον- τας" ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδαι δὲ ἐμφανέως ἐλευθέρωσαν, εἰ δὴ οὗτοί γε ἀληθέως ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπείσαντες προσημαίνειν Aaxedas- μονίοισι ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ὥς μοι πρότερον δεδήλωται *™, ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως τι ἐπιμεμφόμενοι ᾿Αθηναίων τῷ δήμῳ προεδίδοσαν τὴν πατρίδα. οὐ μὲν ὧν ἦσάν σφεων ἄλλοι δοκιμώτεροι ἔν γε ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἄνδρες, οὐδ᾽ of μᾶλλον ἐτετιμέατο. οὕτω οὐδὲ λόγος αἱρέει, ἀναδεχθῆναι ἔκ γε ἂν τούτων ἀσπίδα ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ λόγῳ. ἀνεδέχθη μὲν γὰρ ἀσπίς" καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἔστε ἄλλως εἰπεῖν" ἐγένετο γάρ" ὃς μέντοι ἦν ὁ ἀναδέξας οὐκ ἔχω προσωτέρω εἰπεῖν τούτων. Οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδαε ἦσαν μὲν καὶ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν λαμπροὶ ἐν 125 τῇσι ᾿Αθήνῃσι. ἀπὸ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος, καὶ αὗτις Μεγακλέος, ἐγέ- ΡΟΣ πω vovto καὶ κάρτα λαμπροί. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ᾿Δλκμαίων ὁ Μεγακλέος Alcme- τοῖσι ἐκ Σαρδίων Λυδοῖσι παρὰ Κροίσου ἀπικνεομένοισι ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι συμπρήκτωρ τε ἐγίνετο καὶ συνελάμ- Rave προθύμως" καί μεν Κροῖσος πυθόμενος τῶν Λυδῶν τῶν ἐς τὰ χρηστήρια φοιτεόντων ἑωυτὸν εὖ ποιέειν, μεταπέμπεται ἐς Σάρδις" 124 which it did not occur. For the corrup- tion of the Pythian priestess by the Alc- meonids is here assumed as a point be- yond dispute (ἐκ μηχανῆς τῆς τούτων ἐξέλιπον οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι τὴν τυραννίδα), and Pausanias, in reviewing the different causes assigned for the mania of Cleo- menes, with a distinct reference to this book (§§ 75, seqq.) settles upon his tam- pering with the Pythian priestess as the real one, on the ground that Cleomenes was undoubledly the only man who had ever ventured to corrupt an oracle. When Herodotus speaks of the transaction before, it is rather as a scandalous story (v. 63. 66) than as a likely matter, far less as one beyond all question. 218 ἔφευγόν τε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τοὺς τυράννουΞ. This statement also is quite incompatible with the former account, but consistent with subsequent professions of the Alemeonids. See note 165 on v. 65. 319 ἐξῃγρίωσαν. See note 143 on v. 380 ὥς μοι πρότερον δεδήλωται. The reference is to v. 63. But it will be seen that there Herodotus relates the matter as the Athenian account (és ὧν δὴ of ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι), not as his own positive opinion ; whereas the writer of this pas- sage treats it.as an acknowledged fact, so certain as to test other accounts by their consistency with it. The sentiment of approval too contrasts strongly with that “eas in the case of Cleomenes (above, § 84). 160 HERODOTUS ἀπικόμενον δὲ δωρέεται χρυσῷ τὸν ἂν δύνηται τῷ ἑωντοῦ σώματι ἐξενείκασθαε ἐσάπαξ' ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίων πρὸς τὴν δωρεὴν ἐοῦσαν τοιαύτην τοιάδε ἐπιτηδεύσας προσέφερε" ἐνδὺς κιθῶνα μέγαν καὶ κόλπον πολὺν καταλυπόμενος τοῦ κιθῶνος, κοθόρνους τοὺς εὕρισκε εὐρυτάτους ἐόντας ὑποδησάμενος, ἤϊε ἐς τὸν θησαυρὸν ἐς τόν οἱ κατηγέοντο, ἐσπεσὼν δὲ ἐς σωρὸν ψήγματος, πρῶτα μὲν παρ- ἐσαξε παρὰ τὰς κνήμας τοῦ χρυσοῦ ὅσον ἐχώρεον οἱ κόθορνοι' μετὰ δὲ, τὸν κόλπον πάντα πλησάμενος χρυσοῦ, καὶ ἐς τὰς τρίχας τῆς κεφαλῆς διαπάσας τοῦ ψήγματος, καὶ ἄλλο λαβὼν ἐς τὸ στόμα, ἐξήϊε ἐκ τοῦ θησαυροῦ ἕλκων μὲν μόγις τοὺς κοθόρνους, παντὶ δέ τεῳ οἰκὼς μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρώπῳ' τοῦ τὸ τε στόμα ἐβέβυστο καὶ πάντα ἐξόγκωτο. ἰδόντα δὲ τὸν Κροῖσον γέλως ἐσῆλθε" καί οἱ πάντα τε ἐκεῖνα διδοῖ, καὶ πρὸς, ὅτερα δωρέεται οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἐκεί- νων. οὕτω μὲν ἑἐπλούτησε ἡ οἰκίη αὕτη μεγάλως" καὶ ὁ ᾿Αλκ- μαίων οὗτος οὕτω τεθρωτποτροφήσας, ᾿Ολυμπιάδα ἀναερέεται"". 126 Μετὰ δὲ, γενεῇ δευτέρῃ ὕστερον, Κλεισθένης μὲν ὁ Σικυῶνος ΤΟΙΣ calth τύραννος ἐξήειρε, ὥστε πολλῷ ὀνομαστοτέρην γενέσθαι ἐν τοῖσι creased by " EAAnos ἢ πρότερον ἦν. Κλεισθένεξ γὰρ τῷ ᾿Αριστωνύμονυ ἴ5 τοῦ their con- nexion with Mupwvos** τοῦ ᾿Ανδρέω ™ γίνεταε θυγάτηρ τῇ οὔνομα ἦν > Aya- 361 ᾿Ολυμπιάδα ἀναιρέεται. The client οὗ ἸΒΟΟΒΑΤΕΒ (De Bigis, p. 351), himeelf an Alcmeonid (see: note 165 on v. 65), says that Alcmzeon was the first Athenian citizen who obtained a prize at Olympia with a pair ((evye:). And that only one Alcmeonid had been an Olympian victor at the time of the battle of Marathon fol- lows from the expression of Pinpar (Pyth. vii. 13): μία δ᾽ ἐκπρεκὴς Διὸς ᾿Ολυμπίας. The word τεθριπποτροφήσας must there- fore be taken in a general sense. See note 206 on v. 77. 283 Κλεισθένεϊ γὰρ τῷ ᾿Αριστωνύμον. The founder of the dynasty at Sicyon was Orthagoras (ArrsToT_e, Polit. v. p. 1315; see note 169 on v. 67), and Clisthenes was one of his descendants ; but it is not easy to say in exactly what relation he stood to him. If Orthagoras was the father of Andreas, it is strange that Herodotus should not have continued the pedi up to him, supposing him to have followed the same accounts with Aristotle. 383 τοῦ Μύρωνος. From a notice in ARIsTotLe (Polit. v. p. 1316): μεταβάλ.- λει καὶ els τυραννίδα τυραννίς, (ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος els τὴν Ἐλεισθέ. yous,) καὶ εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν, (ὥσπερ ἡ ἐν Χαλκίδι ἡ ᾿Α»τιλέοντος,) καὶ els δημοκρα- τίαν, (ὥσπερ ἡ τῶν Γέλωνος ἐν Συρακούσαι-,) καὶ εἰς ἀριστοκρατίαν, (ὥσπερ ἡ Χαριλάου ἐν Λακεδαίμονι, καὶ ἐν Καρχηδόνι), it is plain that a decided change took place in the constitution of Sicyon between the time of Myron and that of Clisthenes. Both were dynasts, but the form of their power was different. It seems not un- likely that the change consisted in the relative depression of the Dorian agricul- turists and the elevation of the Achean ap eta population. (See note 169 on v. 67. 2% τοῦ ᾿Ανδρέω. This name, which is very rare in subsequent times, appears in the mythical history of the foundation of Orchomenus, where a son of the river Peneus (who formed a settlement, the vicinity of which was afterwards called ᾿Ανδρηὶς γῇ) bears that name. (Pausa- ΝΊΑΒ ix. 34, 6.) It seems not unreason- able to suppose from this that the name prevailed among the Orchomenians in later times. Perhaps therefore the An- ERATO. VI. 126, 127. 161 ρίστη. ταύτην ἠθέλησε, Ελλήνων πάντων ἐξευρὼν τὸν ἄριστον, Criethenee of icyon. τούτῳ γυναῖκα προσθεῖναι. ᾿Ολυμπίων ὧν ἐόντων καὶ νικῶν ἐν Story of the αὐτοῖσε τεθρέππῳ ὁ Κλεισθένης, κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο, ὅστις ᾿Ελλή- the hand of vow ἑωυτὸν ἀξιοῖ Κλεισθένεος γαμβρὸν γενέσθαι, ἥκειν ἐς ἑξηκο- ype pe στὴν ἡμέρην ἢ καὶ πρότερον ἐς Σικυῶνα, ὡς κυρώσοντος Κλεισθέ- veos τὸν γάμον ἐν ἐνιαυτῷ, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑξηκοστῆς ἀρξαμένου ἡμέρης. ἐνθαῦτα ᾿ Ἑλλήνων ὅσοι σφίσι τε αὐτοῖσι ἦσαν καὶ πάτρῃ ἐξωγκω- μένοι, ἐφοίτεον μνηστῆρες" τοῖσι Κλεισθένης καὶ δρόμον καὶ πα- λαέστρην ποιησάμενος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ εἶχε. ᾿Απὸ μὲν δὴ ᾿Ιταλίης 127 ἦλθε Σ᾽, μινδυρίδης ὁ “Ἱπποκράτεος Συβαρίτης ὃς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ List of the suitors. χλιδῆς els ἀνὴρ ἀπίκετο 55 ἡ δὲ Σύβαρὶς ἤκμαξε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον μάλεστα' καὶ Σιρίτης Δάμασος, ᾿Αμύριος "5 τοῦ σοφοῦ dreas of the text may have been a wealthy Orchomenian merchant, settled at Sicyon, in the same way in which Demaratus the Corinthian was settled at Tarquinii. It is conceivable that the splendour of Clisthenes’s family may have been due mainly to the wealth acquired by the Or- thagorid house through an alliance with this , and this circumstance may ac- count for the pedigree going up to Andreas and no farther. (See note 282, above.) It is to be remarked, that Sicyon was not one of the confederate cities which formed the Orchomenian commercial league meeting at Calauria, (see Sreazo cited in note on Vii. 41, of μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐς Τροιζῆνα,) and this, at first sight, may seem to render any alliance between a Sicyonian and an Orchomenian unlikely. But if Andreas was (like Demaratus) a political exile, ex- actly the course most likely for him to take would be to find refuge with a com- mercial rival. And here perhaps another clue be found to the extreme hos- tility of his descendant Clisthenes to every thing Argive, about the cause of which Herodotus leaves us entirely in the dark (above, v. 67). Argos succeeded Nauplia as a member of the Calaurian Heptapolis, and in the time of Clisthenes must have been the most important of the seven confederates. 383 ὃς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ χλιδῆς εἷς ἀνὴρ ἀπίκετο. Compare Tuucyp. viii. 68: πλεῖστα els ἀνὴρ δυνάμενος ὠφελεῖν. Χε- NOPHON, Arnab. i. 9. 22: δῶρα πλεῖστα μὲν, οἶμαι, εἷς γε ἀνὴρ ὧν ἐλάμβανε. sca. Pers. 327: εἷς ἀνὴρ πλεῖστον πόνον ἐχθροῖς παρασχών. Translate : “‘ who reached the highest pitch of luxury VOL. II. ~@. of any individual.” ΑΒΙΒΤΟΤΙΙΕ related that Smindyrides had a robe made of so gorgeous a character, that it attracted more admiration than any other object whatever that was exhibited at the pa- negyris of the Lacinian Here. The tra- dition ran that the elder Dionysius, after- wards obtaining possession of this gar- ment, sold it to the Carthaginians for 120 talents. The name of Smindyrides in later times became the peg to hang all stories of inordinate luxury upon. He is made the hero of the well-known narrative of the crumpled rose-leaf by ALLIAN. (Var. Hist. ix. 24.) On the occasion of his visit to Sicyon his suite consisted of a thousand persons, employed in catch- ing fish or birds, or in dressing them. (ATHENZvS, vi. p. 273.) AELIAN con- verts this into one thousand of each sort. (16. xii. 24.) One of the most genuine in ap ce of the anecdotes of this celebrated Sybarite is that he declared that for the space of twenty years he had never seen the sun either rise or set. (CHAMALEON or THEOPHRASTUS, ap. Athen. 1. c.) 286 Δάμασος, ᾿Αμύριος. This is the read- ing of Gaisford ; but most of the MSS have Adpas ὁ Zautpios. The form in the text however appears to be the true one from 8 proverb which obtained currency (af- νεται “Anupis), applied to those whose eagacity is great, but who are so much a-head of the world as to be regarded as foolish by it. Amyris recognized the ful- filment of an oracle, ‘ that Sybaris would fall as soon as men should be treated with greater reverence than the gods.’ A slave having committed some offence took re- Y 162 HERODOTUS λεγομένου πάϊς" οὗτοι μὲν ἀπὸ ᾿Ιταλίης ἦλθον. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου, ᾿Αμφίμνηστος ᾿Επιστρόφου ᾿Επιδάμνιος" οὗτος δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου κόλπον. Airwrds δὲ ἦλθε, Τιτόρμου τοῦ ὑπερφύντος τε “EdAnvas ἰσχύϊ καὶ φυγόντος ἀνθρώπους ἐς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς ΔΑἰτωλίδος χώρης, τούτου τοῦ Τιτόρμου "" ἀδελφεὸς Μάλης" ἀπὸ δὲ Πελοποννήσου, Φείδωνος τοῦ ᾿Αργείων τυράννου πάϊς Aewnn- δης, Φείδωνος δὲ τοῦ τὰ μέτρα ποιήσαντος Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ ὑβρίσαντος μέγιστα δὴ Ἑλλήνων ἁπάντων, ὃς ἐξαναστήσας τοὺς ᾿Ηλείων ἀγωνοθέτας αὐτὸς τὸν ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίῃ ἀγῶνα ἔθηκε" τού- του te δὴ πάϊς, καὶ ᾿Αμίαντος Δυκούργου,᾿Αρκὰς ἐκ Τραπεζοῦντος" καὶ ᾿Αζὴν ἐκ Παίου πόλιος Μαφάνης, Εὐφορίωνος τοῦ δεξαμένου τε (ὡς λόγος ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίῃ λόγεται) τοὺς Διοσκούρους οἰκίοισι" καὶ fage in a temple, but his master caring nothing for this inflicted summary punish- ment on him therein. On this he fled to the tomb of his master’s father, and this procured the remission of his offence. Amyris observing this, sold his landed property and left the country. (Proverdia Diogentana, iii. 26.) Probably Siris was the piace where he settled. 387 Τιτόρμου. Several MSS have T:- τέρμουι The later anecdotes of this giant make him a herdsman. “ἔσταν (Var. Hist. xii. 22) relates a contest between him and the celebrated Milo, similar in its character to that which the old ballads describe between Robin Hood and Little John. Milo rolls with difficulty an enor- mous stone ; Titormus lifts it and carries it for a distance of eight fathoms. He catches a furious bull by the hoof (com- pare THEOCRITUS, iv. 35), and on another coming up to assist the first, he seizes it in the same way with his other hand. Milo allows himself to be fairly beaten. 388 Φείδωνος δὲ τοῦ τὰ μέτρα... ... τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ ἀγῶνα ἔθηκε. This clause has been considered an interpolation, from the circumstance that it is a chronological impossibility to bring the Phidon, who ex- pelled the Eleans from their presidency at the Olympic games, down to the time of a man whose father entertained the ambas- sadors of Croesus on the occasion recorded in i. 47 and vi. 125. The time of Phidon is securely ascertained by the fact that the Eleans refused to register the Olympiad in which the intrusion took place. This was the twenty-ninth (Strabo, viii. c. 3, Ῥ. 173 and 178), a time which also har- monizes well with the genealogy attributed to Phidon, that makes him tenth from Temenus, and therefore about three cen- turies later than the time given to the Heraclide invasion. His son therefore could not have been the rival for the hand of Agariste with the father of the Clisthenes who 170 years after the date of Phidon’s usurpation was in active public life at Athens. But it seems unwarranted to criticize the features of such a narrative on bare historical grounds. The whole account appears to be derived from the private traditions of one of the great Hel- lenic families which constituted a commer- cial aristocracy in the early times, until they at last received their death-blow by the revolution of Clisthenes and the cir- cumstances springing out of the Persian invasion. (See note 176 on v. 68.) A greater objection than any derived from chronological inaccuracy seems to be that the introduction of an Argive suitor is out of keeping with the known antipathies of Clisthenes. (See v. 67.) All the other competitors are of the ancient ante-dorian blood. Without Leocedes too, they are twelve in number. 389 rou δεξαμένου τοὺς. . Διοσκούρου- ol- κίοισι. A legend of these gods, wandering under the form of men and requesting hospitality, is found elsewhere. At Lace- demon the house of Phormio was shown, where the Dioscuri were thus received. (Pausanias, iii. 16. 3.) The story of Baucis and Philemon is another form of the same legend (Ovip, Metamorph. viii. 626, segg.),in which Jupiter and Mercury take the place of the twins. In this shape ERATO. VI. 128, 129. 163 ἀπὸ τούτου Eewodoxéovros πάντας ἀνθρώπους" καὶ ᾿Ηλεῖος *Ovo- μαστὸς ᾿Δγαίου: οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς Πελοποννήσου ἦλθον. ἐκ δὲ ᾿Αθηνέων ἀπίκοντο Μεγακλέης τε ὁ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος τούτου τοῦ παρὰ Kpoicoy ἀπικομένου, καὶ ἄλλος “Ἱπποκλείδης Τισάνδρου "" πλούτῳ καὶ εἴδεϊ προφέρων ᾿Αθηναίων. ἀπὸ δὲ ᾿Ερετρίης, ἀνθεύ- σης τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, Δυσανίης" οὗτος δὲ ἀπ’ Εὐβοίης μοῦνος. ἐκ δὲ Θεσσαλίης ἦλθε τῶν Σ᾿ κοπαδέων ᾿" 4Διακτορίδης Κρανώνιος" ἐκ δὲ Μολοσσῶν "Δλκων: τοσοῦτοι μὲν ἀγένοντο οἱ μνηστῆρες. ᾿Απικομένων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν προειρημένην ἡμέρην, ὁ Κλεισθένης 198 πρῶτα μὲν τὰς πάτρας τε αὐτῶν ἀνεπύθετο καὶ γένος ἑκάστου" μετὰ δὲ, κατέχων ἐνιαυτὸν διεπειρᾶτο αὐτῶν τῆς τε ἀνδρωγαθίης καὶ τῆς ὀργῆς, καὶ παιδεύσιός τε καὶ τρόπου καὶ ἑνὶ ἑκάστῳ ἰὼν ἐς συνουσίην καὶ συνάπασι, καὶ ἐς γυμνάσιά τε ἐξαγινέων ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν νεώτεροι, καὶ, τό γε μέγιστον, ἐν τῇ συνεστίῃ διεπει- paro ὅσον γὰρ κατεῖχε χρόνον αὐτοὺς, τοῦτον πάντα ἐποίεε καὶ ἅμα ἐξείνιζε peyadorperéws. καὶ δή κου μάλιστα τῶν μνηστή- ρων ἠρέσκοντο οἱ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων ἀπυγμένοι, καὶ τούτων μᾶλλον Ἱπποκλείδης ὁ Τισάνδρου καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνδρωγαθίην ἐκρίνετο, καὶ ὅτι τὰ ἀνέκαθε "33 τοῖσι ἐν Kopldy Κυψελίδησι ἦν ἘΡΟΟΉ ΚΟ, ‘Qs 129 δὲ ἡ κυρίη ἐγένετο τῶν ἡμερέων τῆς τε κατακλίσιος TOD γάμου Kad Hippodiides, pe most ac- ἐγ άσεον αὐτοῦ Κλεισθένεος, τὸν mene ἐκ πάντων, θύσας βοῦς ΟΡ δ δα ἑκατὸν ὁ Κλεισθένης ἔχεν αὐτούς τε τοὺς μνηστῆρας καὶ τοὺς ons, ΠΝ’ Σικυωνίους πάντας' ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ δεέπνου ἐγένοντο, οἱ μνηστῆρες own chance, rigin oO ἔριν εἶχον ἀμφί τε μουσικῇ καὶ τῷ λεγομένῳ ἐς τὸ μέσον' the proverb φρον- προϊούσης δὲ τῆς πόσιος, κατέχων πολλὸν τοὺς ἄλλους 5 ὁ ἵἽππο- τὶς Ἵπκο.. κλείδης, ἐκέλευέ οἱ τὸν αὐλητὴν αὐλῆσαι ἐμμέλειαν "" πειθομένου "λ΄ ὅν. it was a current belief m Lycaonia in the tween them. first century of the Christian era (Actes 2291 τῶν Xxowaddwy. See Perizonius on xiv. 12). Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, 1an (Var. Hist. xii. 1). xix.) poits out the various forms which 5372 τὰ ἀνέκαθε. Gaisford, with all the same story took in the Scandinavian the MSS but one, has 7d ἀνέκαθε. But mythology, and the adaptation of these to the other phrase seems almost a technical several mediseval fictions. The legend one in Herodotus. See note 156 on v. was old in the time of Pindar (Hyeinus, 63. Poet. Astron. c. 34), who, probably in κἔκ[ κ[ [ν᾽ κατέχων... τοὺς ἄλλους. This phrase his Dithyrambes, related ἃ tale based seems to express the entire superiority of upon it. Hippoclides to the rest. He “had them 29° “Ἱπποκλείδης Τισάνδρου. Both these in his hands.” See note 55 on v. 21. names come into the pedigree of Mil- 204 ἐμμέλειαν. This was the grave mea- tiades’s family (see above, note 84 on sure appropriate to tragedy. It seems § 35), but a Miltiades is interposed be- ποῖ impossible that what Clisthenes had YZ 130 Agariste is given to Me the son of Alcmeron, and the marria takes place 164 HERODOTUS δὲ τοῦ αὐλητέω, ὀρχήσατο' καί κως ἑωυτῷ μὲν ἀρεστῶς ὀρχέετο, ὁ δὲ Κλεισθένης ὁρέων ὅλον τὸ πρῆγμα ὑπόπτευε' μετὰ δὲ, ἐπεσχὼν ὁ “Ἱπποκλείδης χρόνον, ἐκέλευέ τινα τράπεζαν ἐσενεῖκαι" ἐσελθού- σης δὲ τῆς τραπέζης, πρῶτα μὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ὀρχήσατο Δακωνικὰ σχημάτια' μετὰ δὲ, ἄλλα ᾿Αττικά' τὸ τρέτον δὲ, τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐρείσας ἐπὶ τὴν τράπεζαν τοῖσι σκέλεσι ἐχειρονόμησε “ λει- σθένης δὲ, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα καὶ τὰ δεύτερα ὀρχεομένου ἀποστυγέων γαμβρὸν ἄν οἱ ἔτι γενέσθαι “Ἰπποκλείδεα, διὰ τήν τε ὄρχησεν καὶ τὴν ἀναιδείην, κατεῖχε ἑωυτὸν οὐ βουλόμενος ἐκρωγῆναε ἐς avror ὡς δὲ εἶδε τοῖσι σκέλεσι χειρονομήσαντα, οὐκέτι κατέχειν δυνά- μενος εἶπε' “ ὦ παῖ Τισάνδρου, ἀπορχήσαό γε μὴν τὸν γάμον." ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιπποκλείδης ὑπολαβὼν εἶπε" “ οὐ φροντὶς ᾿Ιπποκλείδῃ ." ἀπὸ τούτου μὲν τοῦτο οὐνομάζεται. Κλεισθένης δὲ cup ποιησάμενος, ὄλεξε ἐς μέσον τάδε" “ἄνδρες παιδὸς τῆς ἐμῆς μνηστῆρες, ἐγὼ καὶ πάντας ὑμέας ἐπαινέω, καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν, εἰ οἷόν τε εἴη, χαρεζοέμην ἂν, μήτ᾽ ἕνα ὑμέων ἐξαίρετον ἀποκρίνων μήτε τοὺς λουποὺς ἀἁποδο- according to εὑ ἑάξων" ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ οἷά τέ ἐστι μιῆς πέρι παρθένου βουλεύοντα the Athe- nian rites, Clisthenes, the great reformer of the Athe- nian polity, πᾶσι κατὰ νόον ποιέειν, τοῖσι μὲν ὑμέων ἀπεέλαυνομένοισε τοῦδε τοῦ γάμου τάλαντον ἀργυρίου ἑκάστῳ δωρεὴν δίδωμι τῆς ἀξιώσιος εἵνεκα τῆς ἐξ ἐμεῦ γῆμαι, καὶ τῆς ἐξ οἴκον ἀποδημίης: τῷ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος Μεγακλέϊ "1 ἐγγυῶ παῖδα τὴν ἐμὴν ᾿Αγαρίστην, νόμοισι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίων" φαμένου δὲ ἐγγνᾶσθαςε Μεγακλέος, ἐκεκύρωτο ὁ γάμος Κλεισθένεϊ. ᾿Αμφὶ μὲν κρίσιος τῶν μνηστήρων τοσαῦτα ἐγένετο, καὶ οὕτω ᾿Αλκμαιωνίδαι ἐβώσθησαν ἀνὰ τὴν Ελλάδα" τούτων δὲ συνοικη- σάντων, γίνεται Κλεισθένης τε ὁ τὰς φυλὰς καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίην ᾿Αθηναίοισε καταστήσας, ἔχων τὸ οὔνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ μητροπάτορος τοῦ Σικυωνίου" οὗτός τε δὴ γίνεται Μεγακλέϊ, καὶ “Ἱπποκράτης. carried out with regard to the religious worship of Sicyon had something to do with his uneasy feelings on seeing Hippo- clides commence his performance. had severed the ritual of Adrastus into two parts, and appropriated the least im- portant—the choruses—to Dionysus; and it would seem that this was the only por- tion which the devotees of Adrastus could accept. (See v. 67, and note 172.) Hip- poclides therefore by what he did, even at the first, identified himself in a manner with that class of Clisthenes’s subjects for which he had the greatest dislike. 295 ἐχειρονόμησε. See note 351 on ii. He 121 296 οὐ φροντὶς Ἱπποκλείδῃ. The proper application of the proverb is to persons δ0 light-hearted, or careless, as to let no mis- fortune affect them even for a minute. 297 χῷ δὲ ᾿Αλκμαίωνος MeyaxAdi. The manuscripta M, P, K, F have merely Μεγακλέϊξ δέ. ERATO. VI. 180---188. 165 ἐκ δὲ “Ἱπποκράτεος, Μεγακλέης re ἄλλος, καὶ "Ayapiorn ἄλλη, whore , niece (also ἀπὸ τῆς Κλεισθένεος ‘Ayapiorns ἔχουσα τὸ οὔνομα" 4) συνοικήσασά called Aga- τε Ἐανθίππῳ τῷ ᾿Αρίφρονος καὶ ἔγκυος ἐοῦσα εἶδε ὄψιν ἐν τῷ the ‘ton inva ἐδόκεε δὲ λέοντα τεκεῖν" καὶ per ὀλύγας ἡμέρας Theres Περι- by Kanth. κλέα Ἐξανθίππῳ. tree Mera δὲ τὸ ἐν Μαραθῶνι τρῶμα γενόμενον, Μιλτιάδης καὶ πρό- 182 τερον εὐδοκιμέων παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοισι τότε μᾶλλον αὔξετο" αἰτήσας The infu. δὲ νέας ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ στρατιήν τε καὶ χρήματα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, tisdes is οὐ φράσας σφι ἐπ᾽ ἣν ἐπιστρατεύεται χώρην, ἀλλὰ φὰς αὐτοὺς ceed by καταπλουτιεῖν ἥν ot ὅπωνται ἐπὶ yap χώρην τοιαύτην δή τινα τὶ a: ἄξειν ὅθεν χρυσὸν εὐπετέως ἀφθονον οἴσονται' λέγων τοιαῦτα, αἴτεε τὰς νέας" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τούτοισε ἐπαρθέντες παρέδοσαν. Παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ Μωατιάδης τὴν στρατιὴν ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Πάρον, 133 πρόφασιν ἔχων ὡς οἱ Πάριοι ὑπῆρξαν πρότεροι στρατευύμενοι ταν erring τριήρεξ ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἅμα τῷ Πέρσῃ. (τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόσχημα scrapers λόγου tr ἀτάρ twa καὶ ὄγκοτον εἶχε τοῖσι Παρίοισι διὰ Λυσα- hips, with γόρεα τὸν Τισίρω, ἐόντα γένος Πάριον, διαβαλόντα μιν πρὸς — Ὑδάρνεα τὸν Πέρσην Ἶ3.) ἀπικόμενος δὲ és τὴν ἔπλεε ὁ Μιλτιάδης τῇ στρατιῇ ἐπολιόρκεε Παρίους, κατειλημένους ἐντὸς τεύχεος" καὶ ἐσπέμστων κήρυκα αἴτεε ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, φὰς, ἢν μή οἱ δῶσι, οὐκ ἀπαναστήσειν τὴν στρατιὴν πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλῃ σφέας" οἱ δὲ IT. dpiot ὅκως μέν τι δώσουσι Μιλτιάδῃ ἀργυρίου οὐδὲ διενοεῦντο' οἱ δὲ unenceess: ὅκως διαφυλάξουσι τὴν πόλιν τοῦτο ἐμηχανῶντο, ἄλλα τε ἐπι- os 8 AnisToTLE (Politic. v. p. 1304) speaks of the effect of the battle of Ma- rathon as having been to raise the influ- ence of the court of Areopagus, and in- crease the aristocratic character of the Athenian government, while, on the other hand, the feats of the ναυτικὸς ὄχλος at Salamis democratised it. The inhabitants of the Pirseus were, in his time, more de- mocratically inclined than those of the i (2b. v. p. 1308.) 708 πρὸς Ὑδάρνεα τὸν Tidpony. A Hy- darnes is mentioned in the narrative given below (vii. 135) as having the same com- mand on the coast of Asia Minor, which above (v. 26) is said to have been entrusted to Otanes. But Otanes does not appear to have been superseded until just before the first expedition of Mardonius,—and then, apparently, his command and that of others in the higher powers which he had received. See vi. 48. A year before this Miltiades had left the Chersonese ; 80 that the calumny in question must have taken place at an earlier period. But Otanes was appointed immediately after Darius’s return from Scythia, babes he left Sardis (v. 25). If therefore the stories belong to the same cycle of accounts, we must suppose Hy- darnes about the person of Darius before being appointed to his command, and in this capacity to have been influenced by Lysagoras. .A Hydarnes was one of the seven conspirators (iii. 70); but if he is the individual here meant, it is strange eas circumstance should not be men- tioned. Mardonius absorbing | | 134 The Parian account of the misfor- tune which befel him. 136 On his re- turn to 166 HERODOTUS φραζόμενοι καὶ τῇ pdduora ἔσκε ἑκάστοτε ἐπίμαχον τοῦ τείχεος, τοῦτο ἅμα νυκτὶ ἐξήρετο διπλήσιον τοῦ ἀρχαίου. Ἔς μὲν δὴ τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου οἱ πάντες “Ελληνες λέγουσι' τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτοὶ Πάριοι γενέσθαι ὧδε λέγουσι' Μιλτιάδῃ ἀπορέοντι ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους αἰχμάλωτον γυναῖκα, ἐοῦσαν μὲν Παρίην γένος, οὔνομα δέ οἱ εἶναι Τιμοῦν" elvas δὲ ὑποξζάκορον τῶν χθονίων θεῶν" ταύτην δὲ ἐλθοῦσαν ἐς ὄψιν Μιλτιάδεω συμβουλεῦσαί οἱ, εἰ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιέεται Πάρον ἑλεῖν, τὰ ἂν αὐτὴ ὑποθῆταε ταῦτα ποιέειν. μετὰ δὲ, τὴν μὲν ὑποθέσθαε, τὸν δὲ ἀπικόμενον ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλιος ἐόντα τὸ ἕρκος θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος ὑπερθορέειν, οὐ δυνάμενον τὰς θύρας ἀνοῖξαι" ὑπερθορόντα δὲ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὸ μέγαρον ὅ τι δὴ ποιήσοντα ἐντὸς, εἴτε κινήσοντά Te τῶν ἀκινήτων εἴτε ὅ τι δήποτε πρήξοντα' πρὸς τῇσι θύρῃσί τε γενέσθαι, καὶ πρόκατε ἢ φρίκης αὐτὸν ὑπελθούσης, ὀπίσω τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἵεσθαι κατα- θρώσκοντα δὲ τὴν αἱμασιὴν τὸν μηρὸν σπασθῆναι" οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ γόνυ προσπταῖσαι λέγουσι. Μιλτιάδης μέν νυν φλαύρως ἔχων ἀπέπλεε ὀπίσω, οὔτε χρήματα ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἄγων οὔτε Πάρον “προσκτησάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολιορκήσας τε 8E καὶ εἴκοσι ἡμέρας καὶ δηϊώσας τὴν νῆσον. Πάριοι δὲ πυθόμενοι ὡς ἡ ὑποζάκορος τῶν θεῶν Τιμὼ Μιλτιάδῃ κατηγήσατο "5, βουλόμενοί μὲν ἀντὶ τούτων τιμωρήσασθαι, θεοπρόπους πέμπουσι ἐς Δελφοὺς, ὥς σφεας ἡσυχίη τῆς πολιορκίης ἔσχε' ἔπεμπον δὲ ἐπειρησομένους εἰ καταχρήσονται τὴν ὑποζάκορον τῶν θεῶν ὡς ἐξηγησαμένην τοῖσι ἐχθροῖσι τῆς πατρίδος ἅλωσιν, καὶ τὰ ἐς ἔρσενα γόνον ἄρρητα ἱρὰ ἐκφήνασαν *™ Marriddy ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐκ ἔα, daca, οὐ Τιμοῦν εἶναι τὴν αἰτίην τούτων, ἀλλὼ δεῖν γὰρ Μιλτιάδεα τελευτᾶν μὴ εὖ, φανῆναί οἱ τῶν κακῶν κατηγεμόνα' Παρίοισι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἡ Πυθίη ἔχρησε. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐκ Πάρου. Μιλτιάδεα ἀπονοστήσαντα ἔσχον ἐν στό- μασι οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ μάλιστα Ἐάνθιππος ὁ ᾿Αρίφρονος 5. ὃς 399 πρόκατε. This form of πρόκα is have ‘instructed Miltiades what course found four times in Herodotus. See note 892 oni. 111. 300 καθηγήσατο. See note 16] on ii. 49, and that on vii. 183. 801 ἐκφήνασαν, “ 85 having exhibited.’ The difference between the office of the ἐξηγήτης and the ἱεροφάντης is well shown by this sentence. Timo was supposed to to pursue” (ἐξηγήσασθαι) in order to capture Paros, but to have “ exhibited ”’ (ἐκφῇναι) to him the sacred symbols, which no male might behold. See note ERATO. VI. 134—137. 167 θανάτου ὑπωγαγὼν" ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον Μιλτιάδεα ἐδίωκε τῆς ᾿Α4.θη- Athens his ναίων ἀπάτης εἵνεκεν Μιλτιάδης δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν παρεὼν οὐκ ἀπε- deavour to λογέετο' ἦν γὰρ ἀδύνατος ὥστε σηπομένου τοῦ μηροῦ προκειμένου sad partially δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν κλένῃ ὑπεραπολογέοντο οἱ φίλοι, τῆς μάχης τε τῆς ἐν sa Μαραθῶνι γενομένης πολλὰ ἐπιμεμνημένοι καὶ τὴν Δήμνου alpe- ow, ὡς ἑλὼν Δῆμνόν τε καὶ τισάμενος τοὺς Πελασγοὺς παρ- édwxe ᾿Αθηναίοισι. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἀπόλυσιν τοῦ θανάτου ", ζημιώσαντος δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀδικίην πεντή- κοντὰ ταλάντοισι, Μιλτιάδης μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα σφακελίσαντός τε ! τοῦ μηροῦ καὶ σαπέντος τελευτᾷ, τὰ δὲ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα ἐξέτισε ὁ πάϊς αὐτοῦ Κίμων. “Δῆμνον δὲ Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κίμωνος ὧδε ἔσχε: Πελασγοὶ, ἐπεί re 137 ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐξεβλήθησαν, εἴτε ὧν δὴ δικαίως rela εἴτε ἀδίκως" (τοῦτο γὰρ οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι πλὴν τὰ λεγόμενα") [ὅτι tle “Exataios*™ μὲν ὁ ἩΗγησάνδρου ἔφησε ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι λέγων obtained ἀδίκως" ἐπεί τε γὰρ ἰδεῖν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τὴν χώρην, τήν σφισι of Lemnos. αὐτοῖσι" ὑπὸ τὸν Ὑμησσὸν ἐοῦσαν ἔδοσαν οἰκῆσαι μισθὸν τοῦ 8 ὕὑπαγαγών. The MSS vary between resenting it as a feat of vengeance for this and the simple form. The latter is offences committed against the Athenians found without any variation in § 104: long before,—as ἑλὼν, κιτιλ, See note ὑκὸ δικαστήριον αὐτὸν ἀγαγόντες, and the former in § 82: νοστήσαντα δέ μιν ὑκ- ἢγον οἱ ἐχθροὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς ἐφόρους. 303 γὴν Λήμνου αἵρεσιν. These words in the accusative case, coupled (as they conceived) with a genitive, τῆς μάχης τῇς ἐν M., have caused some discussion among the commentators, which perhaps was aided by the injudicious punctuation. But there is no difficulty at all in the pas- sage if a comma only be placed after alpe- ow. Translate: ‘ His friends made a defence for him, in which they both fre- quently introduced a reference to the battle at Marathon, and spoke of the capture of Lemnos, how that he took Lemnos, and after punishing the Pelasgians, made the island over to the Athenians.’’ Τὴν Δή- μνον αἵρεσιν is what has sometimes been called the accusativus de quo. The friends of Miltiades did not make that topic the staple of their argument, as they did the battle of Marathon. If they had, Hero- dotus would have written τῆς Λήμνου alpéoews. But they gave a turn to the fact of his having captured Lemnos, by 315 on § 140, below. 8. If PLato may be trusted, his escape was 8 very narrow one. Μιλτιάδην δὲ τὸν ἐν Μαραθῶνι εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμβαλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ εἰ μὴ διὰ τὸν πρύτανιν, ἐνέπεσεν ἄν. (Gorgias, § 163.) 8.4 ὅτι “Ἑκαταῖος μὲν, «.7T.A. I have included the remainder of this section between brackets, not from any notion of its being spurious, but because it seems undoubtedly to be of the nature of a note, although not improbably from the hand of the author himself. 305 σφισι αὐτοῖσι. It has been pro- posed to erase αὐτοῖσι, or to read αὐτοὶ, referring it to the Athenians. But it is to be observed that here a statement is being copied from Hecateeus’s work ; and if He- cateeus gave the account as the Pelasgian one, making them tell the story (by intro- ducing it with some such phrase as ὡς δὲ Λήμνιοι λέγουσι), σφισιν αὐτοῖσι, ‘‘ themselves,”” would be the proper ex- pression to use. The same explanation will account for the use of αὐτοὺς below, i.e. ‘the Pelasgians.”’ 198 168 HERODOTUS τείχεος τοῦ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολίν κοτε ἐληλαμένου ταύτην ὡς ety τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐξεργασμένην εὖ, τὴν πρότερον εἶναι "5 κακήν τε καὶ τοῦ μηδενὸς ἀξίην, λαβεῖν φθόνον τε καὶ ἵμερον τῆς γῆς, καὶ οὕτω ἐξελαύνειν αὐτοὺς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην πρόφασιν προϊσχομένους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, δικαίως ἐξελάσαε" κατοικημένους γὰρ τοὺς Πελασγοὺς ὑπὸ τῷ Ὑμησσῷ, ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμεωμένους ἀδικέειν τάδε' φοιτᾶν γὰρ αἰεὶ τὰς σφετέρας θυγα- τέρας τε καὶ τοὺς “ταῖδας “ ἐπ᾽ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Εννεάκρουνον ““ (οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσε ἄλλοισι “Ελλησι οἰκέτας") ὅκως δὲ ἔλθοιεν αὗται, τοὺς Πελασγοὺς ὑπὸ ὕβριός τε καὶ ὀλυγωρίης βιᾶσθαΐ σφεας" καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι σφίσι οὐκ ἀποχρᾶν ποιέειν, ἀλλὰ τέλος καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ἐπιχειρήσειν φανῆναι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ' ἑωυτοὺς δὲ γενέσθαι τοσούτῳ ἐκείνων ἄνδρας ἀμείνονας, ὅσῳ παρεὸν αὐτοῖσι ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς Πελασγοὺς (ἐπεί σφεας ἔλαβον ἐπιβουλεύοντας) οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι, ἀλλά σφι προειπεῖν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξιέναι" τοὺς δὲ οὕτω δὴ ἐκχωρήσαντας, ἄλλα τε σχεῖν χωρία καὶ δὴ καὶ Λῆμνον. ἐκεῖνα μὲν δὴ “Ἑκαταῖος ἔλεξε, ταῦτα δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι.) Oi δὲ Πελασγοὶ οὗτοι Δῆμνον τότε νεμόμενοι, καὶ βουλόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τιμωρήσασθαι, εὖ τε ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων ὁρτὰς, πεντηκοντέρους στησάμενοι ἐλόχησαν ᾿Αρτέμιδι ἐν Βραυρῶνι ἀγούσας ὁρτὴν τὰς τῶν ᾿Αθη- ναίων γυναῖκας" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἁρπάσαντες τουτέων πολλὰς οἴχοντο ἀποπλέοντες" καί σφεας ἐς Λῆμνον ἀγαγόντες παλλακὰς εἶχον" ὡς δὲ τέκνων αὗται αἱ γυναῖκες ὑπεπλήσθησαν, γλῶσσάν τε τὴν 800 τὴν πρότερον εἶναι. This expres- sion has caused some difficulty to the commentators from their not remarking that τὴν is the relative pronoun, not the article. 307 One manuscript (S) omits the words καὶ τοὺς waidas, and Schafer and Bekker not only omit them, but the particle re which precedes them. But there seems no sufficient reason for this proceeding. No doubt the practice in antiquity was for the women of the family to be ὑδροφόροι. Here however the additional words do not oppose this fact. Translate: ‘“ Their daughters with the children used to go after water.”” That Herodotus considered the daughters as the important feature in the story is evident from the gender of σφετέρας, and of αὖται two lines below. 308 ἐπὶ τὴν "Evvedxpovvor. Tuucy- Dives speaks of this spring, which was called Callirrhoe originally, as being in the oldest part of the city with the exception of the acropolis (if. 15). It is to be looked for under the south-eastern part of the hill. It was beautified by the Pisistratids, and from its separation into nine outlets got the name of Enneacrunus. 309 καὶ δὴ καὶ Λῆμνον. From Lemnos (according to the tradition followed in iv. 145) they expelled the grandchildren of the Argonauts, who thereupon went as suppliants to Taygetum. ERATO. VI. 138—140. 169 ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ τρόπους τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐδίδασκον τοὺς παῖδαφ' οἱ δὰ οὔτε συμμίσγεσθαι τοῖσε ἐκ τῶν Πελασγίδων γυναικῶν παισὶ ἤθελον, εἴ τε τύπτοιτό τις αὐτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τινὸς, ἐβοήθεόν τε πάντες καὶ ἐτιμώρεον ἀλλήλοισι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἄρχειν τε τῶν παίδων ot παῖδες ἐδικαίευν, καὶ πολλὸν ἐπεκράτεον μαθόντες δὲ ταῦτα οἱ Πελασγοὶ δωντοῖσε λόγους ἐδίδοσαν: καί σφισε βουλενομένοισι δεινόν τε ἐσέδυνε, εἰ δὴ διωγινώσκοιεν σφίσι τε βοηθέειν οἱ παῖδες πρὸς τῶν κουριδιέων γυναικῶν “ τοὺς παῖδας, καὶ τούτων αὐτίκα ἄρχειν πειρῴατο, τί δὴ ἀνδρωθέντες δῆθεν ποιήσουσι ; ἐνθαῦτα ἔδοξέ σφι κτείνειν τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αττικέων γυναικῶν" ποιεῦσι δὴ ταῦτα, προσαπολλύουσι δέ σφεων καὶ τὰς μητέρας. ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοῦ épyou"™ καὶ τοῦ προτέρου τούτων τὸ ἐργάσαντο αἱ γυναῖκες τοὺς ἅμα Θόαντι ἄνδρας σφετέρους ἀποκτείνασαι, νενόμισται ἀνὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὰ σχέτλια ἔργα πάντα “Δήμνια καλέεσθαι. ᾿Αποκτείνασι δὲ τοῖσε Πελασγοῖσι τοὺς σφετέρους 139 παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας, οὔτε γῆ καρπὸν ἔφερε οὔτα γυναῖκές τε καὶ ποῖμναι ὁμοίως ἔτικτον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ' πιεζόμενοι δὲ λιμῷ τε καὶ ἀπαιδίῃ, ἐς Δελφοὺς ἔπεμπον λύσιν τινὰ αἰτησόμενοι τῶν Trapedy- τῶν κακῶν" ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευε ᾿Αθηναίοισι δίκας διδόναι ταύτας τὰς ἂν αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι δικάσωσι. ἦλθόν τε δὴ ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας οἱ Πέλασγοὶ, καὶ δίκας ἐπωγγέλλοντο βουλόμενοι διδόναι παντὸς τοῦ ἀδικήματος ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐν τῷ πρυτανηΐῳ κλίνην στρώσαντες as εἶχον κάλλιστα, καὶ τράπεζαν ἐπιπλέην ἀγαθῶν πάντων παραθέντες, ἐκέλευον τοὺς Πελασγοὺς τὴν χώρην σφίσι ππαραδιδόναε οὕτω ὄχουσαν' οἱ δὲ Πελασγοὶ ὑπολαβόντες εἶταν" “ ἐπεὰν βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ αὐτημερὸν νηῦς ἐξανύσῃ ἐκ τῆς ὑμετέρης ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην, τότε παραδώσομεν"" τοῦτο εἶπαν, ἐπιστάμενοι τοῦτο εἶναι ἀδύνατον γενέσθαι" ἡ γὰρ ᾿Αττικὴ πρὸς νότον κέεται πολλὸν τῆς Δήμνου. τότε μὲν τοσαῦτα' ἔτεσι δὲ κάρτα πολλοῖσι, 140 sie ἑέων γυναικῶν. Bee note 463 neighbours of the Athenians, see note 150 on i. 135. on fi. 61. Another origin still may be 311 ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοῦ ἔργου. It is not assigned to the proverb. Lenenos was a difficult to see that Herodotus is here fol- name of the μεγάλη θεὸς, and virgins were lowing 8 popular Attic tradition. The early habitually sacrificed to her. (STEPHANUS pride of the children is a feature showing ByzaNnrTinus, sud v. Λῆμνος, apparently the Athenian origin of the legend. For following Hecateeus.) another tradition relative to the Pelasgian VOL. II. Ζ 170 ὕστερον τούτων *” HERODOTUS , ὡς ἡ Χερσόνησος ἡ ἐν “Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἐγένετο ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοισι 5, Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κίμωνος, ἐτησιέων ἀνέμων κατ- εστηκότων νηϊ κατανύσας ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος τοῦ ἐν Χερσονήσῳ ἐς “Δῆμνον, προηγόρευε ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς νήσου τοῖσι Πελαυσγοῖσε, ἀνα- μιμνήσκων σφέας τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ οὐδαμὰ ἤλπισαν σφίσι οἱ Πελασγοὶ ἐπιτέλέεσθαι. ᾿Ηφαιστιέες "" μέν νυν ἐπείθοντο" Μυρι- ναῖοι δὲ οὐ σνγγινωσκόμενοι εἶναι τὴν Χερσόνησον ᾿Αττικὴν ἔπο- λιορκέοντο, ἐς ὃ καὶ αὐτοὶ παρέστησαν" οὕτω δὴ τὴν Δῆμνον ἔσχον ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε καὶ Μιλτιάδης *™. 812 ἔγχεσι κάρτα πολλοῖσι ὕστερον τού- των. The outrage upon the Athenian women was conceived to have taken place in the third generation after the Argonautic expedition. (See the note 309 on § 137.) Miltiades’s justification of an act of vio- lence by the plea of a mythical event sup- posed to have taken place centuries before, is quite in keeping with the feeling of pagan antiquity to its very close. Tacitus makes the Asiatic cities, when pleading for certain privileges before the Roman senate, urge mythical tales of their origin as an argument. The /£tolians too were said to have obtained the privilege of self- government from the Romans, on the ground that their ancestors, alone of all the Greeks, had abstained from joining the expedition against Troy. (STRABO, x. p. 348.) But the mediseval history of Eng- land furnishes a perfectly parallel case. ‘In a dispute which took place during the reign of Edward I. between England and Scotland, the descent of the kings of England from Brute the Trojan was solemnly embodied in a document put forth to sustain the rights of the crown of England, as an argument bearing on the case then in discussion, and it passed without attack from the opposing party.” (Grote, History of Greece, i. p- 639.) 313 ὡς ἡ Χερσόνησος... ἐγένετο bx’ ᾿Αθη- ναίοισι. This is the form under which Athenian vanity, after the complete esta- blishment of the popular government, was disposed to represent the dynasty of Mil- tiades. Compare the account (probably from family tradition) which Herodotus gives above, § 39. A precisely similar perversion of historical truth appears in the case of Sigeum. See note 271 on v. 94, and 276 on v. 95. 814 ‘Hoaorides. See note 372 on iv. 145. 315 οὕτω δὴ τὴν Λῆμνον ἔσχον ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε καὶ Μιλτιάδης. A curious passage is pre- served in StrepHanvus BYZANTINUS (sud v. Ἡφαιστία) which throws remarkable light on this transaction. CHaARrax in his Chronica related the capture of the Myri- neeans by Miltiades, and added: τῶν δ᾽ Ἡφαιστιέων τύραννος ὧν φοβηθεὶς τὴν δύναμιν ἔφη χαριζόμενος τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις φίλοις οὖσιν ἐμπεδοῦν τὰ ὁμολογηθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν Πελασγῶν, καὶ ἀμαχεὶ παρέδωκε τὴν πόλιν. Valcknaer supposes that in the word ὧν exist the relics of Ἕρμων (of whom it is related that the expression Ἑρμώνειος χάρις became a proverb from the circumstance that he βασιλεύων τῶν Πελασγῶν ἐξέστη τῆς χώρας, TH μὲν ἀλη- θείᾳ τοῦ Δαρείου τὴν δύναμιν φοβηθεὶς, προσποιησάμενος δὲ ἑκὼν διδόναι τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις τὴν χάριν. ZENOBIA, Prov. Cent. iii. 85). But it is quite a gratuitous assumption that Hermon was tyrant of Pelasgians in Lemnos. He might have been so of those in Imbros (see v. 26), or those in Scylace or Placie, or several other places in the neighbourhood of the Hel- lespont. But as applied to Miltiades, the matter admits of a very plausible solution. When the revolt against Darius stimulated by Aristagoras broke out, Lemnos was under Persian rule, and Lycaretus, bro- ther of Mzeandrius, satrap there (v. 27). The Ionians having for the moment com- mand of the seas (v. 103), of course cut off all communication between Lemnos and Imbros and the main, and this gave an excellent opportunity to Miltiades (of which it can hardly be doubted he took advantage) to pounce upon the island from his eyrie in the Chersonese. The Lem- nians, having no common intereat with ERATO. the Ionians, would find no sympathy from the allies, and Miltiades would be enabled to secure his prize as the price of his ad- hesion to the revolution. When the over- whelming Persian force at last obliged him to take refuge in Athens, the jealousy of the Alcmzonids would be excited by his presence, and they would endeavour to fix a charge upon him of having played the dynast in the Chersonese (§ 104), a charge which the contrast between Lemnos and the Ionian cities, whose tyrants were expelled (v. 37), would be a most power- fal argument to confirm. But his pre- VI. 140. 171 sence of mind did not fail him. He ad- mitted the fact of his being dynast over the Hepheestians, but pleaded that this δύναμις (an euphemism for δυναστεία») was what clinched (ἐμπεδοῦν) the sur- render of the Pelasgians. He was only the instrument of fulfilling the omen! Lemnos belonged to the Athenians! Such a coup as this would naturally lead not only to his acquittal, but his immediate election as στρατηγός. (See note 238 on § 104.) Hermon was less fortunate or less shrewd. ‘“HPOAOTOT ‘LETOPION ἝΚΤΗ. EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. Kal ἣν yap ὁ Μαραθὼν ἐπιτηδεώτατον χωρίον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐνιππεῦσαι καὶ ἀγχοτάτω τῆς Ἐρετρίης, ἐς τοῦτό σφι κατηγέετο Ἱππίης ὁ Πεισι- στράτεω. There are several points connected with the account of the battle of Marathon which are very difficult to explain. CoLoNEL LEaxe has employed a chapter of the Appendix to his work on Athens and the Demi of Attica in the examination of them, but has not, in my opinion, altogether cleared up the subject. One difficulty, perhaps the greatest of all, arises from the circum- stance that although Hippias, who acted as guide to the invading army, 18 expressly stated to have selected Marathon as the point for debarkation, partly from its adaptation to the employment of ca- valry,—an arm in which the Persians were notoriously superior,—no mention of the use of cavalry appears in the account of the engage- ment. And that, from some cause or other, the invaders were not able to avail themselves of the advantage they possessed in this re- spect, may be inferred from the proverbial expression χωρὶς ἱππεῖς (“the cavalry are away’’), which, according to Sumas (sud v.), arose from the very fact of their absence at the time of the engage- ment, and of the advantage which the Athenians derived from the knowledge of that circumstance. Colonel Leake accounts for this, as well as for some other features in the narrative of Herodotus, by imputing to the Persian com- manders an amount of imbecility which nothing but the strongest EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. 173 direct testimony would warrant. He supposes that on landing their cavalry, and finding that there was “insufficient space for them in the plain of Marathon within the marshes, they were placed in some neighbouring plain, without any means of passing either those bar- riers or the mountains ; and that on the day of action they were not even within sight of it.” He also remarks it as a very difficult thing to explain, why the Persians should have remained inactive during the nme complete days which elapsed between the moment when the Athenians arrived in the presence of the enemy and the time of the battle. “It is even difficult to conceive (he says) how it happened that with such numbers as ancient authors have ascribed to them, and straitened for room as they must have been in the plain of Marathon, they did not spread on every side, until they had gradually occupied all the hills around the plain, had ascertained the weakness of their adversaries, and had found the means of surrounding and attacking them on the flanks and rear. But it is clear from Hero- dotus that no such consequences took place; that the invaders did not even venture to penetrate into the valley of Marathdna, which was open to them; but that they remained irresolute in their mari- time position until the Athenians attacked them.” That the Persians expected to fight almost immediately upon their landing seems likely from the part taken by Hippias on that occasion. He himeelf at once drew up the troops on the debarkation being effected,—and so little did he appear to consider success certain, that he prudently got the ships afloat (probably by carrying a hawse off ) as soon as ever they touched the beach (καταγομένας ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα τὰς νέας ὥρμιζε οὕτως, § 107). These provisions indicate a cautious temper rather than an irresolute one. WHippias, if he expected to be attacked while the debarkation was going on, took the most judicious measures to defend himself. The bowmen from the shipa, they riding in just enough water to float them, could have effectually covered the troops while forming on the beach, and, in the event of their being driven back by the Greeks, would have very much facili- tated their re-embarkation. That in fact they did this on the day of the engagement is very likely, from the circumstance, that in spite of the asserted panic-flight of the Persians, the victors succeeded in capturing only seven vessels. Now, as Herodotus goes into these details of the mode of debark- 174 EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. ation, it is remarkable that he should say nothing of the landing of the horses,—an extremely difficult operation at all times in the face of an enemy,—and an especially interesting one on this occasion, 85. the adaptation of the plain for cavalry is explicitly stated to be Hip- pias’s motive for selecting the site he did. I believe the real reason of this omission is, that in fact no horses in any numbers were yet landed. They had been debarked at Eretria, as Herodotus mentions (§ 101), little more than a week before, and there, I conceive, they still remained. There was no difficulty found in landing them fhere ; for the power of the Eretrians was, at least in their own opinion, so inferior to that of the Persians, that the former had no thoughts of resisting in any other way than by shutting themselves up within their own walls' (§ 101). But now the question occurs, why should not the cavalry have been carried at once to Marathon? They were not so, I conceive, because of the much greater difficulty of landing them in the face of an opposing force such as Hippias’s proceeding shows him to have anticipated. His plan apparently was in the first instance to form a lodgment on the coast, by means of which he might cover the landing of the cavalry, without fear of an attack during the operation. This preliminary step having been effected, intelligence could easily be sent to Eubea, and the horses transported from the good quar- ters in which they had been left in the country of the Hippobots, to the barren hills of Attica, exactly at the time when their services would be required. If, instead of maintaining their important posi- tion at the temple of Heracles, the Athenians had retreated upon Athens, Hippias would doubtless have done as his father did under similar circumstances forty-seven years before; he would himself have occupied the position evacuated by them. He would then have sent for his cavalry ; and on their arrival have moved up the valley and entered the plain of Athens. But the position of the Greeks seems — to have been so skilfully selected as to present an almost impregnable barrier to the invaders, so long as there remained resolution to maintain it. The plain of Marathon is enclosed by the heights of 1 Perhaps it is to this circumstance the taunt of Themistocles alludes (PLuTarcn. Themist. § 11): τοῦ δ᾽ ’Eperpidws πειρωμένου λέγειν τι πρὸς αὐτὸν, ““ ἦ γὰρ, ἔφη, καὶ ὑμῖν περὶ πολέμον τίς ἐστι λόγος, οἵ ceil al τευθίδες μάχαιραν μὲν ἔχετε, καρδίαν δὲ οὐκ ἔχετε ;᾽ EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. 175 Diacria and Brilessus, the roots of which extend to the sea, forming respectively the northern and southern boundaries of the bay. To- wards the interior the plain branches off into two valleys, flanked and separated from one another by mountains inaccessible to cavalry, and in which the positions become stronger at every step, until they meet in one point at the modern Stamdta, near the upper part of the plain of Athens. In the southernmost of these two valleys is a small vil- lage, called at the present day Vrand, which Colonel Leake, on appa- rently good grounds, identifies with the site of the ancient Marathon. About a mile nearer the sea this valley debouches into the plain of Marathon, and here Leake has seen reason to fix the site of the Heracleum in the precinct of which the Athenians were encamped. Their right rested upon the hill of Argaltk: (a part of Brilessus), and their left was protected by Mount Koéréni, an insulated hill of no great height, but extremely rugged, which separates the two valleys above mentioned. Thus posted, the army of Miltiades effectually stopped all access to the plain of Athens by the nearest road, which ran through Vrana and Stamata. But their position appears to have been taken up not merely with this view, but also for the purpose of defending another means of access to the city. The roots of Brilessus which form the southern boundary of Marathon fall so gradually as to present no very defensible impediment to the communication between the plain of Marathon and the plain of Mesogea, and Athens might be reached by a road over these, passing through Gar- gettus and Pallene. (In the view of many this is the road by which Pisistratus marched upon Athens from Marathon.) But a glance at the map shows that while the Athenian force was posted at the Hera- cleum, no body of troops could move by this road without exposing their right flank and rear to them. And although the roots of Brilessus are not so steep as to present an inaccessible barrier, they are at this time, and doubtless were at the time of the engagement, covered with low pine-trees and brushwood ; and the road itself, at its debouchment from the plain, not a mile and a half to the south of the Heracleum, passes between the mountains and a marsh. With an army so posted as that of the Athenian general, a few judiciously placed abatis, formed of trees cut down and laid with their heads towards the enemy, might be converted into a quite sufficient ob- stacle to prevent his march by this road in the presence of an enemy 176 EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. on the vulnerable flank. And this is perhaps the operation which is obscurely indicated in the account of CornrLius Nsros*, and alluded to by CLEm=nt of ALEXANDRIA’. Under these circumstances it is perhaps more a matter of wonder that the Greeks should have assumed the offensive, as they at last did, than that the Persians should not have done so at an earlier period. Both of the proceedings, however, seem to me to admit of an explanation from the fact which Miltiades pressed upon the con- sideration of the polemarch Callimachus, in order to bring him over to his own view‘. A strong Pisistratid faction still existed in Attica, and the establishment of a formidable Persian army in a corner of the territory would naturally, so soon as it was generally known, become the signal for these to show themselves in the most useful way possible under such circumstances, viz. by assembling a force to co-operate with the invading army. Now, I have above’ endeavoured. to show that the interests of the Pisistratids were especially strong in that part of Mesogea which lay on the eastern side of Hymettus, and to explain, from that consideration, the singular account which Herodotus gives of the details of the battle at Pallene, which restored Pisistratus to his throne after his second exile. Hippias, no doubt well recollecting the success of his father’s plan of operations adopted on the former occasion, pursues exactly the same course. Content with establishing himself in force on the bay of Marathon, he waits for a demonstration on the part of his friends in Attica of sufficient importance to menace the communication of Miltiades with the city. Had this taken place, and the position which kept him in * jus auctoritate impulsi Athenienses copias ex urbe eduxerunt, locoque idoneo castra fecerunt: deinde postero die sub montis radicibus acie e regione instructé, novd arte, vi sammé proeliam commiserunt, namque arbores multis locis erant rarse: hoc consilio, ut e¢ montium tegerentur altitudine, et arborum tract equitatus hostium im- pediretur, ne multitudine clauderentur. (Miltiades, § 5.) In the place of rere, which — has been thought corrupt, Van Staueren proposes to read strate or sata. But the expression seems to mean “in patches,” which gives a sufficient sense; although it does not clear up the nature of the use made of the trees. 5 ἤγαγε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους νύκτωρ δὲ ἀνοδίας βαδίσας καὶ πλανήσας τοὺς τηροῦντας αὐτὸν τῶν βαρβάρων. .. καὶ τοὺς ἐπικαίρους τῶν τόπων προκαταλαβόμενος ἐφύλαττεν, διὰ τὸ τῆς χώρας ἔχειν τὴν ἐμπειρίαν. (Stromata, i. § 162.) * ἣν μέν νυν μὴ συμβάλωμεν, ἕλπομαί τινα στάσιν μεγάλην ἐμπεσοῦσαν διασείσειν τὰ ᾿Αθηναίων φρονήματα, ὥστε μηδίσαι (ξ 109). 5. See note 194 on i. ὅθ; 201 on i. 60; 210, 211 on i. 62. EXOCURSUS ΟΝ VI. 102. 177 cheek been abandoned, the cavalry would at once have been brought from Euboa, and would have destroyed the Athenian army upon overtaking it either in the plain of Athens, or that of Mesogma. Herodotus, by the way in which he describes the difference of opinion among the ten generals, namely, that it was a simple ques- tion whether they should engage the enemy or not, leaves the reader strangely puzzled to account for the conduct of Miltiades, who, although four of his nine colleagues * resigned their command to him, and although he had won over the polemarch to his side by strongly representing the necessity of striking a blow before any internal rot- tenness should disclose itself, yet delayed to engage until the fifth day after he had the power of doing so. To account for this by sup- posing that he waited for his own regular turn, in order to prevent the possibility of any rival claim to the credit of a victory which he foresaw would follow, appears to me a notion which could never have arisen before the event. But if the real alternative at issue with the . Athenian generals was, not whether they should provoke the invaders to fight or retain their position of defence ; but, whether they should persist at any cost in holding their strong position, or fall back on the city’, the conduct of Miltiades becomes quite intelligible. We may suppose him each day drawing out his force in front of his lines, and thus stopping all access to the interior by the southern road, as well as by that up the valley. The invaders in their turn forming a longer line by means of their superior numbers, keep him effec- tually in check (as they conceive), he not being able to move for- ward to attack them without being outflanked. But the experience of four days convincing him that they, on these grounds, expect nothing less than an attack by him; on the fifth he attempts to strike, and succeeds in striking, a fatal blow, by suddenly extending his line (at the price of weakening his centre), and rapidly attacking the enemy before they have time to make a counter movement. The 6 Not ali, as Mr. Gnors assumes. Herodotus says it was those who voted with him for fighting (τῶν ἡ γνώμη ἔφερε συμβάλλειν). 7 This very question perhaps lies at the bottom of ΝΈΡΟΒ᾽ Β statement of the matter. “ Inter quos (scil. decem preetores) magna fuit contentio, utrum mamibus se defende- rent, an obviam trent hostibus acieque decernerent.”” The writer apparently supposes the council of war to be held at Athens, but has no definite notion on the subject of the locality. (Miltiades, § 4.) VOL. II. 2A 178 EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. flower of the invading army—the Persians and Sacans, who were posted in the centre—broke that part of the Athenian line which was opposed to them; but these had a strong position to fall back upon, whereas the wings of the enemy were totally ruined and over- whelmed in the marshes, into which they rushed headlong in the pantie of the moment *. At this stage of the proceeding Herodotus’s description offers | another difficulty. According to him the two victorious wings of the Athenians united, and, without pursuing that portion of the invading army which had given way, turned at once upon the Persians and Sacans, who had pursued their own centre quite into the interior (és τὴν μεσόγαιαν). However little this expression be strained, we cannot take it to mean less than that the pursuit had extended con- siderably up one or both of the two narrow valleys which converge at Stamfta; so that when the new attack was made upon them the Persian centre must in a manner have been caught in a trap, with the victorious Athenians and Platewans between them and their ships. To reach these they must in fact have forced their way through their new opponents,—a work doubtless of difficulty, but not impossible for highly disciplined troops ; especially as their opponents, after all their success against the wings, might think it much more expedient to harass a retreating enemy than to force him to desperation. The whole number of ships captured in the re-embarkation is only seven, little more than the hundredth part of the fleet, and the whole loss of men but 6400,—an utterly inconceivable result, if we are to suppose (what Herodotus’s description would imply) at least twenty times that number flying in confusion before a victorious enemy, and re- embarking on a line of coast of not more than two miles in length °*. 8. In the painted portico at Athens the destruction of the invaders in this way formed a prominent feature. They were depicted φεύγοντες καὶ ἐς τὸ ἕλος ὠθοῦντες ἀλλήλους. (Pavsanras, i. 15. 3.) Here was doubtless the good service rendered to the Athenians by the god Pan, the nature of which is not stated by Herodotus, although he speaks of the reward which was rendered for it (§ 105). But afterwards, when Marathon had become to the Athenians very much what Agincourt became to the English, a discreet silence as to the marshes seems to have been observed ; and there is nothing in Herodotus’s narrative even to indicate the nature of the locality, although it is so conspicuous as at once to attract the attention of a traveller. ® Sir Arthur Wellesley consumed the greater part of three days in landing 13,000 British troops, under the most favourable circumstances, in the Mondego river on August 1—8, 1808. Of the operation he himself says, ‘‘ The landing is accompsnied EXCURSUS ON VI. 102. 179 The design which is attributed to the Persians of surprising Athens, before the return of the army which had just foiled them in the plain of Marathon, is another feature in the narrative of Hero- dotus which harmonizes well with the view that the Persians and Sacans retreated mm comparatively good order, and for the most part got safe on board their vessels; but it combines very ill with the notion that they had saved themselves in 8 precipitate flight. Such a scheme could never occur to a commander whose whole force had been routed, and demoralized to the extent which a complete defeat imphes. But although, in my opinion, the description given by Herodotus of this celebrated action cannot possibly be received as an accurate account of its real circumstances, it appears to be a most faithful re- flection of the opinions which in his time currently prevailed upon the subject at Athens. It is in all ages the habit of the vulgar to regard great military successes as the result of merely superior prowess ; consequently popular tradition rapidly drops all those par- ticulars of a battle which evince strategic genius, and substitutes for them exaggerated accounts of personal bravery. Few Englishmen can endure to acknowledge the share which the Prussians had in the complete victory at Waterloo; although the nature of the ground alone proves conclusively to the eye even of a civilian, that their co- operation must have entered into the original design of the illustrious commander of the British. There can be no wonder therefore if the consummate skill of Miltiades in seizing the only conditions under which victory could be hoped for, soon became a less satisfactory way of accounting for his success, than the principle that one Athenian was a match for ten, twenty, or even sixty Persians; and if the story of the action soon took a corresponding shape ™*. One other circumstance may be pointed out confirmatory of the above remarks. Pavsawn1as, when he visited the field of Marathon, seems to have been puzzled to account for the circumstance, that with some difficulties even here, and would be quite impossible if we had not the cor. dial assistance of the country, notwithstanding the zeal and abilities of the officers of the navy.” Gurwoop (Selections from Dispatches, No. 233). 19 The jealousy which would have been excited by the truer view of the matter may be guessed from the story told by PLutancu (Cimon, § 8). The sentiment of Sochares of Decelea : ὅταν μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίον, was doubtless shared by all the ἄνδρες Μαραθωνομάχαι. 2a 180 EXCURSUS ΟΝ VI.. 102. although the barrows which respectively covered the Athenians, the Plateans, and the slaves who fell in the action, were conspicuous objects, there was no indication of where the Persians were buried. That the corpses were covered with earth he makes no doubt: com- mon humanity would prevent their being left exposed. The solution of the difficulty with which he contents himself at last ia, that they were buried here and there as they fell". But, as a mere question of labour, it is obvious that the digging a single pit requires far less time than s multitude of separate graves. The fact apparently is, that the loss of the Persians consisted almost entirely of the fugitives who perished in the marshes, for whom therefore no grave waa requisite. 11 ji, $2. 5. 12 This is, in fact, stated by Pavsanras as a current belief (i. 32. 7). PENT Ih 2Cs0aa βάρ ον Ψ eyrangy wpe] EE cet ek ἂς = : ee ao Bs Sere wae παι - Se SN a ey, te fen elk A τοις, ὃς ES πιο eed oovve | ϑωσυ. 6ῸὃΟ over Ὁ 7 ἊΣ “ΗΠ. JO o7TRA σῳ μην “UM pew κι. σιν τ) ὁ Γ ra ee aaa | 7 ττττ τ Ἵ a , ἣν OTT) “9 γισιώσιω OM Ἀν “πᾳ δῷ} so sua ‘OTB aes yorOuy yo eppoy: @ we , ὧν Η REY σῷ so πὰρ’ og UO σα, σῷ “ὁ “OTB, Ὁ 2 λ is - - Ἄ, Ἂ NNSA £0 mpd . it ᾿ς δὶς ( ony συενελε)ννμ ΟΣ ΦΩ, yam γῳ δι Ὁ wt γὼ = πὴ : woynury so ummpmegy oy ἢφνφ δὰ ie * > wd aypem ner 4. nme ym ayes { uo a eae A J Q A v { } - “ἃ ᾿ >; ΒΕ 3 (PRET gare 40 σιν Ὁ ae ἦ καὶ “ ΝΣ ᾿ POINT 79 Tana v / é ΕῚ Fe hee . FRO RONAN 219 AOU “4 7a ἥ ) 37 , γε yew fi pS yr ug. sabe Do suns oys ary Ὁ, ὦ apg Pou Ἄν ᾿ 7 vs ἘῚ ριον θυ sany Piso σιν Ὁ ΜΞ % ΄ ἐ © rs Br =, fe ᾿ Ἂ ° 7 - 4 RPS ae om sr qord es ; ΡΝ ᾿ ores spas © yo “θειρριεόνιῳ ᾧ “«διωιώ oO TL is “° hs “ : wv ἜΝ Ae τ ἧς ΠΟΣΌΝ ΩΣ, ee tee rene . ° πρῶ aw rym Won paneer Κ᾽ aT] FTAs “| *(eqpoy τὸ 4) \ ‘AMINTOD LN BDOVFAOY ; ew: ound =D yo wed wea Py wry: oa ‘NOHLVUVEH δ᾽ ureyy τ Ang “ἢ jo unLy ἠδ Υ '20ug) “Ὁ “γονήν am σφεα penne ey Sy Ν Ν ἄν ἢ >’ dove, τ ‘HPOAOTOY ‘TSTOPION ‘EBAOMH. TIOAY MNIA. ἜΠΕΙ δὲ ἀγγελίη ἀπίκετο περὶ τῆς μάχης τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνε 1 γενομένης παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον τὸν Ὑστάσπεος, καὶ πρὶν Trenews | peyddws Keyapaypévov* τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι διὰ τὴν ἐς Σάρδις of Marathon irritates Da- ἐσβολὴν, καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε πολχῷ τε δεινότερα ἐποίεε " καὶ μᾶλλον lela ὥρμητο στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα. καὶ αὐτίκα μὲν ἐπηγ- ope per γέλλετο πέμπων ἀγγέλους κατὰ πόλις, ἑτοιμάζειν στρατιὴν, Υ a at- πολλῷ πλέω ἐπιτάσσων ἑκάστοισι ἢ πρότερον παρεῖχον, καὶ νέας These last τε καὶ ἵππους καὶ σῖτον καὶ πλοῖα' τούτων δὲ περιωγγελλομένων, years, and ἡ ᾿Ασίη ἐδονέετο ἐπὶ τρία ἔτεα, καταλεγομένων τε τῶν ἀρίστων E aaa ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν ‘Edddda στρατευσομένων ", καὶ παρασκεναζομένων. * ” 1 ἀγγελίη. Gaisford, with several MSS, The idea seems to be that of a person on has ἦ Aly. But the use of the words τὸν Ὑστάσπεος m the next line, as well as the statement of Darius’s irritation at the invasion of Sardis in such general terms, seem to indicate that here we have the beginning of what, in its first draft at any rate, was an ind ent history. And the manuseripts 8, F, c, and d all omit the article. In fact the whole of the work of Herodotus up to this point may ahnost be ed as a mere introduction for the more complete understanding of what fol- lows. See note on § 173, below. 3 κεχαραγμένον. Hesycuius explains this word by ὠργισμένοςς. Evarripes (Med, 156) has κείνῳ τόδε μὴ χαράσσου. whom a strong impression has been made which cannot easily be got rid of. Hence in philosophical language the word xapax- τὴρ is used for that which defines the εἶδος. 8 πολλῷ δεινότερα ἐποίεε, “came to take it much worse.’ The difference be- tween δεινὸν ἡγεῖσθαι and δεινὸν ποιεῖν is that between a man who at once conceives a feeling of irritation, and one who, by brooding over the matter of wrong, aggra- vates and exaggerates the instinctive re- sentment. 4 τῶν ἀρίστων ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα στρα- τευσομένων, “the choicest troops, as it was against Hellas that they were to act.’’ 2 The ques- tion of the next heir to the empire is discussed at court, 182 HERODOTUS τετάρτῳ δὲ ret’ Αὐγύπτιοι, ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω δουλωθέντες, ἀπ- ἐστησαν ἀπὸ Περσέων" ἐνθαῦτα δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ὥρμητο καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους στρατεύεσθαι. Σ᾽ τελλομένου δὲ Δαρείου ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον καὶ ᾿Αθήνας, τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ στάσις ἐγένετο μεγάλη περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίης. ὡς δεῖ μὲν ἀποδέξαντα βασιλέα κατὰ τὸν Περσέων νόμον", οὕτω στρατεύεσθαι' ἦσαν γὰρ Δαρείῳ καὶ πρότερον ἢ βασιλεῦσαι γεγονότες τρεῖς παῖδες, ἐκ τῆς προτέρης γυναικὸς Γωβρύεω θυγατρὸς, καὶ βασιλεύσαντι ἐξ ᾿Ατόσσης τῆς Κύρου ἕτεροι τέσσερες" τῶν μὲν δὴ προτέρων ἐπρέσβευε 'AptaBalavns’, τῶν δὲ ἐπυγενομένων Ἐέρξης" ἐόντες δὲ μητρὸς οὐ τῆς αὐτῆς, ἐστασίαζον: ὁ μὲν ᾿Αρταβαζάνης, κατότε πρεσβύτατός τε εἴη παντὸς τοῦ γόνου καὶ ὅτι νομιζόμενα εἴη πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων τὸν πρεσβύτατον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν: Ἐέρξης δὲ, ὡς ᾿Ατόσσης τε παῖς εἴη τῆς Κύρου θυγατρὸς καὶ ὅτι Κῦρος εἴη ὁ κτησάμενος τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι τὴν ἐλευθερίην. Aapelov δὲ οὐκ ἀποδεικνυμένου κω γνώμην, ἐτύγχανε κατὰ τὠντὸ τούτοισι καὶ Anudpynros ὁ ᾿Αρίστω- νος ἀναβεβηκὼς " ἐς Σοῦσα, ἐστερημένος τε τῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασι- ληΐης καὶ φυγὴν ἐπιβαλὼν ἑωυτῷ" ἐκ Δακεδαίμονος" οὗτος ᾿ὠνὴρ πυθόμενος τῶν Aapelov παίδων τὴν διαφορὴν, ἐλθὼν, ὡς ἡ φάτις 5 χετάρτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ. ΟἸντον (F. H. a. 486) makes this the fourth year, not reckoning the one in which the battle of Marathon took place; but it does not seem necessary to suppose this from what Herodotus says, and such a sense is con- trary to the ordinary usage of the writer. In another passage, where he wishes to state that years were completed, he adds the word πλήρεα (§ 20, below). The battle of Marathon took place in the month of September, 490 n.c., and if we suppose the revolt of Egypt to have taken place during the time of the inundation— which would be the most favourable op- portunity for a rebellion—in 3B.c. 487, the intelligence would probably not arrive at the head-quarters of the army in Asia Minor till after the expiration of the sea- son for military operations in the same year. This arrangement of events seems more consistent with Herodotus’s expres- sions than the equally hypothetical one of Clinton, who supposes the revolt to have taken place a year later; and it will be seen below (see note in § 7) to aid in reconciling the statements of Herodo- tus with that of Taucrprpes (i. 18), who puts the great expedition against Hellas in the tenth year after the battle of Ma- rathon. 6 κατὰ τὸν Περσέων νόμον. In accord- ance with this custom Cyrus is represented as naming Cambyses as his successor, pre- viously to his expedition against the Mas- sagete (i. 208). 7 "ApraBa(dons. Prurancu (De Fra- terno Amore, § 18) gives different parti- culars of the disputed succession. Accord- ing to him Darius died without determining the matter, and Xerxes, in the absence of Ariamenes (whom, and not Artabazanes, he makes the eldest son), assumed the sovereignty. The two brothers referred their claims to the decision of their uncle Artabanus, and continued perfect friends. It is apparently the account of Plutarch to which JULIAN refers (Orat. i. p. 33), and certainly Justin (ii. 10) draws from the same source. © ἐτύγχανε κατὰ τὠυτὸ... ἀναβεβηκώς. See vi. 70, above. 9 φυγὴν ἐπιβαλὼν ἑωντῷ. See vi. 70. POLYMNIA. VII. 1—5. 183 μιν ἔχεε ", Ἐέρξῃ συνεβούλευε λέγειν πρὸς τοῖσι ἔλεγε ἔπεσι, ὡς Pcie αὐτὸς μὲν γένοιτο Δαρείῳ ἤδη βασιλεύοντι καὶ ἔχοντι τὸ Περσέων Xerxes. κράτος" ᾿Δρταβαζάνης δὲ ἔτι ἰδιώτῃ ἐόντι Δαρείῳ ."" οὔκων οὔτ᾽ οἰκὸς εἴη οὔτε δίκαιον ἄλλον τινὰ τὸ γέρας ἔχειν πρὸ ἑωυτοῦ" ἐπεί γε καὶ ἐν Σπάρτῃ, ἔφη ὁ Δημάρητος ὑποτιθέμενος, οὕτω νομίξεσθαι, ἣν ot μὲν προγεγονότες ἔωσι πρὶν ἢ τὸν πατέρα σφέων βασιλεῦσαι ὁ δὲ βασιλεύοντι ὀψίύγονος ἐπυγένηται, τοῦ ἐπυγενομένου τὴν ἔκδεξιν τῆς βασιληΐης γίνεσθαι. χρησαμένου δὲ Ἐέρξεω τῇ “4ημαρήτου ὑποθήκῃ, γνοὺς ὁ Δαρεῖος ᾽5 ὡς λέγοι δίκαια, βασιλέα μὲν ἀπέδεξε. δοκέει δέ μοι καὶ ἄνευ ταύτης τῆς ὑποθήκης βασιλεῦσαι ἂν Ἐέρξης" ἡ γὰρ “Artooca εἶχε τὸ πᾶν κράτος. ᾿Αποδέξας δὲ βασιλέα Πέρσῃσι Δαρεῖος Ἠέρξεα, ὅρμητο στρα- 4 τεύεσθαι' ἀλλὰ γὰρ μετὰ ταῦτά τε καὶ Αὐγύπτου ἀπόστασιν τῷ Babin ist ὑστέρῳ ἔτεϊ ᾿"" παρασκευαζόμενον συνήνεικε αὐτὸν Δαρεῖον βασι- so ΟΡ λεύσαντα τὰ πάντα érea EF τε καὶ τριήκοντα "", ἀποθανεῖν, οὐδέ οἱ ol ae ἐξεγένετο οὔτε τοὺς ἀπεστεῶτας Aiyutrrious οὔτε ᾿Αθηναίους τιμω- ρήσασθαι: ἀποθανόντος δὲ Δαρειον, ἡ βασιληΐη ἀνεχώρησε ἐς τὸν παῖδα τὸν ἐκείνου Ἐέρξεα. Ὃ τοίνυν Ἐέρξης ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν Ελλάδα οὐδαμῶς πρόθυμος ἦν 5 Xerxes at κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς στρατεύεσθαι, ἐπὶ δὲ Αὔγυπτον ἐποιέετο στρατιῆς frst was not desirous to ayepour παρεὼν δὲ καὶ δυνάμενος παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγιστον Περσέων se Μαρδόνιος ὁ Γωβρύεω "", ὃς ἦν Ἐέρξῃη μὲν ἀνεψιὸς Δαρείον δὲ ΜΝ 10 ὡς ἡ φάτις μιν ἔχει. So viii. 94: old (i. 209). The reign of Cambyses oc- τούτους μὲν τοιαύτη φάτις ἔχει. In ix. cupies seven years and five months (iii. 84 the expression is varied: ἔχει δέ τινα φάτιν καὶ Διονυσοφάνης. 11 ἔτι ἰδιώτῃ ἐόντι Aapely. It appears from iii. 70 that at the time of the con- spi against the Magians, Darius’s father was still alive. 12 γνοὺς ὁ Δαρεῖος. Another account made the matter settled after Darius’s death. See note 7, above. 13 χῷ ὑστέρῳ ἔτεϊ. This would proba- bly be in the early spring of 486 B.c., not in 485 3.c., as CLINTON puts it. See note 5, above. 14. τὰ πάντα brea ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα. This is the reading of the great majority of the MSS. Gaisford adopts the variation of two, which put the word érea after τριήκοντα. At the time οὗ Cyrus’s death Darius is represented as being about twenty years 66), and the usurpation of the Magians seven months more (iii. 67, 8). Assuming, therefore, the identity of the sources from which these accounts proceed, Darius was in them considered to be sixty-four years old at the time of his death. See however note 308 on ii. 110. Crssias makes Darius reign thirty-one years, and die at the age of seventy-two. 15 Μαρδόνιος ὁ Γωβρύεω. It seems re- markable at first sight that a member of Gobryas’s family, which had contested the succession with Xerxes, should be of all Persians the highest in his confidence. But it is not impossible that Artazostra, the wife of Mardonius (vi. 43), was the daughter of Atossa, and if so, his connexion with Xerxes would be a closer one than with Artabarzanes. It is also probable that the daughter of Gobryas, whom Da- by Mardo- NLUS, 184 HERODOTUS ἀδελφεῆς πάϊς, τοιούτου λόγου εἴχετο, λέγων" “ δέσποτα, οὐκ οἶκός ἐστι ᾿Αθηναίους ἐργασαμένους πολλὰ ἤδη κακὰ Πέρσας, μὴ _ ov δοῦναε δίκας τῶν ἐποίησαν: ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν νῦν ταῦτα πρήσσοις 6 the Aleuada of Thessaly, and the Pisistra- tids, with the aid of the prophet τάπερ ἐν χερσὶ yeu ἡμερώσας δὲ Alyurrroyv τὴν ἐξυβρίσασαν στρατηλάτεε ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ἵνα λόγος τέ σε ὄχῃ πρὸς ἀνθρώπων ἀγαθὸς καί τις ὕστερον duddconras ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν στρατεύ- εσθαι." οὗτος μέν οἱ ὁ λόγος ἦν τιμωρός" τοῦ δὲ λόγου 1 παρενθή- any ποιεέσκετο τήνδε, ὡς ἡ Εὐρώπη περικαλλὴς χώρη, καὶ δένδρεα παντοῖα φέρει τὰ ἥμερα, ἀρετήν τε ἄκρη, βασιλέϊ τε μούνῳ θνητῶν ἀξίη ἐκτῆσθαι. Ταῦτα ἔλεγε "Ἷ, οἷα νεωτέρων. ἔργων ἐπιθυμητὴς ἐὼν καὶ θέλων αὐτὸς τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος ὕπαρχος εἶναι" χρόνῳ δὲ κατερ- γάσατό 18 χε καὶ ἀνέπεισε Ἠέρξεα, ὥστε ποιέειν ταῦτα' συνέλαβε γὰρ καὶ ἄλλα οἱ σύμμαχα γενόμενα ἐς τὸ πείθεσθαι Ἐέρξεα' τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσσαλίης παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αλεναδέων " ἀπυγμένοι ἄγγελοι rius married when a private individual, was not by the same mother as Mardo- nius. She had borne three children to Darius before he became king, whereas Mardonius was a young man just married twenty-six years afterwards (vi. 43). is not likely therefore that there was less than eighteen or twenty years’ difference between their ages, which in the east would be almost conclusive against their having the same mother. But above ali it would seem (see notes 105 on vi. 43, and 213 on vi. 94) that Mardonius and Artaphernes represented different schools of policy, and that the late unsuccessful attempt at Marathon issued in a restora- tion of Mardonius’s influence,—which had been damaged by his own partial, though not complete, failure in Thrace (vi. 45). It will be observed that the plan of both his campaigns contemplated the extension of operations along the line of poste esta- blished by Megabazus (see note 11) on vi. 44), whereas Datis and Artaphernes fol- lowed out the sketch of Aristagoras (see note 226 on vi. 99). 16 rod δὲ Adyou. The MSS vary be- tween this reading, τούτον δὲ τοῦ λόγου, τοῦδε δὲ τοῦ λόγον, and τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου, which last is adopted by Gaisford. 17 ταῦτα ἔλεγε. Gaisford, with several MSS, has ταῦτα δὲ ἔλεγε. 18 χρόνῳ δὲ κατεργάσατο. Ἔ βοπυτυβ makes Atossa, the mother οὗ Xerzes, re- present her son as having been influenced by the solicitations of evil advisers to make war upon Hellas : ταῦτα τοῖς κακοῖς ὁμιλῶν ἀνδράσιν διδά- σκεται θούριος Hdptns’ λέγουσι δ' ὧς σὺ μὲν μέγαν τέκνοις πλοῦτον ἐκτήσω ξὺν αἰχμῇ, τὸν δ᾽ dvar- δρίας ὕπο ἔνδον αἰχμάζειν, πατρῷον 8’ ὄλβον οὐδὲν αὐξάνειν. τοιάδ᾽ ἐξ ἀνδρῶν ὀνείδη πολλάκις κλύων κακῶν, τήνδ᾽ ἐβούλευσεν κέλευθον καὶ στράτευμ᾽ ἐφ’ Ἑλλάδα. (Pers. 753—8.) Cresras couples an Artapanus with Mar- donius as the principal agents in this un- fortanate policy (ap. Photium, p. 38). But even if this is the same name as Artabanus, it is not intended for the uncle of Xerxes, whom Herodotus represents as taking an entirely contrary view of the matter, but for a son of one Artasyras, by whose aid the Magian succeeded to the throne, and by whose treachery Darius and the other conspirators were subsequently assisted. 19 παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αλευαδέων. The Alenade were a distinguished house at Larissa in Thessaly; and it is a boast of Gorgias that he was the instructor of some of its principal members. (PLato, Menon, ὃ 1.) They were probably anxious to occupy the same position in Thessaly which Histiseus had done at Miletus. Philip of Macedonia POLYMNIA. VIL. 6. 185 ἐπεκαλέοντο βασιλέα, πᾶσαν προθυμίην mapeyopevot, ἐπὶ τὴν Onomacri- Ἑλλάδα: οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλευάδαι οὗτοι ἦσαν Θεσσαλίης βασιλέες Ὁ τοῦτο δὲ Πεισιστρατιδέων οἱ ἀναβεβηκότες ἐς Σοῦσα, τῶν τε αὐτῶν λόγων ἐχόμενοι τῶν καὶ οἱ Adevddas™ καὶ δή τι πρὸς τούτοισι ἄτι πλέον “προσορέγοντό οἱ Ἶ, ἔχοντες ᾿Ονομάκριτον, ἄνδρα ᾿Αθηναῖον, χρησμολόγον τε καὶ διαθέτην χρησμῶν τῶν Μουσαίου. ἀναβε- βήκεσαν γὰρ τὴν ὄχθρην προκαταλυσάμενοι' ἐξηλάσθη γὰρ ὑπὸ Ἱππάρχου τοῦ Πεισιστράτου ὁ ᾿Ονομάκριτος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων, ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ ἁλοὺς ὑπὸ Δάσου τοῦ ‘Epptovéos ἐμποιέων ἐς τὰ Μου- σαίου ᾿ χρησμὸν, ὡς αἱ ἐπὶ Λήμνου ἐπικείμεναι νῆσοι ἀφανιζοίατο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης " διὸ ἐξήλασέ μιν ὁ Ἵππαρχος, πρότερον χρεώμενος τὰ μάλιστα. τότε δὲ συναναβὰς, ὅκως ἀπίκοιτο ἐς ὄψιν τὴν βασιλέος, λεγόντων τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων περὶ αὐτοῦ σεμνοὺς λόγους, κατέλεγε τῶν χρησμῶν" εἰ μέν τι ἐνέοι σφάλμα φέρον τῷ subsequently made use of one of them, by name Simus, for furthering his plans. (HaRpPocRaTION, v. rerpapxla:) Those who came to Susa appear to have been three in number (ix. 58), and to have put themselves forward as the representatives of the whole of their countrymen (vii. J30). Their ing was attributed by Carrias to their excessive luxury and taste for expense, which made the habits of the Persian court an object of desire to them,—and probably rendered supplies from thence necessary (ap. Athenaeum, xii. p. 527). 28 οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλενάδαι οὗτοι ἦσαν Θεσσαλίης βασιλέες. These words exist in all the MSS, but from a comparison of vii. 190 it seems not unlikely that they are a mar- ginal note which has crept into the text. 1 γῶν αὐτῶν λόγων ἐχόμενοι τῶν Kal οἱ ᾿Αλενάδαι. It seems far from unlikely that the Thessalian cavalry which assisted the Pisistratids against the Lacedemonian interference related above (v. 63, 64), was & force consisting of en of the Aleuadee. Compare the relations into which Pisistratus entered with Lygdamis (note 214 on i. 64). The names of the exiles (who were three in number) are given below (ix. 58). Gorgias the rheto- rician boasted that among his pupils at Larissa he had ᾿Αλευαδῶν τοὺς πρώτους (Plato, Menon. § 1), and the same family had the reputation of having secured the VOL. II. βαρβάρῳ, τῶν μὲν edreye οὐδέν: ὁ δὲ τὰ εὐτυχέστατα success of Philip of Macedonia in their own country. ay ap. Har- ation. Υ. TeT, a. ar apeatne plied him.”” This is the interpretation of Schweighiuser, and it seems a probable one, although there is no confirmation of it to be found else- where. Schweighauser considers the ex- pression προσεφέρετο to imply the same kind of solicitation, only pursued with less ardour. 33 ἐμποιέων ἐς τὰ Μουσαίου. Onoma- critus had also the reputation of interpo- lating the line: εἴδωλον αὐτὸς δὲ per’ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν, after xi. 601 of the Odyssey. (See Ponson on Eurip. Orest. 5.) This interpolation, by whomsoever effected, was obviously imagined for the p of reconciling the notice of Hera- cles in Hades with the received tradition which regarded him as one of the tenants of Olympus. See note 339 on ii. 120. It is the more curious as the whole pas- sage, xi. 562—626, is obviously much more recent than the context. For the importance attached to the possession of oracles, see note 238 on v. 90. 34 κατὰ τῇς θαλάσσης. In subsequent writers the accusative case would be more usual; but the genitive appears in a simi- lar case, below, § 235: κέρδος μέζον εἶναι Σπαρτιήτῃσι κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης καταδε- δυκέναι ἣ ὑκερέχειν. 238 7 In the year after his father's death he ag “gypt, an rakes his brother Achemenes δὲ γγαιδί. lord-lieu- 186. HERODOTUS ἐκλεγόμενος, ἔλεγε τόν τε ‘EAXjorovroy, ὡς ξευχθῆναε χρεὸν εἴη ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω, τήν τε ἔλασιν ἐξηγεόμενος. οὗτός τε δὴ χρησμῳδέων προσεφέρετο, καὶ of τε Πεισιστρατίδας καὶ οἱ ‘Adev- ἄδαε γνώμας ἀποδεικνύμενοι. ‘As δὲ ἀνεγνώσθη Ἐέρξης στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν “Edda, ἐνθαῦτα δευτέρῳ μὲν erei™ μετὰ τὸν θάνατον τὸν Aapelov, πρῶτα στρατηΐην ποιέεται ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀπεστοῶτας. τούτους μέν νυν κατα- a στρεψάμενος, καὶ Αὔγυπτον πᾶσαν πολλὸν δουλοτέρην ποιήσας ἢ ἐπὶ Δαρείου hy, ἐπιτρέπει ᾿Αχαιμένεϊ, ἀδελφεῷ μὲν ἑωυτοῦ Δαρείου ᾿Αχαιμένεα ᾿" μέν νυν ὀπιτροπεύοντα Αὐγύπτον χρόνῳ 8 μετέπειτα Ἶ ἐφόνευσε ᾿Ινάρως ὁ Ψαμμιτίχου, ἀνὴρ Λίβυς. Ἐέρξης δὲ μετὰ Αὐγύπτου ἅλωσιν, ὡς ἔμελλε ἐς χεῖρας ἄξεσθαι" τὸ tenant. He then convokes an assembl of the Per- τῶν ἀρίστων ἐποιέετο, ἵνα γνώμας τε πύθηται σφέων Kai 35 δευτέρῳ ἔτεϊ, “ἴῃ the second year.” Much difficulty will follow if we suppose this ‘‘second year” to in twelve months after the death of Darius; for then it will be necessary to bring the commencement of the movements of the grand army of Xerxes (§ 20, below) into the eleventh year after the battle of Mara- thon, reckoning both extremes. But I apprehend that the expedition against Egypt really took place in “the second year” of the reign of Xerxes, which would be regarded as commencing on the first of Thoth preceding the actual decease of his father. Hares (quoted by Clinton, Ap- pendiz to Vol. ii. p. 247) gives the rule that appears to have prevailed in the Astronomical Canon, which reckoned from the epoch of Nabonassar, and which pro- bably represents the practice of the Per. sian court. It is “that each king’s reign begins at the Thoth (or Egyptian new year’s day) before his accession, and all the odd months of his last year are included in the first year of his successor.” Now if we suppose (consistently with the notes 5 and 13 on §§ 1. 4) that Darius died in the spring of 486 5.c., the reign of Xerxes would be reckoned from the preceding Thoth, i.e. from the twenty-second of De- cember, 487 B.c. His second year then would commence in the same month of 486; and if Egypt was rapidly conquered, its subjugation would doubtless be com- pleted before the commencement of the inundation in 485 s.c. Four fui years : στράτευμα τὸ ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, σύλλογον ἐπίκλητον ἢ Περσέων 4 23 \ 3 QGUTOS ἐν from this time (§ 20) would bring it to the middle of the season for military ope- rations in 481, leaving time for the assem- blage of the grand army in the neighbour- hood of Sardis before the winter set in. This arrangement brings Herodotus into perfect harmony with the statement of Tuucyrpipes: δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει per’ αὐτὴν [τὴν ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχην) αὖθις ὁ βάρβα- pos τῷ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα δουλωσόμενος ἦλθε (i. 18), and involves nothing arbi except the supposition that the deatA of Darius was regarded by Herodotus as synchronizing with the con- ventional accession of Xerxes. There is no occasion either to take Thucydides to mean ten complete years, as Clinton does, or to change δεκάτῳ into ἑνδεκάτῳ in his text, as others have proposed. The diff- culty has arisen from the tacit assumption that Herodotus reckons, as a modern would do, from a fixed epoch, instead of simply referring one event to another before it, as a logographer naturally would. 89 ᾿Αχαιμένεα. See note on vii. 97. 87 χρόνῳ μετέπειτα. About the year 460 3.c. See the notes 39 and 40 on il. 12. 28 ds χεῖρας ἄξεσθαι. See note 434 on . 126. 29 σύλλογον ἐπίκλητον. The epithet seems to indicate that the members of the council were specially cited, as might be expected if they were only the chief of the nobles of the empire. POLYMNEA. VII. 7, 8. 187 πᾶσι εἴπῃ τὰ θέλει' ὡς δὲ συνελέχθησαν, ἔλεξε Ἐξέρξης τάδε ™: sian nota- “ ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς κατηγήσομαι νόμον τόνδε ἐν ὑμῖν His speech, τιθεὶς, παραδεξάμενός τε αὐτῷ χρήσομαι' ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ πυνθάνο- pas τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, οὐδαμά κω ἠτρεμήσαμεν, ἐπεί τε παρ- ἐλάβομεν τὴν ἡγεμονίην τήνδε παρὰ Μήδων Κύρου xatedovros ᾿Αστυάγεα' ἀλλὰ θεός τε οὕτω ἄγει "5, καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν πολλὰ ἐπέπουσε συμφέρεται ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμεινον. τὰ μέν νυν Κῦρός τε καὶ Καμβύσης πατήρ τε ἐμὸς Δαρεῖος κατεργάσαντο καὶ προσεκτή- σαντο ἔθνεα, ἐπισταμένοισι εὖ οὐκ ἄν τις λέγοι' ἐγω δὲ ἐπεί τε παρέλαβον τὸν θρόνον, τοῦτο ἐφρόντιζον, ὅκως μὴ λείψομαι τῶν πρότερον γενομένων ἐν τιμῇ τῇδε, μηδὲ ἐλάσσω προσκτήσομαι δύναμεν Πέρσῃσι. φροντίζων δὲ εὑρίσκω ἅμα μὲν κῦδος ἡμῖν τε προσγενόμενον, χώρην τε τῆς νῦν ἐκτήμεθα οὐκ ἐλάσσονα οὐδὲ φλαυροτέρην, παμφορωτέρην τε, ἅμα δὲ τιμωρίην τε καὶ τίσιν γινομένην: διὸ ὑμέας νῦν ἀγὼ συνέλεξα, ἵνα τὸ νοέω πρήσσειν ὑπερθέωμαι ὑμῖν. μέλλω, ζεύξας τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον, ἐλᾶν στρα- τὸν διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, ἵνα ᾿Αθηναίους τιμωρήσο- μαι ὅσα δὴ πεποιήκασι Πέρσας τε καὶ πατέρα τὸν ἐμόν. ὡρᾶτε μέν νυν καὶ Δαρεῖον ἰθύοντα στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τού- τους" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν τοτέλεύτηκε, καὶ οὐκ ἐξεγένοτό οἱ τιμωρήσασθαι: ἐγὼ δὲ ὑπέρ τε ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Περσέων οὐ πρότερον παύ- copas πρὶν ἢ ἕλω" τε καὶ πυρώσω τὰς ᾿Αθήνας" οἵ γε ἐμὲ καὶ πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν ὑπῆρξαν ἄδικα ποιεῦντες. πρῶτα μὲν ἐς Σάρδις ἐλθόντες ἅμα Apiorayipy, (τῷ Μιλησίῳ, δούλῳ δὲ jperépe,) arre- κόμενοι ἐνέπρησαν τά τε ἄλσεα καὶ τὰ ipa”: δεύτερα δὲ ἡμέας ola 39 ἔλεξε Héptns τάδε. The whole of. place οὗ the more usual πρήσω, is remarked the following speech is quoted by Diony- by EvustaTHivs, who observes that So- sius oF Haxicarnassvs in the treatise PHOCLES also bas done the same thing: in which he compares the relative merits ore ναοὺς πυρώσων ἦλθεν. (Antig. of Herodotus and Thucydides, as an ex- ample of the medium between the severe and the florid styles. For such a ἘΣ it was natural that he should, as he does, convert it into the common dialect of his time. There are also some other slight variations. 31 éwel ve. Dionystus has dt οὗ. 82 ἄγοι. Dronyaiva has ἐνάγει. 32 ov πρότερον παύσομαι πρὶν ἢ ἕλω. See note 323 on γ. 118. δ χυρώσω. The use of this word by Herodotus (here and in viii. 102) in the a el τε ἄλσεα καὶ τὰ ipd. The sim- licity of the Ormuzd worship must have lle of fashion at the Medo-Persian court, if Xerxes really took an interest in vindicating the eanctity of the Sardian goddess Cybebe, for whose nature see note on v. 102. This indeed is only what was to be expected from the policy of Darius as represented by Herodotus. (See Excursus on iii. 74, pp. 434, 5.) At the same time, the whole speech is obvi- ously of Hellenic manufacture. 232 188 HERODOTUS éptav ἐς τὴν σφετέρην ἀποβάντας, ὅτε Δᾶτίς re καὶ ᾿Αρταφέρνης * ἐστρατήγεον, τὰ ἐπίστασθέ κου πάντες" τούτων μέντοι εἵνεκα ἀνάρ- τημαι"} én’ αὐτοὺς στρατεύεσθαι" ἀγαθὰ δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖσι τοσάδε ἀνευ- ρίσκω λογιζόμενος, εἰ τούτους τε καὶ τοὺς τούτοισι πλησιοχώρους καταστρεψόμεθα, of Πέλοπος τοῦ Φρυγὸς νέμονταε χώρην" γῆν τὴν Περσίδα ἀποδέξομεν τῷ Διὸς αἰθέρε ὁμουρέονσαν' οὐ γὰρ δὴ χώρην γε οὐδεμίαν κατόψεται ὁ ἥλιος ὅμουρον ἐοῦσαν τῇ ἡμετέρῃ, ἀλλά σφεας πάσας ἐγὼ ἅμα ὑμῖν μίαν χώρην θήσω, διὰ πάσης διεξελθὼν τῆς Εὐρώπης" πυνθάνομαι γὰρ ὧδε ἔχειν: οὔτε τινὰ πόλιν ἀνδρῶν οὐδεμίαν, οὔτε ἔθνος οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπων ὑπολείπεσθαι τὸ ἡμῖν οἷόν τε ἔσται ἐλθεῖν ἐς μάχην, τούτων τῶν κατέλεξα in ὙΠΕΡ ΝΕ ὑπεξαραιρημένων: οὕτω οἵ τε ἡμῖν αἴτιοι ἕξουσι δούλιον ξυγὸν, be παρ of τε ἀναίτιοι. ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἄν μοι τάδε ποιέοντες χαρίζοισθε: ἐπεὰν Hellas, and ὑμῖν σημήνω τὸν χρόνον ἐς τὸν ἥκειν δεῖ, προθύμως πάντα τινὰ ales ἀρὰς ὑμέων χρήσει παρεῖναι: ὃς ἂν δὲ ἔχων ἥκῃ παρεσκενασμένον poration. στρατὸν κάλλιστα, δώσω οἱ δῶρα τὰ τιμιώτατα νομίζεται εἶναι ἐν ἡμετέρου 3. ποιητέα μέν νυν ταῦτά ἐστι οὕτω" ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἰδιοβουλεύειν ὑμῖν δοκέω, τίθημε τὸ πρῆγμα ἐς μέσον, γνώμην κελεύων ὑμέων τὸν βουλόμενον ἀποφαίνεσθαι." ταῦτα εἴπας 9 ἐπαύετο. ΣΙ τ τὰ Mer’ αὐτὸν δὲ Μαρδόνιος ἔλεγε' “ὦ δέσποτα, οὐ μόνον εἷς τῶν views. γενομένων Περσέων ἄριστος ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐσομένων" ὃς τά τε ἄλλα λέγων ἐπίκεο ἄριστα καὶ ἀληθέστατα, καὶ Ἴωνας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ κατοικημένους οὐκ ἐάσεις κατωγελάσαι ἡμῖν, ἐόντας ἀναξίους: καὶ γὰρ δεινὸν ἂν εἴη πρῆγμα, εἰ Σάκας " μὲν καὶ ᾿Ινδοὺς " καὶ Αἰθίοπάς " τε καὶ ᾿Ασσυρίους ἄλλα τε ἔθνεα πολλὰ 86 ᾿ΑρταφέρνηΞ. The manuscripts K, V, F have ᾿Αρταφρένης. 87 ἀνάρτημαι. This word seems used tery would hardly venture upon such 4 description of the unhappy campaign re- lated in the Fourth Book. But here doubt- in a sort of technical sense, to express the bounden duty of a liege lord to avenge his vassals. (See notes 313 and 315 on i. 90.) 38 ἐν ἡμετέρον. See note 123 oni. 36. Dionysius quotes this passage: δώσω av- τῷ δωρεὰν ἤδη τιμιωτάτην ἢ νομίζεται ἐν ἡμετέρᾳ, which Valcknaer considers to be a corruption from δωρεὰν ἢ δὴ τιμιωτάτῃ νομίζεται ἐν ἡμετέρᾳ. 39 as. No victory of the Persians over the Scythians is to be found men- tioned in Herodotus; and even court fiat- less is a trace of another and totally dif- ferent tradition from that mainly followed by Herodotus, one in accordance with the Behistun Inscription. See note 2 on iv. 1. 40 Ἰνδούς. These are said to have been subdued by Darius, by taking advantage of the information he obtained from Scylax of Caryanda (iv. 44). But his power must have been very limited indeed. See note 293 on iii. 101. 41 Αἰθίοπας. It is not necessary to sup- POLYMNIA. VII. 9. 189 καὶ μεγάλα, ἀδικήσαντα Πέρσας οὐδὲν ἀλλὰ δύναμιν προσκτᾶ- σθαι βουλόμενοι, καταστρεψάμενοι δούλους ἔχομεν, “Ελληνας δὲ ὑπάρξαντας ἀδικίης, οὐ τιμωρησόμεθα' τί δείσαντες ; κοίην πλήθεος συστροφὴν, κοίην δὲ χρημάτων δύναμιν; τῶν ἐπι- στάμεθα μὲν τὴν μάχην “., ἐπιστάμεθα δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἐοῦσαν ἀσθενέα: ἔχομεν δὲ αὐτῶν παῖδας καταστρεψάμενοι τού- τους, οὗ ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρῃ κατοικημένοι, “Iwvés τε καὶ Αἰολέες καὶ Δωριέες καλέονται. ἐπειρήθην δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη ἐπελαύνων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους, ὑπὸ πατρὸς τοῦ σοῦ κελευσθείς" καί μοι μέχρε Μακεδονίης ἐλάσαντι, καὶ ὀλύγον ἀπολιπόντι ἐς αὐτὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀπικέσθαι, οὐδεὶς ἀντιώθη ἐς μάχην. καίτοι γε ἐώθασι Ἕλληνες, ὡς πυνθάνομαι, ἀβουλότατα πολέμους ἴστασθαι, ὑπό τε ἀγνωμοσύνης καὶ σκαιότητος" ἐπεὰν γὰρ" ἀλλήλοισι πόλεμον προείπωσι, ἐξευρόντες τὸ κάλλιστον χωρίον καὶ λειότατον, ἐς τοῦτο κατιόντες μάχονται' ὥστε σὺν κακῷ μεγάλῳ οἱ νικῶντες ἀπαλλάσσονται" περὶ δὲ τῶν ἑσσωμένων οὐδὲ λέγω ἀρχὴν, ἐξώλεες γὰρ δὴ γίνονται" τοὺς χρῆν, ἐόντας ὁμογλώσσους, κήρυξί τε δια- χρεωμένους καὶ ἀγγέλοισε καταλαμβάνειν τὰς διαφορὰς “, καὶ παντὶ μᾶλλον ἢ μάχῃσι' εἰ δὲ πάντως ἔδεε πολεμέειν πρὸς ἀλλή- λους, ἐξευρίσκειν χρῆν τῇ ἑκάτεροί εἰσι δυσχειρωτότατοι, καὶ ταύτῃ πειρᾶν" τρόπῳ τοίνυν οὐ χρηστῷ “Ελληνες διαχρεώμενοι, ἐμέο ἐλάσαντος μέχρι Μακεδονίης γῆς, οὐκ ἦλθον ἐς τούτου λόγον ὥστε μάχεσθαι, σοὶ δὲ δὴ μέλλει Tis’, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀντιώσεσθαι πόλεμον προσφέρων, ἄγοντι καὶ πλῆθος τὸ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης καὶ νέας τὰς ἁπάσας “ ; ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκέω, οὐκ ἐς τοῦτο θράσεος “ ἀνήκει τὰ Ελλήνων πρήγματα. εἰ δὲ ἄρα ἐγώ γε ψευσθείην γνώμῃ, καὶ pose that the miscarriage of Cambyses σοὶ is emphatic, and opposed to ἐμέο “When J (iii. 25, 26) was represented at court as a conquest. It will be remembered that the term Αἰθίοψ denoted an Asiatic black as well as an African. (See §§ 69, 70, below.) Besides, a portion of the African Ethiopians submitted (iii. 97). 41. ἐπιστάμεθα μὲν τὴν μάχην. See note 268 on i. 77. 43 ἐπεὰν γάρ. The manuscripts 8, V omit the latter word. “4 καταλαμβάνειν τὰς διαφορὰς, ‘to quash their differences.” Compare iii. 128: κατέλαβε ἐρίζοντας, and see note 130 on i. 45, and note 55 on v. 21. gol δὲ δὴ μέλλει τις. The pronoun which has just preceded. marched as far as Macedonia, the Greeks never came to a question of meeting me in fair fight, and when it comes to you (δὴ), Sire, is any one likely to meet you with offer of battle ?’’ See the note 424 on ili. 155. 45 πλῆθος τὸ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης καὶ νέας τὰς ἁπάσας. The force of the articles is to be observed. Mardonius speaks as to persons cognizant of the available re- sources of the empire, “ he Asiatic levies and the whole of the navy.”’ 41 θράσεος. The manuscripts S, V have θάρσεος. 10 Artabanus takes the other side of the ques- tion. 190 HERODOTUS ἐκεῖνοι ἐπαρθέντες ἀβουλίῃ ἔλθοιεν ἡμῖν ἐς μάχην, μάθοιεν ἂν ὥς εἶμεν ἀνθρώπων ἄριστοι τὰ πολεμήϊα. ἔστω δ᾽ ὧν μηδὲν ἀπείρη- τον" αὐτόματον γὰρ οὐδὲν, GAN ἀπὸ πείρης πάντα ἀνθρώποισι φιλέει γίνεσθαι." Μαρδόνιος μὲν τοσαῦτα ἐπιλεήνας τὴν Ἐξέρξεω γνώμην “", ἐπέπαυτο. Σ᾽: ωπώντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων Περσέων καὶ οὐ τολμώντων γνώμην ἀποδείκνυσθαι ἀντίην τῇ προκειμένῃ, ᾿Αρτάβανος ὁ “ὕστάσππεος πάτρως ἐὼν Ἐέρξῃ, τῷ δὴ καὶ πίσυνος ἐὼν “, ἔλογε τάδε' “ὦ βασιλεῦ, μὴ λεχθεισόων μὲν γνωμέων ἀντιέων ἀλλήλῃσι, οὐκ ἔστι τὴν ἀμείνω αἱρεόμενον ἑλέσθαι ἀλλὰ δεῖ τῇ εἰρημένῃ χρῆσθαι λεχθεισέων δὲ, ἔστι' ὥσπερ τὸν χρυσὸν τὸν ἀκήρατον αὐτὸν μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ οὐ διωγινώσκομεν, ἐπεὰν δὲ παρατρίψωμεν ἄλλῳ χρυσῷ, διωγινώσκομεν τὸν ἀμείνω. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ πατρὶ τῷ σῷ ἀδελφεῷ δὲ ἐμῷ, “Δαρείῳ, ἠγόρευον μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Σ᾿ κύθας, ἄνδρας οὐδαμόθε γῆς ἄστυ νέμοντας" ὁ δὲ ἐλπτίζων Σκύθας τοὺς νομάδας καταστρέψεσθαι, ἐμοί τε οὐκ ἐπείθετο στρατευσάμενός τε πολλούς τε καὶ ἀγαθοὺς τῆς στρατιῆς ἀποβαλὼν ἀπῆλθε: σὺ δὲ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μέλλεις ἐπ᾽’ ἄνδρας στρατεύεσθαι πολλὸν ἀμείνονας ** ἢ Σκύθας" of κατὰ θάλασσάν τε ἄριστοι" καὶ κατὰ γῆν λέγονται εἶναι. τὸ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἔνεστι δεινὸν, ἐμέ σοι δίκαιόν ἐστι φράζξειν' ζεύξας φὴς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἐλᾶν στρατὸν διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα' καὶ δὴ καὶ συνήνεικε ἤτοι κατὰ γῆν ἢ καὶ κατὰ 48 τοσαῦτα ἐπιλεήνας τὴν Ἐέρξεω γνώ- μήν, “after so far smoothing down [the objections to] the opinion of Xerxes.’ The metaphor seems to be taken from the act of a carpenter, who smooths a piece of wood so that no knot or obstacle causing friction can be found. The Latin proverb, “nodum in scirpo querere,” rests on a similar idea. The simple form λεαίνω is used below (viii. 142). 49 τῷ δὴ καὶ πίσυνος ἐών. The weight of Artabanus at the Persian court appears, independently of his relationship to the sovereign, from the advice which he ven- tures to give to Darius (iv. 83) when me- ditating his expedition against the Scy- thians. Thetraditions followed by Cresraa, (or whoever is the authority for Plutarch’s story quoted in the note 7 on § 2, above, ) ‘seem to represent him in the same light with those adopted by Herodotus, as en- joying 8 high repute for wisdom and mo- deration. 50 πρλλὸν ἀμείνονας. S and V have πολλὸν ἔτι ἀμείνονας. 51 κατὰ θάλασσαν ἄριστοι. The ana- chronism of attributing power at sea to the Athenians of this time shows the origin of the speech here put into the mouth of Artabanus. His brother Artaphernes is made to take a very different and a juster view of the matter. (See note 198 on v. 73.) The encomium passed upon the Greeks, especially the Athenians, towards the end of the speech, as also the common places of ethical philosophy which appear in it, would lead one to refer it to the game class of compositions as the address of Solon to Croesus (i. 32, 33), and the political discussions (iii. 80—82). See notes 118 on i. 32, and 221 on iii. 80. POLYMNIA. VII. 10. 191 θάλασσαν ἑσσωθῆναι, ἢ καὶ κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα: οἱ yap ἄνδρες λέγονται εἶναι ἄλκιμοι' πάρεστι δὲ καὶ σταθμώσασθαι, εἰ στρατιήν γε τοσαύτην σὺν Δάτι καὶ ᾿Αρταφέρνεϊ ἐλθοῦσαν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν χώρην μοῦνοι ᾿Αθηναῖοι διέφθειραν. οὐκ ὧν ἀμφοτέρῃ σφι ἐχώρησε". ἀλλ᾽ ἣν τῇσι νηυσὶ ἐμβάλωσι, καὶ νικήσαντες vav- μαχίη πλέωσι ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον καὶ ἔπειτα λύσωσι τὴν γέφυραν, τοῦτο δὴ, βασιλεῦ, γίνεται δεινόν. ἀγὼ δὲ οὐδεμιῇ σοφίῃ οἰκηΐῃ αὐτὸς ταῦτα συμβάλλομαει, ἀλλ᾽ οἷόν κοτε ἡμέας ὀλέγου ἐδέησε" καταλαβεῖν πάθος, ὅτε πατὴρ σὸς ζεύξας Βόσπορον τὸν Θρηΐκιον, γεφυρώσας δὲ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον διέβη ἐπὶ Σκύθας, τότε παντοῖοι ἐγένοντο Σ᾿ κύθαι δεόμενοι ᾿Ιώνων λῦσαι τὸν πόρον, τοῖσι ἐπιτέτραπτο ἡ φυλακὴ τῶν γεφυρέων τοῦ "Ἴστρου καὶ τότε γε Ἱστιαῖος ὁ Μιλήτου τύραννος εἰ ἐπέσπετο τῶν ἄλλων τυράννων τῇ γνώμῃ, μηδὲ ἠντιώθη ",, διέργαστο ἂν τὰ Περσέων πρήγματα: καέτοι καὶ λόγῳ ἀκοῦσαι δεινὸν, ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρί γε ἑνὶ πάντα τὰ βασι- λέος πρήγματα γεγενῆσθαι. σὺ ὧν μὴ βούλευ ἐς κίνδυνον μηδένα τοιοῦτον ἀπικέσθαι, μηδεμιῆς ἀνάγκης ἐούσης" ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ mele νῦν μὲν τὸν σύλλογον τόνδε διάλυσον' αὗτίς τε, ὅταν τοι δοκέῃ, προσκεψάμενος ἐπὶ σεωυτοῦ, mpoayopeve τά τοι δοκέει εἶναι ἄριστα' τὸ γὰρ εὖ βουλεύεσθαι κέρδος μέγιστον εὑρίσκω ἐόν" εἰ γὰρ καὶ ἐναντιωθῆναί τε θέλει, βεβούλευνται μὲν οὐδὲν ἧσσον εὖ, ἕσσωται δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης τὸ βούλευμα' ὁ δὲ βουλευσάμενος αἰσχρῶς, εἴ οἱ ἡ τύχη ἐπίσποιτο, εὕρημα εὕρηκε: ἧσσον δὲ οὐδέν οἱ κακῶς βεβούλευται. ὁρᾷς τὰ ὑπερέχοντα ξῶα ὡς κεραυνοῖ ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲ ἐᾷ φαντάξεσθαε "", τὰ δὲ σμικρὰ οὐδέν μιν κνίξζει ; ὁρᾷς δὲ ὡς ἐς οἰκήματα τὰ μέγιστα αἰεὶ καὶ δένδρεα τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀποσκήπτει τὰ βέλεα; φιλέει γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τὰ ὑπερέχοντα πάντα κολούειν. οὕτω δὴ καὶ στρατὸς πολλὸς ὑπὸ ὀλύγου διαφθείρεται κατὰ τοιόνδε" ἐπεάν σφι ὁ θεὸς φθονήσας φόβον ἐμβάλῃ, ἢ βροντὴν, δι’ ὧν fel us.” δά ἢντιώθη. The manuscripts M, F, K, P have ἠναντιώθη, which Schweighiu- ser considers to be a mixture of the two 82 οὐκ dy ἀμφοτέρῃ σφι ἐχώρησε, “ still success did not attend them in both arms,” i.e. by land and sea. Artabanus on to show what peril would follow if this should be the case; and it is to be re- marked that he imagines by way of argu- ment a scheme which was subsequently proposed. (See viii. 108.) 43 ὀλίγον ἐδέησε, “ wanted little.” Translate: ‘‘ what a calamity all but be- readings ἀντιώθη and ἠντιώθη. 856 φαντάζεσθαι. This word is used in a similar sense by Evniripss (Pheniss. 93): μή τις πολιτῶν ἐν τρίβῳ φαντάζε- Tai. 11 Great anger of Xerxes at the coun- sel of Arta- banus. 192 HERODOTUS ἐφθάρησαν" ἀναξίως ἑωυτῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐᾷ φρονέειν μέγα ὁ θεὸς ἄλλον ἢ ἑωντόν ". ἐπειχθῆναι μέν νυν πᾶν πρῆγμα τίκτει σφάλ- ματα, ἐκ τῶν ζημίαι μεγάλαι φιλέουσι γίνεσθαι ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐπισχεῖν ἔνεστι ἀγαθὰ, εἰ μὴ παραυτίκα δοκέοντα εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐξεύροι τις ἄν. σοὶ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα, ὦ βασιλεῦ, συμβουλεύω" σὺ δὲ, ὦ trai Γωβρύεω Μαρδόνιε, παῦσαι λέγων λόγους ματαίους περὶ Ἑλλήνων, οὐκ ἐόντων ἀξίων φλαύρως ἀκούειν: “EXAnvas γὰρ δια- βάλλων, ἐπαίρεις αὐτὸν βασιλέα στρατεύεσθαι: αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου εἵνεκα δοκέεις μοε πᾶσαν προθυμίην ἐκτείνειν. μή νυν οὕτω γένηται" διαβολὴ γάρ ἐστι δεινότατον: ἐν τῇ δύο μέν εἶσε οἱ ἀδικέοντες, εἷς δὲ ὁ ἀδικεόμενος" ὁ μὲν γὰρ διαβάλλων ἀδικέει οὐ παρεόντος κατηγορέων" ὁ δὲ ἀδικέει, ἀναπειθόμενος πρὶν ἢ ἀτρεκέως ἐκμάθη" ὁ δὲ δὴ ἀπεὼν τοῦ λόγου τάδε ἐν αὐτοῖσι ἀδικέεται, δια- βληθείς τε ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου καὶ νομισθεὶς πρὸς τοῦ ἑτέρου κακὸς εἶναι . adr εἰ δὴ δεῖ γε πάντως ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους στρα- τεύεσθαε, φέρε, βασιλεὺς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖσι Περσέων μενέτω" ἡμέων δὲ ἀμφοτέρων παραβαλλομένων τὰ τέκνα, στρατηλάτεε αὐτὸς σὺ ἐπιλεξάμενός τε ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐθέλεις καὶ λαβὼν στρατιὴν ὁκόσην τινὰ βούλεαι' καὶ ἣν μὲν τῇ σὺ λέγεις ἀναβαίνῃ Bacthéi τὰ πρήγματα, κτεινέσθων οἱ ἐμοὶ παῖδες πρὸς δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ ἐγώ" ἣν δὲ τῇ ἐγὼ προλέγω, οἱ σοὶ ταῦτα πασχόντων σὺν δέ σφι καὶ σὺ, hv ἀπονοστήσῃς" εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ὑποδύνειν οὐκ ἐθελήσεις, σὺ δὲ πάντως στράτευμα ἀνάξεις ἐπὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα, ἀκούσεσθαί τινά φημι τῶν αὐτοῦ τῇδε ὑπολειπομένων, Μαρδόνιον μέγα τι κακὸν ἐξεργασμένον Πέρσας ὑπὸ κυνῶν τε καὶ ὀρνίθων διαφορεύμενον, ἤ κου ἐν γῇ τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων ἤ σέ γε ἐν τῇ Δακεδαιμονίων, εἰ μὴ dpa καὶ πρότερον κατ᾽ ὁδὸν, γνόντα ἐπ᾽ οἵους ἄνδρας ἀναγινώσκεις στρατεύεσθαι βασιλέα." ᾿Αρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε: Ἐέρξης δὲ θυμωθεὶς ἀμείβεται τοῖσδε: “᾿Αρτάβανε, πατρὸς εἷς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀδελφεός" τοῦτό σε ῥύσεται μηδένα ἄξιον μισθὸν λαβεῖν ἐπέων ματαίων: καί τοι 86 ἐφθάρησαν. Some MSS have ἐσφά- Anoay 57 οὐ γὰρ ἐξ φρονέειν μέγα ὁ θεὸς ἄλλον ἣ ἑωυτόν. The MSS vary between this reading, od γὰρ ἐᾷ φρονέειν ὃ θεὸς μέγα ἄλλον ἣ ἑωυτὸν, and οὐ γὰρ ἐᾷ φρονέειν ἄλλον μέγα ὃ θεὸς ἣ ἑωντόν. 58 ὁ δὲ δὴ ἀπεὼν.... κακὸς εἶναι. In one manuscript (P) the place of these words are supplied by the sentence 5 δὲ διαβαλλόμενος αὖ διπλῶς ἀδικεῖται" δια- βληθείς τε ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου καὶ ἅμα νομι- σθεὶς πρὸς τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀκούσαντος καὶ πει- σθέντος εἶναι κακός. POLYMNIA. VII. 11. 193 ταύτην τὴν ἀτιμίην προστίθημι ἐόντε κακῷ τε καὶ ἀθύμῳ, μήτε συστρατεύεσθαι ἐμοί γε ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἅμα τῇσι γυναιξί: ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ἄνευ σέο ὅσαπερ εἶπα ἐπιτελέα ποιήσω" μὴ γὰρ εἴην ἐκ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος, τοῦ ᾿Αρσάμεος, τοῦ Αριαράμνεω, τοῦ Τεΐσπεος, τοῦ Κύρου, τοῦ Καμβύσεω, τοῦ Τεΐσπεος, τοῦ ᾿Αχαιμένεος γεγονὼς δ, μὴ τιμωρησάμενος ᾿Αθηναί- ους" εὖ ἐπιστάμενος, ὅτι εἰ ἡμεῖς ἡσυχίην ἄξομεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκεῖνοι" ἀλλὰ καὶ μάλα στρατεύσονται ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέρην, εἰ χρὴ σταθμώ- σασθαε τοῖσι ὑπαργμένοισι ἐξ ἐκείνων" of Σάρδις τε ἐνέπρησαν καὶ ἤλασαν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. οὔκων ἐξαναχωρέειν οὐδετέροισι δυνατῶς "" ἔχει, ἀλλὰ ποιέειν ἢ παθέειν προκέεταε ἀγών" ἵνα ἢ τάδε πάντα ὑπὸ “Ελλησι, ἢ ἐκεῖνα πάντα ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι γένηται" τὸ γὰρ μέσον οὐδὲν τῆς ἔχθρης ἐστί καλὸν ὧν προπεπονθότας ἡμέας τιμωρέειν ἤδη γένεται, ἵνα καὶ τὸ δεινὸν τὸ πείσομαι "3 τοῦτο μάθω, ἐλάσας ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας τούτους, τούς γε καὶ Πέλοψ ὁ Φρὺξ, ἐὼν πατέρων τῶν ἐμῶν δοῦλος ", κατεστρέψατο οὕτω, ὡς καὶ ἐς τόδε αὐτοί τε ὥνθρωποι καὶ ἡ γῆ αὐτῶν ἐπώνυμοι τοῦ καταστρεψαμένου καλέονται." 89 μὴ γὰρ εἴην ἐκ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὕστά- σπεος. .. τοῦ ᾿Αχαιμένεος γεγονώς. The decyphering of the arrow-headed character by Major Rawlinson has rendered possible the complete explanation of this genealogy. See the Excursus on iii. 74, pp. 427— 9. The corrected genealogy will run thus, representing pure Persian traditions : Achsemenes δ ΤῈ ἘΝ ΜΕ ΝΕ ἜΝ Cyrus Fiystaspes ἘΝ Kelzes The left hand column represents the /ineal descent of the Achzemenids, who were kings of Persia; while the right hand column connec/s Xerxes’s claim to be the king of Media in right of his mother Atossa with this Achaemenid pedigree. VOL. II. Teispes is repeated by the error of putting the two branches one after the other in- stead of side by side. 60 Sri εἰ ἡμεῖς ἡσυχίην ἄξομεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκεῖνοι, ‘that if we shall keep the ee yet will not they.” This use of λλὰ after a hypothetical proposition is found throughout Greek literature from the Homeric poems downwards. From the nature of the case it is appropriate to oratory, and in the later writers alone is it used otherwise than in a speech. 61 οὐδετέροισι δυνατῶς. The manu- scripts S and V have οὐδετέροις ἱκανῶς, and one other δυνατὰ for δυνατῶς. P and V have also προσκεῖται in the place of προκέεται. 62 τὸ δεινὸν τὸ πείσομαι. This ironical expression appears to be directed against the words of Artabanus: τὸ δὲ αὐτοῖσι sete δεινὸν, ἐμέ σοι δίκαιόν ἐστι φρά-: εν. 63 ἐὼν πατέρων τῶν ἐμῶν δοῦλος. These words indicate that in the mind of the authority followed here by Herodotus, Xerxes was regarded as the lineal descend- ant of the Assyrian dynasties, as in no other way could Pelops possibly be de- scribed as the vassal of his ancestors. 2c 12 In the night after the council has been held Xerxes has & vision, 13 and the next day he changes his min 14 The next night the same Vi- sion re- appears to ἌΡΑ with threats. 194 HERODOTUS Ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐλόγετο' μετὰ δὲ, εὐφρόνη te ἐγίνετο καὶ Ἠέρξεα ἔκνιξε ἡ ᾿Αρταβάνου γνώμη" νυκτὶ δὲ βουλὴν διδοὺς, πάγχυ εὕρισκέ οἱ οὐ πρῆγμα εἶναι στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' δεδογμένων δέ οἱ αὗτις τούτων, κατύπνωσε' καὶ δή κου ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ εἶδε ὄψιν τοιήνδε, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ Περσέων δ" ἐδόκεε ὁ Ἐέρξης ἄνδρα οἱ ἐπιστάντα μέγαν τε καὶ εὐειδέα εἰπεῖν" “ μετὰ δὴ βου- λεύεαι, ὦ Πέρσα, στράτευμα μὴ ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, προείπας ἁλίξζειν Πέρσας στρατόν ; οὔτε ὧν μεταβουλενόμενος ποιέεις εὖ, οὔτε ὁ συγγνωσόμενός τοι ππάρα' ἀλλ᾽, ὥσπερ τῆς ἡμέρης ἐβου- λεύσαο ποιέειν, ταύτην ἴθι τῶν ὁδῶν." Τὸν μὲν, ταῦτα εἴπαντα, ἐδόκεε ὁ Ἐέρξης ἀποπτάσθαι: ἡμέρης δὲ ἐπιλαμψάσης, ὀνείρου μὲν τούτου λόγον οὐδένα ἐποιέετο, ὁ δὲ Περσέων συναλίσας τοὺς καὶ πρότερον συνέλεξε, ἔλεγέ σφι trade “ ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, συγγνώμην μοι ἔχετε ὅτι ἀγχίστροφα βουλεύομαι' φρενῶν τε γὰρ ἐς τὰ ἐμεωντοῦ πρῶτα οὔ κω ἀνήκω “", καὶ οἱ παρηγορεύμενοι κεῖνα ποιέειν οὐδένα χρόνον μευ ἀπέχονται" ἀκούσαντι μέντοι μοι τῆς ᾿Αρταβάνου γνώμης, παραυτίκα μὲν ἡ νεύτης ἐπέζεσε, ὥστε ἀεικέστερα ἀπορρίψαι “ ἔπεα ἐς ἄνδρα πρεσβύτερον ἢ χρεόν" νῦν μέντοι συγγνοὺς, χρήσομαι τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ: ὡς ὧν μεταδε- δογμένον “ μοι μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, ἥἧσυχοί ἐστε." Πέρσαι μὲν ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα, κεχαρηκότες προσεκύνεον" νυκτὸς δὲ γενομένης, αὗτις τὠυτὸ ὄνειρον τῷ Ἐέρξη κατυπνωμένῳ ἔλεγε ἐπιστάν" “ ὦ παῖ Δαρείου, καὶ δὴ φαίνεαι ἐν Πέρσῃησί τε ἀπειπά- μενος τὴν στρατηλασίην, καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ ἔπεα ἐν οὐδενὶ ποιεύμενος λόγῳ, ὡς παρ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἀκούσας" εὖ νυν τόδ᾽ ἴσθι, ἤνπερ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατηλατέῃς, τάδε τοι ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνασχήσειν' ὡς καὶ μέγας καὶ “τολλὸς ἐγένεο ἐν ὀλύγῳ χρόνῳ, οὕτω καὶ ταπεινὸς ὀπίσω κατὰ See note 64 ὡς λέγεται ὑκὸ Περσέων. the Persians should excuse him for “ turn- 338 on i. 95. 65 φρενῶν τε yap ἐς τὰ ἐμεωντοῦ πρῶτα οὔ κω ἀνήκω. These words seem to be intended as an ostentatious display of modesty on the part of the monarch. He pleads that he has not yet arrived at the complete maturity of his judgment: “1 am not yet come to the perfection of my own mental wers.”’ Consciousness of this makes im ask advice, and, on the other hand, those who give him advice other than his own judgment suggests (κεῖνα), never leave him alone to think. Hence, he argues, ing short off in his resolutions” (ὅτι ἀγχίστροφα βουλεύομαι). In a court where the infallibility of the sovereign was an axiom, the alteration of a decree became a serious matter, and Xerxes seems spontaneously to have hit on the useful theory of advisers, who should be responsible for his mistakes. 66 ἀπρρρίψαι. See note 366 on iv. 142. 67 μεταδεδογμένον. The MSS vary be- tween this reading, μεταδεδογμένων, μετα- δεδογμένου, and μεταδεδογμένῳ. POLYMNIA. VII. 12—16. 195 τάχος ἔσεαι." Ἐέρξης μὲν, περιδεὴς γενόμενος δ᾽ τῇ ὄψει, ἀνά re 15 ἔδραμε ἐκ τῆς κοίτης, καὶ πέμπει ἄγγελον ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτάβανον “" He sends καλέοντα' ἀπικομένῳ δέ οἱ ἔλεγε Ἐέρξης τάδε" “᾿Αρτάβανε, ἐγὼ borate ee τὸ παραυτίκα μὲν οὐκ ἐσωφρόνεον, εἴπας és σὲ μάταια ἔπεα ypn- him. στῆς εἵνεκα συμβουλέίης" μετὰ μέντοι οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον μετέγνων, ἔγνων δὲ ταῦτά μοι ποιητέα ἐόντα τὰ σὺ ὑπεθήκαο 5. οὔκων δυνατός τοι εἰμὲ ταῦτα ποιέειν βουλόμενος" τετραμμένῳ γὰρ δὴ καὶ μετεγνωκότε ἐπιφοιτῶν ὄνειρον φαντάζεταί μοι, οὐδαμῶς συνέπαινον ἐὸν ποιέειν με ταῦτα" νῦν δὲ καὶ διαπειλῆσαν οἴχεται" εἰ ὧν θεός ἐστε ὁ ἐπιπέμπων, καί οἱ πάντως ἐν ἡδονῇ ἐστι γενέσθαι στρατηλασίην ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, ἐπιπτήσεται καὶ σοὶ τὠντὸ τοῦτο ὄνειρον ὁμοίως καὶ ἐμοὶ ἐντελλόμενον 1," εὑρίσκω δὲ ὧδε ἂν γινό- μενα ταῦτα, εἰ λάβοις τὴν ἐμὴν σκευὴν πᾶσαν, καὶ ἐνδὺς, μετὰ τοῦτο ἵζοιο ἐς τὸν ἐμὸν θρόνον, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν κοίτῃ τῇ ἐμῇ κατυπνώσειας." Ἐξέρξης μὲν ταῦτά οἱ ἔλεγε" ᾿Αρτάβανος δὲ οὐ τῷ πρώτῳ οἱ κελεύσματι πειθόμενος οἷα οὐκ ἀξιεύμενος ἐς τὸν βασελήϊον θρόνον ἵζεσθαι 7", τέλος ὡς ἠναγκάζετο, εἴπας τάδε ἐποίεε τὸ κελευόμενον" “ἴσον ἐκεῖνο, ὦ βασιλεῦ, παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ κέκρι- Tat, φρονέειν τε εὖ καὶ τῷ λόγοντε χρηστὰ ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι τὰ σὲ καὶ ἀμφότερα περιήκοντα ἴ2, ἀνθρώπων κακῶν ὁμιλίαι σφάλ- 16 to be fomented until the circulation was 68 γενόμενος. So Gaisford prints, on restored. On recovering his senses, the the authority of 8, V, A, B. But M, P, K, F have ¢yévero,—alternative readings which can scarcely have been derived the one from the other. F also omits καὶ before πέμπει. 68 ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτάβανον. the preposition ἐπί. 70 ὑπεθήκαο. Sand V have ὑπέθηκας. ΤΊ καὶ σοὶ τὠντὸ τοῦτο ὄνειρον ὁμοίως καὶ ἐμοὶ ἐντελλόμενον. The force of the word ἐντελλόμενον, no less than that of éxixrhoera, is to be extended to the dative καὶ col. Translate: ‘‘This same dream will be wafted to you too with com- mands for you no less than for me.’’ 72 οὐκ ἀξιεύμενος ἐς τὸν βασιλήϊον θρό- νον ζεσθαι. In later times it was a re- ceived opmion that the sitting on the seat of the king, even involuntarily, brought the penalty of death with it. In Alexan- der’s expedition into Sogdiana, a Mace- donian soldier, benumbed by the cold, stag in a nearly insensible state up to the king’s quarters. Alexander placed him on his own couch, and caused his limbs 5, V, A, B omit man discovered where he was lying, and started up in a fright, upon which Alex- ander took the opportunity to observe to him how much better it was to live under the Macedonian monarchy than the Per- sian, as the same thing which would have brought death in the one case saved life in the other. (Quintus Cuarrivs, viii. 4.17.) Butalthough no doubt the act, if wantonly committed, would always have been considered a gross outrage, and as such perhaps punished with death, there seems no trace in Herodotus of such a superstitious rule as that which is implied in Curtius’s story. At the same time, since the accidental occurrence of such an indecency would doubtless have been re- ed as an omen (see iii. 30, above), mere blind fear might very well have led to the adoption of the sternest rule by way of precaution. 73 περιήκοντα. See note 198 on vi. 86. 2c2 196 HERODOTUS hover κατά περ τὴν πάντων χρησιμωτάτην ἀνθρώποισι θάλασσαν πνεύματά φασι ἀνέμων ἐμπίπτοντα, οὐ περιορᾶν φύσει τῇ ἑωυτῆς χρῆσθαι. ἐμὲ δὲ ἀκούσαντα πρὸς σεῦ κακῶς οὐ τοσοῦτο ἔδακε λύπη, ὅσον, γνωμέων δύο προκειμενέων Πέρσῃσι,---τῆς μὲν ὕβριν αὐξανούσης τῆς δὲ καταπανούσης, καὶ λεγούσης ὡς κακὸν εἴη διδάσκειν τὴν ψυχὴν πλέον τι δίζησθαε αἰεὶ ἔχειν τοῦ παρεόντος. --- τοιουτέων προκειμενέων γνωμέων, ὅτε τὴν σφαλερωτέρην ™ σεωυτῷ τε καὶ Πέρσῃσι avaipeo: νῦν ὧν, ἐπειδὴ τέτραψαι ἐπὶ τὴν ἀμείνω, φής τοι μετιέντι τὸν ἐπ᾽ “Ελληνας στόλον ἐπιφοιτᾶν ὄνειρον θεοῦ τινος πομπῇ, οὐκ ἐῶντά " σε καταλύειν τὸν στόλον" ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ταῦτά ἐστι, ὦ παῖ, θεῖα" ἐνύπνια γὰρ τὰ ἐς ἀνθρώπους πεπλανη- μένα τοιαῦτά ἐστι οἷά σε ἐγὼ διδάξω, ἔτεσι σεῦ πολλοῖσι πρεσ- βύτερος ἐών" πεπλανῆσθαε αὗται μάλιστα ἐώθασι αἱ ὄψιες τῶν ὀνειράτων, τά τις ἡμέρης φροντίζει’ ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς πρὸ τοῦ ἡμέρας ταύτην τὴν στρατηλασίην καὶ τὸ κάρτα εἴχομεν μετὰ χεῖρας" εἰ δὲ ἄρα μὴ ἔστε τοῦτο τοιοῦτο οἷον ἐγὼ διαιρέω, ἀλλά τι τοῦ θεοῦ μετέχον, σὺ πᾶν αὐτὸς 5 συλλαβὼν εἴρηκας" φανήτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ ὡς καὶ σοὶ διακελευόμενον' φανῆναι δὲ οὐδὲν μᾶλλόν μοι ὀφείλει ἔχοντι τὴν σὴν ἐσθῆτα ἢ οὐ καὶ τὴν ἐμήν) οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἐν κοίτῃ τῇ σῇ ἀναπαυομένῳ ἣ οὐ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ" εἴπερ γε καὶ ἄλλως ἐθέλει φανῆναι οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐς τοσοῦτό γε εὐηθείης ἀνήκει τοῦτό, ὅ te δή κοτέ ἐστι τὸ ἐπιφαινόμενόν τοι ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ, ὥστε δόξει ἐμὲ ὁρῶν σὲ εἶναι, τῇ σῇ ἐσθῆτι τεκμαιρόμενον" εἰ δὲ ἐμὲ μὲν ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ποιήσεται, οὐδὲ ἀξιώσει ἐπιφανῆναι, οὔτε ἣν τὴν ™ σφαλερωτέρην. This is the reading course of precedent by changing it into of the majority of MSS, and is adopted by Gaisford. But 5, V, and K have the superlative σφαλερωτάτην, which is cer- tainly more likely to have been wilfully altered by copyists into the comparative than the converse. 15 ξῶντα. So Gaisford prints on the authority of several MSS, the others hav- ing ἐῶντος, which of course would require to be referred to the word θεοῦ. But al- though no doubt ὄνειρος and ὄνειρον are equally legitimate forms, it seems very unlikely that in the same anecdote in which the latter has been repeatedly used, the former should in a single instance be substituted for it. Yet it is perhaps even less probable that’ a transcriber finding ἐῶντος should have wilfully violated the ἐῶντα. 16 αὐτός. So 8. Gaisford and the other MSS have αὐτός But the emphatic word αὐτὸς seems more appropriate, con- sidering the dignity of the n ad- dressed; and in the oldest uncial MSS the final % would very likely be omitted before the same letter beginning the fol- lowing word. See note 25 on i. 5. Trans- late: ‘‘ Thou thyself in what thou saidst didst take in every thing. For let it ap- pear now with orders for me too as it did to thee.” The allusion is to the words above: ἐπιπτήσεται καὶ σοὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ὄνειρον ὁμοίως καὶ ἐμοὶ ἐντελλόμενον (5 15, above). 17 ¥ οὐ καὶ τὴν ἐμήν. See the note 300 on ivy. 118° | POLYMNIA. VIL. 17, 18. 197 ἐμὴν ἐσθῆτα ἔχω οὔτε ἢν τὴν σὴν, σὲ δὲ ἐπιφοιτήσει, τοῦτο ἤδη μαθητέον ἐστί: εἰ γὰρ δὴ ἐπιφοιτήσειέ ye συνεχέως, φαίην ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς θεῖον εἶναι" εἰ δέ τοι οὕτω δεδόκηται γίνεσθαι, καὶ οὐκ οἷά τε αὐτὸ παρατρέψαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη δεῖ ἐμὲ «ἐν κοίτῃ τῇ σῇ κατυπνῶσαε, φέρε, τούτων ἐξ ἐμεῦ ἐπιτελευμένων, φανήτω καὶ ἐμοί: μέχρι δὲ τούτου, τῇ παρεούσῃ γνώμῃ χρήσομαι." Τοσαῦτα εἴπας ᾿Αρτά- 17 βανος ἐλπίζων Ἐέρξεα ἀποδέξειν λόγοντα οὐδὲν, ἐποίεε τὸ κελευό- cena: μενον" ἐνδὺς δὲ τὴν Ἐέρξεω ἐσθῆτα καὶ ἱζόμενος és τὸν βασιλήϊον es θρόνον, ὡς μετὰ ταῦτα κοῖτον ἐποιέετο, ἦλθέ οἱ κατυπνωμένῳ τὠντὸ ὄνειρον τὸ καὶ παρὰ Ξέρξεα ἐφοίτα' ὑπερστὰν δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρτα- βάνου, εἶπε τάδε' “ἄρα σὺ δὴ κεῖνος εἷς ὁ ἀποσπεύδων Ἐέρξεα otpatrever Oat ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα, ὡς δὴ κηδόμενος αὐτοῦ ; ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε ἐς τὸ μετέπειτα, οὔτε ἐς τὸ παραυτίκα νῦν καταπροΐξεαι " ἀποτρέ- πων τὸ χρεὸν γενέσθαι: Ἐέρξεα δὲ τὰ δεῖ ἀνηκουστέοντα παθέειν, αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ δεδήλωται." Ταῦτά τε δὴ ἐδόκεε ᾿Αρτάβανος τὸ 18 ὄνειρον ἴ᾽ ἀπειλέειν, καὶ θερμοῖσι σιδηρίοισει ἐκκαίειν αὐτοῦ μέλλειν "πὴ, influ- : , enced by it, τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς" καὶ ὃς, ἀμβώσας μέγα, ἀναθρώσκει, καὶ παριζό- Artabonus μενος Ἐέρξη, ὡς τὴν ὄψιν οἱ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου διεξῆλθε ἀπηγεόμενος, (hig δεύτερά of λέγει Taber “ ἐγὼ μὲν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ola ἄνθρωπος ἰδὼν Hellas.” ἤδη πολλά τε Kal μεγάλα πεσόντα πρήγματα ὑπὸ ἡσσόνων, οὐκ ἔων σε τὰ πάντα τῇ ἡλικίῃ εἴκειν ", ἐπιστάμενος ὡς κακὸν εἴη τὸ πολλῶν ἐπιθυμέειν, μεμνημένος μὲν τὸν ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας Κύρου στόλον ὡς ἔπρηξε, μεμνημένος δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽ Αἰθίοπας τὸν Καμ- βύσεω, συστρατενυόμενος δὲ καὶ Aapeip ἐπὶ Σ᾿ κύθας: ἐπιστάμενος ταῦτα, γνώμην εἶχον, ἀτρεμίξζοντά σε μακαριστὸν εἶναι πρὸς πάν- Tov ἀνθρώπων. ἐπεὶ δὲ δαιμονίη τις γίνεται ὁρμὴ, καὶ "EXXAnvas, ὡς ἔοικε, φθορή τις καταλαμβάνει θεήλατος, ἐγὼ μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς τράπομαι καὶ τὴν γνώμην μετατίθεμαι" σὺ δὲ σήμῃνον μὲν Πέρ- ono. τὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πεμπόμενα, χρῆσθαι δὲ κέλευε τοῖσι ἐκ σέο πρώτοισι προειρημένοισι ἐς τὴν παρασκενήν᾽ ποίεε δὲ οὕτω, ὅκως, ἴδ καταπροΐξεαι. See note 106 on iii. man, his natural impulses were to adven- 36. turous action; Amyntas (v. 19) being 9 +d ὄνειρον. The MSS are divided aged, his were to retire from a banquet een this reading and τὸν ὄνειρον. which was becoming indecent and bois- See note 75 on § 16, above. terous. The note of Baehr on this pas- δ τῇ ἡλικίῃ εἴκειν. It is an error to sage is an example of a very common suppose that these words are used in a mistake in commentators, to attribute to different sense here from v. 19. In both actual phrases a meaning in themselves, cases they mean ‘to follow the dictates which only follows inferentially from the of one’s age.” Xerxes being 8 young circumstances in which they are used. 19 Xerxes af- terwards has a third vision which raises his spirita, 20 The pre- rations or the in- vasion of Hellas took 198 HERODOTUS τοῦ θεοῦ παραδιδόντος, τῶν σῶν ἐνδεήσει μηδέν." τούτων λοχθέν- tov, ἐνθαῦτα ἐπαρθέντες τῇ ὄψει, ὡς ἡμέρη ἐγένετο τάχιστα, Ξέρξης τε ὑπερετίθετο "" ταῦτα Πέρσῃσι, καὶ ᾿Αρτάβανος, ὃς περό- τερον ἀποσπεύδων μοῦνος ἐφαίνετο, τότε ἐπισπεύδων φανερὸς ἦν. ᾿Ὡρμημένῳ δὲ Ἐέρξῃ στρατηλατέειν, peta ταῦτα τρίτη ὄψες ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ἐγένετο, τὴν οἱ μάγοι ἔκριναν " ἀκούσαντες φέρειν τε ἐπὶ πᾶσαν γῆν, δουλεύσειν τέ οἱ πάντας ἀνθρώπους. ἡ δὲ ὄψις ἣν ἥδε" ἐδόκεε ὁ Ἐέρξης ἐστεφανῶσθαι ἐλαίης θαλλῷ " ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίης τοὺς κλάδους γῆν πᾶσαν ἐπισχεῖν" μετὰ δὲ, ἀφανισθῆναι περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κείμενον τὸν στέφανον. κρινάντων δὲ ταύτῃ τῶν μάγων, Περσέων τε τῶν συλλεχθέντων αὐτίκα πᾶς ἀνὴρ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἀπελάσας, εἶχε προθυμίην πᾶσαν ἐπὶ τοῖσι εἰρημένοισε "", θέλων αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τὰ προκείμενα δῶρα λαβεῖν" καὶ Ἐέρξης τοῦ στρατοῦ οὕτω ἐπάγερσιν " ποιέεται, χῶρον πάντα ἐρευνῶν τῆς ἠπείρου. ‘Amd γὰρ Αὐγύπτον ἁλώσιος, ἐπὶ μὲν τέσσερα ἔτεα πλήρεα παραρτέετο στρατιήν τε καὶ τὰ πρόσφορα τῇ στρατιῇ: πέμπτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ἀνομένῳ “ ἐστρατηλάτεε χειρὶ μεγάλῃ πλήθεος ἥ΄. στόλων γὰρ, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, πολλῷ δὴ μέγιστος οὗτος ἐγένετο: 81 ὑπερετίθετο. S and V have ὑπετί- Gee. But the latter word seems quite out expedition againet Athens. It is no ob- jection to this interpretation that the sim- of place here. See notes 378, 379 on i. 108. 82 of μάγοι ἔκριναν. The Magi appear from this passage to stand in the same position as at the court of Astyages, their influence having entirely recovered from the effects of the revolution by which Darius was raised to the throne. See Ezcursus ii. on Book iii. p. 433. 83 ἐλαίης θαλλῷ. This feature in the story would lead one to look for its origin ἴῃ some locality where a crown of olive leaves would be a symbol of superiority. It can therefore scarcely be a native Per- sian legend, and may very well be an Athenian. 84 ἐπὶ τοῖσι εἰρημένοισι, “on the faith of the promise which had been given,” ἑ. 6. that the satrap who brought his contin- gent in the best order into the field should receive the presents which were deemed the most honourable. (See ὃ 8, above.) 88 ἀπάγερσιν, “‘an extraordinary levy.” The ordinary contingent sufficed for the conquest of Egypt (ἐπὶ Afyurror ἐποιόετο τῆς στρατιῆς ἄγερσιν, § 5, above), but additional troops were called out for the ple form is used below (§ 48), for there the force of the ἐπὶ is supplied by the epithet ἄλλον coupled with στρατοῦ. 86 πέμπτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ἀνομένῳ ἐστρατηλά- vee, ‘‘in the course οὗ the fifth year he put the army in motion.” The word ἀνο- μένῳ has been by some commentators ex- plained as meaning “ending,’’ and by others ‘‘commencing,’’ according as the one or the other meaning squared best with their chronological arrangements. But it really seems to mean neither the one nor the other, but simply ‘“ advanc- ing.”” This is the sense of ἥνετο τὸ ἔργον, an expression used in i. 189 and viii. 71. For an attempt to explain the difficulties in the chronology of the events related as occurring subsequently to the battle of Marathon, see notes 5 on § 1, and 25 on § 7, above. 87 χειρὶ μογάλῃ πλήθεος, “with an enormous force of troops.” The word πλῆθος nearly corresponds with the French ‘ monde,’ which also is sometimes employed to mean the te of rank and file under the command of the general. POLYMNIA. VII. 19—22. 199 up four full years after ὥστε μήτε τὸν Aapelov τὸν ἐπὶ Σκύθας παρὰ τοῦτον μηδὲν the reduc- φαίνεσθαι, μήτε τὸν Σκυθικὸν, ὅτε Σκύθαι Κιμμερίους διώκοντες were. ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν χώρην ἐμβαλόντες σχεδὸν πάντα τὰ ἄνω τῆς Egypt. ᾿Ασίης καταστρεψάμενοι ἐνέμοντο" τῶν εἵνεκεν ὕστερον Δαρεῖος ἐτιμωρέετο """ μήτε κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα τὸν ᾿Ατρειδέων ἐς Ἴλιον, μήτε τὸν Μυσῶν τε καὶ Τευκρῶν τὸν πρὸ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν γενό- μενον **> οὗ διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην κατὰ Βόσπορον, τούς τε Θρήϊκας κατεστρέψαντο πάντας καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον πόντον κατ- έβησαν, μέχρι τε Πηνειοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ πρὸς μεσαμβρίης ἤλασαν. Αὗται αἱ πᾶσαε, καὶ οὐδ᾽ εἰ ἕτεραι" πρὸς ταύτῃσι γενόμεναι στρα- τηλασίαι, μεῆς τῆσδε οὐκ ἄξιαι. τί γὰρ οὐκ ἤγαγε ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἔθνος ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα BépEns ; κοῖον δὲ πινόμενόν μὲν ὕδωρ οὐκ ἐπέλιπε, πλὴν τῶν μεγάλων ποταμῶν ; οἱ μὲν γὰρ νέας παρ- εἴχοντο, οἱ δὲ ἐς πεζὸν ἐτετάχατο τοῖσι δὲ ἵππος προσετέτακτο, τοῖσε δὲ ἱππαγωγὰ πλοῖα ἅμα στρατευομένοισι' τοῖσι δὲ ἐς τὰς 21 γεφύρας μακρὰς νέας παρέχειν, τοῖσι δὲ σῖτά τε καὶ νέας. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν, ὡς προσπταισάντων τῶν πρώτων περιπλεόντων 99 περὶ τὸν "άθων, προετοιμάζετο ἐκ τριῶν ἐτέων κου μάλεστα ἐς τὸν "Αθων ἐν γὰρ ᾿Ελαιοῦντι τῆς Χερσονήσου ὥρμεον τριήρεες 88 τῶν εἵνεκεν ὕστερον Δαρεῖος ἐτιμω- ρέετο. See i. 103—106, and iv. 4. 59 γὸν πρὸ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν γενόμενον. This expedition does not enter into the chain of events which are connected with one another by the author in the opening of his work (i. 1—4). And the reason of this seems to be, that it belonged to a dif- ferent mythical cycle from that which he is there following. It is a tradition pos- terior to the time of CaLLinvs, the ele- giac poet of Ephesus. (Srrazo, cited in note 332 on ii. 118.) The Texcri here men- tioned are that race of which the Gergi- thians subjugated by Hymeas were the last relics. But although called the ‘ an- cient Teucrians’ (v. 122), and very pro- bably an ancient race, the name was certainly more recent than the Iliad. See note 332 on ii. 118. 99 οὐδ᾽ εἰ Erepa:. The word οὐδὲ ap- pears to be introduced here with the same object as οὐ in § 16, above: φανῆναι δὲ οὐδὲν μᾶλλόν μοι ὀφείλει ἔχοντι τὴν σὴν ἐσθῆτα ἢ οὐ καὶ τὴν μήν. See note 300 on iv. 118. 91 ἐν ᾿Ελαιοῦντι τῆς Χερσονήσου ὥρμεον 91, τριήρεες. Eleus, which was at the ex- treme point of the Chersonese, was excel- lently situated as a look-out for all vessels from whatever quarter, proposing to enter the Hellespont. The Persian commander in the Chersonese appears to have pos- sessed a semi-naval character. His title was στρατηγὸς τῶν παραθαλασσίων dy- δρῶν (ν. 25); and his jurisdiction appears to have extended over the neighbouring islands. We may perhaps suppose Elzeus the head-quarters of the fleet under his command, with which he would control Lemnos, Imbros, Samothrace, Thasos, and the maritime towns on the Thracian main. In this sense, therefore, Elseeus may be said to be the point from which the en- gineering operations were carried on at the isthmus of Athos. The labourers employed in them would probably be relieved from thence, and also supplied with meal from the corn produced in Pontus, shipped in transports. The head- quarters of the commandant, however, would doubtless be Sestos, the strongest position in the Chersonese (ix. 115), and the’ point where the communication be- Canal du through the isthmus connecting Athos with the main. 23 Method of conducting the cxcava- tion. 200 HERODOTUS ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρμεώμενοι, ὥρυσσον ὑπὸ μαστέγων " παντοδαποὶ τῆς στρατιῆς" διάδοχοι δ' ἐφοίτων. ὥρυσσον δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν ἤάθων κατοικημένοι. Βουβάρης " δὲ ὁ Μεγαβάζου", καὶ ’Apra- χαίης ὁ ᾿Αρταίου "", ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, ἐπεστάτεον τοῦ ἔργου. ὁ yap άθως ἐστὶ ὄρος μέγα τε καὶ οὐνομαστὸν, ἐς θάλασσαν κατῆκον, οἰκημένον ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων' τῇ δὲ τελευτᾷ ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον τὸ ὄρος, χερσονησοειδές τέ ἐστι καὶ ἰσθμὸς ὡς δώδεκα σταδίων" πεδίον δὲ τοῦτο καὶ κολωνοὶ οὐ μεγάλοι ἐκ θαλάσσης τῆς ᾿Ακανθίων ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τὴν ἀντίον Τορώνης" ἐν δὲ τῷ ἰσθμῷ τούτῳ, ἐς τὸν τελευτᾷ ὁ “AOws, Σάνη πόλις ‘Eras οἴκηται: αἱ δὲ ἐντὸς Σάνης ἔσω δὲ τοῦ “Aw οἰκημέναι, τὰς τότε ὁ Πέρσης νησιώτιδας ἀντὶ ἠπειρωτίδων ὥρμητο ποιέειν, εἰσὶ aide Δῖον, ᾿Ολόφυξος, ᾿Ακράθωον Ἷ, Θύσσος, Κλεωναί' πόλις μὲν αὗται, αἱ τὸν “Adwy νέμονται. "Ὥρυσσον δὲ ὧδε: δασάμενοι τὸν χῶρον οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ ἔθνεα, κατὰ Σάνην πόλιν σχοινοτενὲς ποιησάμενοι" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένετο βαθεῖα ἡ διώρυξ, οἱ μὲν, κατώτατα ἑστεῶτες, ὥρυσσον' ἕτεροι δὲ παρεδίδοσαν τὸν αἰεὶ ἐξορυσσόμενον χοῦν ἄλλοισε κατ- ύπερθε ἑστεῶσι ἐπὶ βάθρων" οἱ δ᾽ αὖ ἐκδεκόμενοι, ἑτέροισι, ἕως tween Europe and Asia, which it was of vital importance to the Persians to main- tain, could be most securely preserved. Eleus is the scene of a transaction related by Herodotus elsewhere (ix. 116) on the authority of Chersonesitan informants (ix. 120). vy ὑπὸ μαστίγων. The practice of the Persian petty-officers to inflict summary corporal punishment, like the centurions in the Roman army and the boatswains in the English navy, seems to have struck the Greeks forcibly, judging by the way in which it is repeatedly noticed, e.g. §§ 56, 103, below. Larcher remarks, with the simplicity of a closet critic, that “a soldier thus treated must have been insensible to honour.” It is strange that the instance of Marius, who ‘ nodosam frangebat ver- tice vitem, cum tardus pigré muniret castra dolabra,’’ did not occur to his mind to disabuse him of such a pedantic notion. 93 BouBdpns. This individual is proba- bly the same who is mentioned in v. 21. 94 MeyaSd(ov. One MS has Μεγαβύ- colony from Andros (THucypipEs, iv. 109), and appears to have contained a purely Hellenic population. The other towns are enumerated by Thucydides (who calls one Acrathoi), and described as con- taining a mixed population, speaking /szo languages. Sane was so near to Acanthus, that it would seem from the treaty made in the middle of the Peloponnesian war, it must have been placed by that town in the position of a dependency, and its citi- zens removed thither, as those of Alba were by Tullus to Rome. One provision is: Μηκυβερναίους καὶ Zavalovs καὶ Σιγ- γαίους οἰκεῖν τὰς πόλεις τὰς ἑαντῶν, καθ- dwep ᾿Ολύνθιοι καὶ ᾿Ακάνθιοι. (Taucy- DIDES, v. 18.) In subsequent times its importance seems to have outgrown that of Acanthus; for Srraro (vii. Fragm. 15) obviously assigns that name to the locality occupied by Sane. 97 ᾿Ακράθωον. The MSS vary between ᾿Ακρόθωον and ᾿Ακρόθοον, and Gaisford adopts the former. But I have not hesi- tated to change the reading on the authority of THucypipeEs (iv. 109). The Acra- thoi are the inhabitants of the high peak of Athos, in which there are now so many monasteries, POLYMNIA. VII. 283—25. 201 ἀπίκοντο ἐς τοὺς ἀνωτάτω" οὗτοι δὲ ἐξεφόρεόν τε καὶ ἐξέβαλλον. τοῖσε μέν νυν ἄλλοισι, πλὴν Φοινίκων, καταρρηγνύμενοι οἱ κρημνοὶ τοῦ ὀρύγματος πόνον διπλήσιον παρεῖχον: ἅτε γὰρ τοῦ τε ἄνω στόματος καὶ τοῦ κάτω τὰ αὐτὰ μέτρα ποιευμένων, ἔμελλέ σφι τοιοῦτο ἀποβήσεσθαι" οἱ δὲ Φοίνικες σοφίην ἔν τε τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἔργοεσε ἀποδείκνυνται, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῳ: ἀπολαχόντες γὰρ μόριον ὅσον αὐτοῖσι ἐπέβαλλε", ὄρυσσον τὸ μὲν ἄνω στόμα τῆς διώρυχος ποιεῦντες διπλήσιον ἢ ὅσον ἔδεε αὐτὴν τὴν διώρυχα γενέσθαι" προβαίνοντος δὲ τοῦ ἔργου, συνῆγον αἰεί: κάτω τε δὴ ἐγίνετο, καὶ ἐξισοῦτο τοῖσι ἄλλοισε τὸ ἔργον. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ λειμών ἐστι, ἵνα oft ἀγορή τὸ ἀγίνετο καὶ πρητήριον' σῖτος δέ σφισι πολλὸς ἐφοίτα ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἀληλεσμένος. ‘As μὲν ἐμὲ συμβαλ- 94 λεόμενον εὑρίσκειν", μεγαλοφροσύνης εἵνεκα αὐτὸ Ξέρξης ὀρύσσειν wich τ. ἐκέλευε, ἐθέλων τε δύναμιν ἀποδείκνυσθαι καὶ μνημόσυνα λυπέσθαι' Tt παρεὸν γὰρ μηδένα πόνον λαβόντας τὸν ἰσθμὸν τὰς νέας διειρύσαι, tempt the ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλενε διώρυχα τῇ θαλάσσῃ, εὗρος ὡς δύο τριήρεας πλέειν ὁμοῦ ἐλαστρευμένας. τοῖσι δὲ αὐτοῖσι τούτοισι, τοῖσί περ καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα, προσετέτακτο καὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν ζεύξαντας γεφυρῶσαι. Ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω ἐποίεε' παρασκευάζετο δὲ καὶ ὅπ' 98 ὅσον αὐτοῖσι ἐπέβαλλε, “a8 much as fell to their shares.”” See note 370 on i. 106. 99 ὡς μὲν ἐμὲ συμβαλλεόμενον εὑρίσκειν. This notion οὗ Herodotas, that no perma- nent object was in view in the construc. tion of a ship canal, was doubtless shared by many; and perhaps was partly the canse of the scepticism which many of the ancients felt as to the operation having been really effected, so that ‘ velificatus Athos’ came to be reckoned with ‘ epota flumina Medo prandente’ among the pro- verbial fictions of Greek historical writing. (Juvena, Sat. x. 178.) But the canal was by Cam_Yte (ap. Walpole’s Turkey, i. p. 224) throughout the whole 100 3 ες ments for the nt occupation of the country, by facilitating the access of 8 fleet which might be required to carry stores for a land army whenever occasion demanded, it ceases to excite wonder. As for the amount of labour, it canhot have been any thing like so great as must have been expended on the great earth-works in Mesopotamia. But when the whole of the chain of military posts (with the exception of Doriscus) fell before the arms of the Greeks, the scope of the canal ceased to appear, and it came to be represented as due simply to the ostentatious spirit of the invader. Subsequent writers did not fail to improve upon thisidea. PLUTARCH gives a letter written by Xerxes to Mount of its extent. ‘It is about a mile anda Athos, menacing it with his vengeance for quarter long, and twenty-five yards across. opposition to his will. (De cohibendd It has been much filled up with mud and ird, p. 455.) rushes. Its bottom is in many places very little above the level of the sea; in some parts of it corn is sown, in others there are pools of water.’”” And if it be regarded as a part of the system of arrange- VOL. II. 100 §eAa, “tackle.”’ The word is appli- cable to all instruments used in working a vessel, and not confined to the ropes, although in this particular instance the ropes would be the most important por- 2D 25 Preparation of stores for the expedi- tion. 26 March of the army from Cri- talla, the point of ren- dezvous. They cross the Halys, and reach Celana, where are the foun- tains of the Meaander and the 202 HERODOTUS Tas γεφύρας βύβλινά τε καὶ λευκολίνου, ἐπιτάξας Φοίνιξί τε καὶ Αὐγνπτίοισι καὶ σιτία τῇ στρατιῇ καταβάλλειν", ἵνα μὴ λιμήνειε ἡ στρατιὴ, μηδὲ τὰ ὑποζύγια ἐλαυνόμενα ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα" ἀναπυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς χώρους, καταβάλλειν ἐκέλευε ἵνα ἐπιτηδεώ- τατον εἴη, ἄλλον ἄλλῃ ἀγινέοντας ὁλκάσι τε καὶ πορθμηΐοισι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης πανταχόθεν. τὸν δὲ ὧν πλεῖστον ἐς Λευκὴν ᾿Ακτὴν καλεομένην τῆς Θρηΐκης ἀγίνεον, οἷ᾽ δὲ ἐς Τυρόδιζαν τὴν Περινθίων, οἱ δὲ ἐς Δορίσκον .", οἱ δὲ ἐς ᾿Ηϊόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι, οἱ δὲ ἐς Μακεδονίην διατεταγμένοι. Ἔν τῷ δὲ οὗτοι τὸν προκείμενον πόνον ἐργάζοντο, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ πεζὸς ἅπας συλλελεγμένος ἅμα Ἐέρξῃ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Σάρδις, ἐκ Κριτάλλων ᾿“ ὁρμηθεὶς τῶν ἐν Καππαδοκίῃ" ἐνθαῦτα γὰρ εἴρητο συλλέγεσθαι πάντα τὸν κατ᾽ ἤπειρον μέλλοντα ἅμα αὐτῷ Ἐέρξῃ tA , lA “Ὁ e 4 \ 4: πορεύεσθαι στρατόν. ὃς μέν νυν τῶν ὑπάρχων στρατὸν κάλλιστα ἐσταλμένον ἀγωγὼν τὰ προκείμενα ᾽ παρὰ βασιλέος ἔλαβε δῶρα, οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀρχὴν ἐς κρίσιν τούτου πέρι ἐλθόντας olda: οἱ δὲ ἐπεί τε διαβάντες τὸν “Αλυν ποταμὸν ὡμίλησαν τῇ Φρυγίῃ "", δι’ αὐτῆς πορευόμενοι παρεγένοντο ἐς Κελαινάς "5 ἵνα tion. In THeEocritus (xiii. 52) the order κουφότερα ποιεῖσθαι ὅπλα would imply the laying in the oars and, as English sailors express it, ‘‘ making all snug,” to prepare for the coming breeze indicated by the falling star. 8 καταβάλλειν σιτία, “to form maga- zines of provision.” 101 ἐς Δορίσκον. See note 289 on v. 98. The site is described below, § 59. It will be observed that the places named here form a chain of posts along the line of march into Hellas. Etonand Doriscus, besides their accessibility from the sea, of which the Persians had the command, secured the passage over the Strymon and the Hebrus respectively. That the greatest quantity of stores should be laid up at Leuce Acte was likely from the cir- cumstance that the supplies came chiefly from Pontus (above, § 23). What the particular points for magazines in Mace- donia were, Herodotus does not say. His informant was perhaps a Hellespontine Greek, more familar with his own neigh- bourhood than with the coast west of the Strymon. He also knew no particulars which happened on the march until Ce- lene was reached. 102 ἀκ KpirdAAwy. Critalla was the frontier town of Cappadocia. See notes 243 on i. 72, and 130 on v. 52. 103 χὰ προκείμενα. See above, § 8. 104 ἐπεί τε διαβάντες τὸν Αλυν ποτα- μὸν ὡμίλησαν τῇ Φρυγίῃ. The of the river here seems undoubtedly to be at the same place which Herodotus speaks of in v. 52. See the note 129 on that pas- sage, and also 243 on i. 72. 105 ἐς KeAawds. The population of this city were removed by Antiochus Soter to Apamea, which he built in honour of his mother Apame, and which became, next to Ephesus, the most important commer- cial town of Asia. (STRABO, xii. c. δ, p. 73.) From this circumstance it may be presumed that the same character had attached to Celene, which quite accords with its being the locality in which an individual like Pythius was established. See note 111, below. Apamea was situ- ated at the source of the river Marsyas, which was no doubt the same as that which Herodotus calls Cataract, for the POLYMNIA. VII. 26—28. 203 πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσε Μαιάνδρου worayot', καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσ- Cataract, σονος ἢ Masdvopovu, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Karappyerns, ὃς ἐξ aaa eat αὐτῆς τῆς ὠγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, és τὸν Μαίανδρον plang ἐκδιδοῖ: ἐν τῇ "7 καὶ ὁ τοῦ Σιληνοῦ Μαρσύεω ἀσκὸς ἐν τῇ πόλι the Skin of dvaxpéparat, τὸν ὑπὸ Φρυγῶν λόγος ἔχει ὑπὸ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐκ- Morey. δαρέντα ἀνακρεμασθῆναι. Ev ταύτῃ τῇ πόλι ὑποκατήμενος Πύθιος 97 ὁ ἴάτυος 1, ἀνὴρ Λυδὸς, ἐξείνισε τὴν βασιλέος στρατιὴν πᾶσαν Poliee ibe. ξεινίοισι μεγίστοισι καὶ αὐτὸν Ἐέρξεα, χρήματά te ἐπωγγέλλετο Lydian and βουλόμενος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρέχειν: ἐπωγγελλομέναυ δὲ χρήματα ae Πυθώου, εἴρετο Ἐέρξης Περσέων τοὺς παρεόντας, τίς τε ἐὼν ἀνδρῶν Πύθιος καὶ κόσα χρήματα κεκτημένος ἐπαγγέλλοιτο ταῦτα; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν" “ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὗτός ἐστι ὅς τοι τὸν πατέρα Δαρεῖον ἐδωρήσατο τῇ πλατανίστῳ τῇ χρυσέῃ καὶ τῇ ἀμπέλῳ """ ὃς καὶ νῦν ἐστι πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, μετὰ σέ." θωμάσας δὲ τῶν ἐπέων τὸ τελευταῖον Ἐέρξης, αὐτὸς δεύτερα εἴρετο 28 Πύθιον ὁκόσα οἱ εἴη χρήματα ; ὁ δὲ εἶπε' “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὔτε σε ἀποκρύψω οὔτε σκήψομαε τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι τὴν ἐμεωντοῦ "" ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστάμενός τοι ἀτρεκέως καταλέξω" ἐπεί τε γὰρ τάχιστά σε ἐπυθόμην ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καταβαίνοντα τὴν ᾿Ελληνίδα, βουλόμενός Tos δοῦναι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον χρήματα, ἐξέμαθον, καὶ εὗρον λογιζό- 3 [4 οὑὐσίην, current belief was that both the Marsyas and the Meeander rose from the same tarn, which wae above the hill on which Celeenzs had stood. (Srnraso, p. 74.) This tarn abounded in the reeds from which the tousical pipes were made,—a circumstance which doubtless determined the assign- ment of this locality to the contest of Marsyas with Apollo. 106 fa πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ. In the time of XgNOPHON the stream issued from a court in the palace of the younger Cyrus, which had been built there, surrounded with a park of wild animals preserved for the purposes of the chase. Probably this residence did not exist in the time of Herodotus, as he takes no notice of it, although the tradi- tion ran that it was built by Xerxes on his retreat out of Europe after the defeat at Salamis. (Anadasis, i. 2. 9.) 107 ἂν τῇ. One manuscript (δ) has ἐν ᾧ. In the time of XsnopHon the skin was suspended in the grotto from whence the stream called Marsyas issued, and the place where it joined the Meander was fixed as the site of the flaying. (Anadasia, i. 2. 8. 108 “Arvos. 5 have ’Arpéos. 109 τῇ πλατανίστῳ τῇ χρυσέῃ καὶ τῇ ἀμπέλῳ. The article is to be observed : ‘‘ the well-known golden plane,” &c. Py- thius had doubtless both received benefits from Darius and rendered services to him (see note 111, below), and the superiority of Greek artists gave him an opportunity of making a present which for its beauty astonished the Medo-Persian courtiers. The trait of Xerxes knowing nothing of the man’s name, but being familiar with his magnificent present, is beautifully cha- racteristic of courtly selfishness. 110 ἐμεωυτοῦ. The majority of MSS have ἐμεωυτοῦ, which Gaisford retains. But ἑωντοῦ exists in K, and it is perhaps more likely to have been altered into the usual form than the converse. In iv. 97 the great majority of the MSS have éwu- τοῦ, and only two ἐμεωυτοῦ. The manuscripts P, K, F, 2 Ὁ ἢ 29 201 HERODOTUS μενος, ἀργυρίον μὲν δύο ydiddas ἐούσας μοι ταλάντων, χρυσίου δὲ τετρακοσίας μυριάδας στατήρων Δαρεικῶν "", ἐπιδεούσας ἑπτὰ χιλιαδέων. καὶ τούτοισί σε ἐγὼ δωρέομαι αὐτῷ δ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἀπὸ ἀν- δραπόδων τε καὶ γεωπεδίων ἀρκέων ἐστὶ βίος." ὋὉ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγε: Ἐέρξης δὲ ἡσθεὶς τοῖσι εἰρημένοισι, ele “ ξεῖνε Δυδὲ, ἐγὼ ἐπεί τε ἐξῆλθον τὴν Περσίδα χώρην, οὐδενὶ ἀνδρὶ συνέμεξα ἐς τόδε, ὅστις ἠθέλησε ξείνια προθεῖναι στρατῷ τῷ ἐμῷ, οὐδὲ ὅστις ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἐμὴν καταστὰς αὐτεπάγγελτος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐμοὶ ἠθέλησε συμβαλέσθαι χρήματα, ἔξω σεῦ' σὺ δὲ καὶ ἐξείνισας μεγάλως στρατὸν τὸν ἐμὸν, καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα ἐπωγγέλλεαι. σοὶ ὧν ἐγὼ ἀντὶ αὐτῶν γέρεα τοιάδε δίδωμε" ξεῖνόν τέ σε ποιεῦμαι ἐμὸν """ καὶ 111 τετρακοσίας μυριάδας στατήρων Δα- ρεικῶν. If the Darie be reckoned at Ll. le. 10°44d., which would be its value if compared with our own sovereigns with re- ference to the amount of pure gold in each, this sum would be enormous, and make the wealth of Pythius such as to throw into the shade not only the fortunes of Euro- pean Greece, bat even those of the modern millionnairesof England. But it seems clear from the excess of gold over silver, that this is too great an estimate of its current value in Phrygia at the time of Xerxes’s invasion. Independently of the Lydian gold from the Tmolus, a great deal would come im from central Asia, where it has always been abundant in comparison of silver, (See the note 280 on iii. 95.) In the time of XENOPHON (Anabdasia, i. 7. 18), when there had been a vast efflux of gold from Asia into Europe, the daric was still reckoned as equivalent to only twenty silver drachms, or 300 darice to one talenf. This would give about 160. 3d. for the value of the daric. Taking it at this sum, the property of Pythius would still amount to £3,400,(100 in gold (after Xerxes had made it up to a round mum- ber), and £510,000 in silver. The wealth of Callias, the richest of Athenian citizens ἴῃ the most flourishing times of the com- monwealth, was assessed at 200 talents, or £51,000. (Lystas, xix. Ὁ. 649, Reiske.) The only way in which this enormous ac- cumulation in the bands of a private indi- vidual in those days becomes conceivable, is by supposing that Pythius had farmed the revenues, and probably on very favour- able terms, upon the constitation of Da- rius’s system of satrapies. In carrying out those arrangements the assistance of the experienced Lydian financiers would be one of the greatest necessities ; and the same class of persons would, almost alone, be able to turn to their own advantage the troubles which ever since the destruction of the Lydian dynasty had prevailed in Asia. The whole matter becomes expli- cable if Pythius is regarded in the same light as the Fuggers of Augsburg, and his liberality to Xerxes as an act parallel to the well-known story of the head of that house; who presented the emperor Charlies V., towards the close of a splendid enter- tainment he gave to him, with his own bond to light a pile of fragrant spices. In its turn the agency of ionian capitalists will help to explain the peculiar order of the satrapies in Darius’s cadastral system, as given by Herodotus, to which attention was called in note 261 on iii. 90. Ριυ- rarcH (de Virtut. Mul. p. 262) gives s long story of Pythius, whom he calls Pythes, and whose wealth he derives from the discovery of some gold mines, and re- presents him as forcing all the inhabitants of “‘ the city which he governed ”’ to work these. He is converted from this policy by his wife, who gives him a practical les- son that gold is only usefal as an article of exchange. 113 ξεινόν τέ σε ποιεῦμαι ἐμόν. In these formal expressions of friendship between persons of very unequal rank there seems to be the of modern titles, at any rate of that of “count” (comes). Philip of Macedonia gave a formality to the title éraipos, which he seems to have bestowed upon men of weight by whose services he hoped to profit. POLYMNIA. VII. 29—81. 205 τὰς τετρακοσίας μυριάδας τοι τῶν στατήρων ἀποπλήσω παρ᾽ ἐμεωυτοῦ, δοὺς τὰς ἑπτὰ yitiddas ἵνα μή τοι ἐπιδεέες ἔωσι αἱ τετρακόσιαι μυριάδες ἑπτὰ χιλιαδέων, GAN 7 Toe ἀπαρτιλογίη ὑπ᾽ ἐμέο πεπληρωμένη: κέκτησό τε αὐτὸς τά περ αὐτὸς ἐκτήσαο, ἐπίστασό τε εἶναι αἰεὶ τοιοῦτος" οὐ γάρ τοι ταῦτα ποιεῦντι οὔτε ἐς τὸ πταρεὸν οὔτε ἐς χρόνον μεταμελήσει." Ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ ἐπιτελέα ποιήσας, ἐπορεύετο αἰεὶ τὸ πρόσω. on "Avava δὲ καλεομένην Φρυγῶν πόλιν παραμειβόμενος, καὶ λίμνην Xerxes ἐκ τῆς ἅλες γίνονται, ἀπίκετο ἐς Κολοσσὰς, πόλεν μεγάλην Ppv- ΠῚ Τὰ γίης ν, ἐν τῇ Δύκος ποταμὸς ἐς χάσμα γῆς ἐσβάλλων ἀφανίζεται, pli gpeene a at Colossa, ἔπειτα διὰ σταδίων ὡς πέντε μάλιστά Kn ἀναφαινόμενος ἐκδιδοῖ where the e river Lycus καὶ οὗτος ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον. ἐκ δὲ Κολοσσέων ὁρμεώμενος ὁ nine anier στρατὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς οὔρους τῶν Φρυγῶν καὶ τῶν Avddy, ἀπίκετο ἐς Freund for ; Κύδραρα πόλιν" ἔνθα στήλη ." καταπεπηγυῖα, σταθεῖσα δὲ ὑπὸ Ova ἧς Κροίσου, καταμηνύει διὰ γραμμάτων τοὺς οὔρους. ‘Qs δὲ ἐκ τῆς 31 Φρυγίης ἐσέβαλε ἐς τὴν Λυδίην, σχιζομένης τῆς ὁδοῦ, καὶ τῆς μὲν 0D the Phy. ἐς ἀριστερὴν ἐπὶ Καρίης φερούσης, τῆς δὲ ἐς δεξιὴν ἐς Σάρδις, τῇ G2 nd Ly” καὶ πορευομένῳ διαβῆναι τὸν Μαίανδρον ποταμὸν πᾶσα ἀνάγκη δ . Leja γίνεται, καὶ ἰέναε παρὰ Καλλάτηβον "." πόλιν, ἐν τῇ ἄνδρες δη- Ἄδον th er this μιοεργοὶ μέλε ἐκ μυρίκης τε καὶ πυροῦ ποιεῦσι '”* ,. ταύτην ἰὼν ὁ the road divides, the 112 gs Ἰολοσσὰς, πόλιν μεγάλην Φρυγίης. Carura was the frontier town between S$ and V omit the word μεγάλην, and the former has the form Κολοσσούς. The city Coloese is said by Strano to have derived its name from the peculiar aptness of the wool produced by the sheep in the neighbourhood to take the colour which was designated by that name. Laodicea, which was in the immediate neighboar- hood, on the Lycus, was equally remark- able for the excellence of its wool in taking the colour called coraze (xii. c. 8, p. 74). 114 Κύδραρα πόλιν’ ἔνθα στήλη. Shas Κυδραπόλιν, ἔνθα ἢ στήλη, an important variation, as it indicates that the monu- ment was a well-known one, Two or three other MSS also have Κύδρα instead of Ké8papa. Nothing is known of the town. Probably it was a mere frontier station, existing chiefly for the purpose of exact- ing transit duties,—a circumstance which would make it notable to travelling mer- chants. (See note 130 on v. 52.) It has been identified with the Carura of Strano (xiv. c. 3, p. 212) by Schweighiaser ; but Caria and Phrygia, whereas Cydrara is represented by Herodotus as the frontier between Phrygia and Lydia, and some- what south of the point where the road towards Caria turned off. 115 Καλλάτηβον. The manuscripts 8 and V have Καλλάτιον. Nothing is known of the place. Probably it was only noted for the manufacture spoken of in the text. It has been placed by conjecture on the site of Philadelphia, but apparently with- out any good reason. 116 ἄνδρες δημιοεργοὶ μέλι ἐκ μυρίκης τε καὶ πυροῦ ποιεῦσι. Herodotus speaks of an extensive manufacture of honey among one of the Libyan tribes (iv. 194). It must be remembered that the word ‘honey’ would, as naturally as the word ‘sugar’ with us, be employed by the an- cients to ex any saccharine substance which might be obtained by an artificial . As the bee-honey furnished the original and also the prmcipal means of sweetening, its name would be extended to left leading Ἐέρξης τ ὁδὸν, eupe πλατάνιστον, THY κάλλεος εἵνεκα δωρησά- μενος κόσμῳ χρυσέῳ καὶ μελεδωνῷ ἀὐαράτῳ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιτρέψας the right, 32 dis heralds are sent into Hellas. 33 Site of the bridge across the Hellespont. 34 206 δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπίκετο ἐς τῶν Δυδῶν τὸ ἄστυ. , πρῶτα μὲν ἀπέπεμπε κήρυκας ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα, αἰτή- 118 Σάρδις HERODOTUS ἣν ᾿Απικόμενος δὲ ἐς σοντας γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ προερέοντας δεῖπνα βασιελέϊξ παρα- σκευάζειν' πλὴν οὔτε ἐς ᾿Αθήνας οὔτε ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἀπέπεμπε ἐπὶ γῆς αἴτησιν" τερον **° "9. τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ πάντη" τῶνδε δὲ εἵνεκα τὸ δεύ- ἀπέπεμπε ἐπὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ' ὅσοι πρότερον οὐκ ἔδοσαν 3 Δαρείῳ πέμψαντι, τούτους πώγχυ ἐδόκεε τότε δείσαντας δώσειν: βουλόμενος ὧν αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐκμαθεῖν ἀκριβῶς, ἔπεμπε" μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρεσκενάζετο ws ἐλῶν ἐς ᾿Αβυδον. Οἱ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἐζεύγνυσαν ἐκ τῆς ᾿ΑΙσίης ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην. ἔστε δὲ τῆς Χερσονήσου τῆς ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ, Σηστοῦ τε πόλιος μεταξὺ καὶ Μαδύτου, ἀκτὴ τραχέα ἐς θάλασσαν κατήκουσα ᾿Αβύδῳ καταντίον: ἔνθα μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνῳ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ, ἐπὶ Ἐανθίππον τοῦ ᾿Αρίφρονος στρατηγοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων, ᾿Αρταὔκτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην λαβόντες Σηστοῦ ὕπαρχον, ζῶντα πρὸς σανίδα προσδιεπασσάλευσαν' ὃς καὶ ἐς τοῦ Πρωτεσίλεω 70 ἱρὸν ἐς ᾿Ελαιοῦντα '* ἀγινεόμενος γυναῖκας, ἀθέμιτα ἔρδεσκε. ᾽Ες ταύτην ὧν τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐξ ᾿Αβύδου ὁρμεώμενοι ἐγεφύρουν τοῖσι προσεκέετο, τὴν μὲν 5 λευκολίνου Φοίνικες, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέρην τὴν βυβλίνην Αὐγύπτιοι' ἔστι δὲ ἑπτὰ στάδιοι ἐξ ᾿Αβύδου ἐς την all others. The word δημιουργὸς is men- tioned by ATHENZUs (iv. 172) as having been the name given by the ancients (οἱ arpérepov) to the makers of pastry,—which may induce the conjecture that the origin of this kind of cakes was in the offerings made to the deities, and that a peculiar mode of manufacturing them was pre- served as a part of the sacred traditions, and committed to the hands of certain officials. 117 μελεδωνῷ ἀθανάτῳ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιτρέψας, “having committed it to the charge of a member of the Immortal Band as its guardian.” Of these ‘immortals,’ see be- low, § 83. 118 ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς Σάρδις. It will be observed that in the description of the route of Xerxes to Sardis, there is no pre- tence at any thing like the accuracy of an itinerary. All the points mentioned have a mercantile interest, which appears on the very face of the matter, and nothing is related which would not naturally re- main in the current traditions of the seve- ral localities. These considerations sre important in estimating the value of the details in Herodotus’s story. 19 πλὴν οὔτε ἐς ᾿Αθήνας... .. αἴτησιν. For a reason of this see ὃ 133, below. 120 +d δεύτερον. These words are owit- ted by S and V. 121 | eves: The MSS are divided be- tween this word and chart 122 βουλόμενος dy... . ἔπεμπε. This clause is omitted in v, and apparently from no error of vision in the transcriber. 193 "Apratxrny. Of this Artayctes 566 ix. 120, below. 124 ἐς ᾿Ἐλαιοῦντα. See note on § 22, above. 125 τὴν μέν. The word with which Thy agrees is γέφυραν, gathered by infer- ence from the preceding verb ἐγεφύρον». POLYMNIA. VII. 82---86. 207 ἀπαντίον. Kai δὴ ἐξευγμένου τοῦ πόρου, ἐπυγενόμενος χειμὼν 35 μέγας συνέκοψέ τε ἐκεῖνα πάντα καὶ διέλυσε: ὡς δ᾽ ἐπύθετο ntl Ξέρξης, δεινὰ ποιεύμενος, τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἐκέλευε τριηκοσίας behaviour of Xerxes ἐπικέσθαε μάστιγι πληγὰς 1525, καὶ κατεῖναι ἐς TO πέλωγος πεδέων When the ζεῦγος. ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα ὡς καὶ στυγέας ἅμα τούτοισι ἀπέπεμψε τς Ἵν στίξοντας τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον' ἐνετέλλετο δὴ ὧν ῥαπίζοντας λέγειν βαρβαρά τε καὶ ἀτάσθαλα: “ὦ πικρὸν ὕδωρ, δεσπότης Toe δίκην ἐπιτιθεῖ τήνδε, ὅτε μιν ἠδίκησας οὐδὲν πρὸς ἐκείνου ἄδικον παθόν: καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν Ἐέρξης διαβήσεταί σε, ἤν τε σύ γε βούλῃ ἢν τε pry σοὶ δὲ κατὰ δίκην ἄρα οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων θύει, ὡς ἐόντε δολερῷ τε καὶ ἁλμυρῷ ποταμῷ "7. τήν τε δὴ θάλασσαν ἐνετέλλετο τούτοισι ξημιοῦν, καὶ τῶν ἐπεστεώτων τῇ ζεύξι τοῦ “Εἰλλησπόντου ἀποταμεῖν τὰς κεφαλάς. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίεον τοῖσι προσεκέετο αὕτη ἡ ἄχαρις τιμή" τὰς δὲ ἄλλοι ἀρχιτέκτονες ἐζεύγνυσαν' ἐξεύγνυσαν δὲ ὧδε: πεντηκοντέρους καὶ 90 1% γριηκοσίας ἐπικέσθαι μάστιγι πλη- γάς, The construction is the same as if the author had said ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐκέλευε τριηκοσίας ἱκέσθαι πληγὰς, “he ordered that three hundred stripes with the scourge should be applied to the Hel- lespont.” By the way in which Zscuy- Lus speaks of the act of bridging over the strait, it seems likely that the whole story of the insults wreaked on the Hellespont has for its foundation “ poetry condensed into fact.’ ὅστις Ἑλλήσποντον ἱρὸν, δοῦλον ὡς δεσμώ- μασιν ἤλτισε σχήσειν ῥέοντα, Βόσπορον ῥόον θεοῦ καὶ πόρον μετεῤῥύθμιζε, καὶ πέδαις σφυρη- λάτοις τεριβαλὼν πολλὴν κέλενθον ἤνυσεν πολλῷ στρατῳ, ϑνητὸς ὧν, θεῶν δὲ πάντων ger’ οὐκ εὐ- βουλίᾳ καὶ Ποσειδῶνος κρατήσειν, πῶς τάδ᾽ οὐ γόσος φρενῶν; (Pers. 745.) It seems quite plain that in the time when the Persians were produced on the stage, the particulars related by Herodotus of Xerxes’s fury were unknown at Athens. His impiety is made to consist in the JSorcing his passage across the sacred strait, the displeasure of which had been already evinced. Under more equivocal circum- stances Cleomenes did not venture to cross the Erasinus (vi. 76). Aischylus repre- sents the Persian metaphorically as treat- ing the Hellespont like a rebellious slave, —for whom bonds, the lash, and the στί- ypara would be the appropriate punish- ment; and the popular traditions supplied these, although the last feature seems (as was not unlikely from its utter inappro- priateness) to have been wanting in most of these. It did not appear in the account with which JuVENAL was familiar, which also varied in making the winds, not the Hellespont, the objects scourged. Ile tamen qualis rediit, Salamine relicta, In Caurum atque Eurum solitus sevire flagellis Barbarus, Zolio nunquam hoc in carcere passos ? Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat Ennosi- geum, Mitius id sane, quod non et stigmate dignum Credidit! (Sat. x. 179, segq.) The address to the Hellespont, which is pat into the mouth of the Persian king, is of nearly the same stamp as the letter to Mount Athos given by Plutarch. See note 99, above. ᾿ 137 ποταμῷ. The Hellespont, perfectly land-locked, and with a stream running some three knots an hour, presents to a person who is sailing in it altogether the appearance of a ‘river;’ and it is from this notion of it that the epithets πλατὺς and ἀπείρων are applied to it in the Ho- meric poems. 208 HERODOTUS τριήρεας συνθέντες, ὑπὸ μὲν τὴν πρὸς τοῦ Εὐξείνου Πόντου ἑξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας, ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἑτέρην τεσσερεσκαίδεκα καὶ τριηκοσίας, τοῦ μὲν Πόντου ἐπικαρσίας "" τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ελλη- σπόντου κατὰ ῥόον, ἵνα ἀνακωχεύῃ τὸν τόνον τῶν ὅπλων" συνθέντες δὲ, ἀγκύρας κατῆκαν περιμήκεας---τὰς μὲν πρὸς τοῦ Πόντου τῆς ἑτέρης, τῶν ἀνέμων εἵνεκεν τῶν ἔσωθεν ἐκπνεόντων, τῆς δὲ ἑτέρης [τῆς °°] πρὸς ἑσπέρης τε καὶ τοῦ Avyalou—evpou τε καὶ νότου εἵνεκα: διέκπτλοον δὲ ὑπόφαυσιν "" κατέλιπον τῶν πεντηκοντέρων 128 τρῦ μὲν Πόντου ἐπικαρσίας. See the note on iv. 101. It is impossible that any persons who had ever constructed a pontoon bridge should think of mooring vessels, when stability was an object, in any other position than with their heads or sterns in the direction of the current; and it is such an erroneous assumption which has caused so much difficulty in the understanding of this p . Owing to the shape of the channel the set of the current is not in the line of water, but oblique from one shore to the other. A vessel therefore laid, as it must be if it is not to be soon carried away, tn the line of the current, would be af an angle to the apparent line of the shore of the Pro- pontis; it would seem as if not going direct up channel. All the ships were so moored,—each being what the writer de- scribes the whole to have been,— with the object of “‘steadying the strain of the tackle”? (ἵνα ἀνακωχεύῃ τὸν τόνον τῶν ὅπλων). The only difficulty arises from the circumstance that the author imagines the pontoon-ships to have been first put together (curéyres),and then brought into line by an operation like that effected with the tubes of the Menai tunnel ; whereas no doubt they were first anchored individually, then brought accurately into line by heav- ing at the capstan, and finally made fast to each other. The two bridges recipro- cally acted as breakwaters to each other against the effects of the prevalent winds, the East and the South-west. (See note 87 on iv. 27.) No doubt anchors were also laid out from the inner extremity of each vessel in the two lines, but these would not need to be of the size of the external ones, as the strain upon them would be much less. Srraso describes the line of the bridge as having been from a point above Abydos to one alittle below Sestos, which in his time bore the name of Ayodathra. The ferrymen in crossing from Sestos used to go down channel a short distance until they came off ‘ Hero’s Tower,’ from which point the set of the current enabled them to make Abydos. From Abydos, on the contrary, they crept up along sbore for about eight stades, and then stood for Sestos. The distance from port to port he puts at thirty stades, but the length of the bridge at only seven (xiii. c. 1, p. 96). The passage from Europe to Asia was con- sidered the easier. 129 [τῆς This word is not found in S, P, F, and I have little doubt that it is en interpolation. It seems impossible to give any sense to the passage if it be re- tained. But after expunging it from Gais- ford’s text, on the aathority of the above- mentioned MSS, the sense becomes mani- fest, making allowance for the false notion the author entertained of the mode of the operation. Translate: ‘‘ After attaching together penteconters and triremes, 36) for the bridge on the side of the Euzine Sea, and 314 for the other (all laid at an angle to the sea, but in the line of the stream of the Hellespont, to steady the strain on the gear), they laid out anchors with very long flukes,—some on the side of the sea for the one bridge, on account of the winds that blew from inwards; and for the other bridge, on the side of the west and the Agean,—(they laid them out, I say] on account of the Ε. and 5.W. winds [respectively ].” 130 ee "ini word is used in the sense of ‘a window’ in the LXX (Ezexrer xii. 16), διέκπλους ὑπόφανσις appears to mean ‘a passage like 8 wit- . dow,’ i.e. an arch, We must sappose 8 line of triremes and penteconters alter- nated in general, but in three places one of the latter left out in order to allow of a passage during the time of the con- struction of the bridge. Before the army crossed these were doubtless restored to their proper places, and made to bear ther share of the pressure of the main cable, POLYMNIA. VII. 57. 209 καὶ τριχοῦ, ἵνα καὶ ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἔχῃ ὁ βουλόμενος πλέειν πλοίοισι λεπτοῖσι, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντον ἔξω" ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες, κατέτεινον ἐκ γῆς στρεβλοῦντες ὄνοισε ξυλίνοισι τὰ ὅπλα, οὐκέτι χωρὶς ἑκάτερα τάξαντες, ἀλλὰ δύο μὲν λευκολίνου δασάμενοι ἐς ἑκατέρην, τέσσερα δὲ τῶν βυβλίνων: παχύτης μὲν ἡ αὐτὴ καὶ καλλονὴ, κατὰ λόγον δὲ ἦν ἐμβριθέστερα τὰ λίνεα' τοῦ τάλαντον ὁ πῆχυς εἷλκε. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐγεφυρώθη ὁ πόρος, κορμοὺς ξύλων καταπρίσαντες καὶ ποιή- σαντες ἴσους τῆς σχεδίης τῷ εὔρεϊ, κόσμῳ ἐπετίθεσαν κατύπερθε τῶν ὅπλων τοῦ τόνου" θέντες δὲ ἐπεξῆς, ἐνθαῦτα αὗτις ἐπεζεύγνυον" ποιήσαντες δὲ ταῦτα, ὕλην ἐπεφόρησαν' κόσμῳ δὲ θέντες καὶ τὴν ὕλην, γῆν ἐπεφόρησαν: κατανάξαντες δὲ καὶ τὴν γῆν, φραγμὸν παρείρυσαν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν, ἵνα μὴ φοβέηται τὰ ὑποζύγια τὴν θάλασσαν ὑπερορῶντα καὶ οἱ ἵπποι. Ὥς δὲ τά τε τῶν γεφυρέων κατεσκεύαστο καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν 37 "Abwv, οἵ τε yxurol™ περὶ τὰ στόματα τῆς διώρυχος, (of τῆς ῥηχίης ΤῊ pride εἵνεκεν ἐποιήθησαν ἵνα μὴ πίμπληται τὰ στόματα τοῦ ὀρύγματος,) scl καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ διώρυξ παντελέως πεποιημένη ἄγγελτο'" ἐνθαῦτα χειμε- al oa picas, ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι παρεσκευασμένος ὁ στρατὸς ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων moves his e ” ΄“" > ww e Ἅ ’ ee \ 3 ἈΠΙΩΥ͂ θη ὡρμᾶτο ἐλῶν ἐς "Αβυδον. ὡρμημένῳ δέ οἱ ὁ ἥλιος ἐκλιπὼν τὴν ἐκ Abydos in “ ϑ δ“ ? w 9 ; 3 the earl τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ὅδρην ἀφανὴς ἦν, οὔτ᾽ ἐπινεφέλων 3" ἐόντων, αἰθρίης epring. 4 + 3 \ e » ‘ , IQ ἢ Ἃ a t at τε τὰ padtota’ ἀντὶ ἡμέρης τε νὺξ ἐγένετο" ἰδόντι δὲ καὶ μαθόντι same time eclipse A A an τοῦτο τῷ Ξέρξῃ ἐπιμελὲς ἐγένετο' καὶ εἴρετο τοὺς μάγους τὸ θέλοι of the sun \ , ς al him, προφαίψειν τὸ φάσμα; οἱ δὲ ἔφραζον ὡς “EdAnos προδεικνύει ὃ but the Ma. But two MSS have ἐπὶ νεφελῶν, and several ἐπὶ γεφέων. If absolute depend- ence could be placed on the statement that an eclipse took place, as Herodotus relates, the exact time of the passage of which were from shore to shore, and strained tight by the gigantic cap- stans (ὄνοι) on land. 131 χυτοί. These appear to have been moles or breakwaters run out for some distance, to prevent the mouth of the canal from being choked up by the shin- gle, which would otherwise accumulate. The phrase ῥηχίης is not to be interpreted too strictly, as if it meant merely the rise of the tide. That would be very inconsi- derable (although not absolutely null) in this part of the Mediterranean. But a great sea would get up on the shore under the influence of the Etesian winds, and soon fill the mouth of the channel with shingle and sand, unless prevented by some such contrivance as that referred to in the text. 132 ἐπμεφέλων. So Gaisford prints. VOL. If. the raft might be determined. But it seems (see LARCHER), that no eclipse took place in the year 480 B.c. which would be visible at Abydos, although such a one did occur the year before. It is however quite impossible to reconcile the passage of the army in that year with the general chronology of Herodotus’s history. See notes 5 and 25, above. It is more reasonable to suppose that in subsequent times the traditions connected the cele- brated eclipse of 481 with the transit of Xerxes in 480. See note 32 on iii. 10, and 221 on vi. 98. 28 gians re- assure him. 38 Story of the horrible punishment for an offence iven by Py thius the Lydian. 210 HERODOTUS θεὸς ἔκλειψιν τῶν πολίων" Néyovres ἥλιον εἶναι Ελλήνων προδέ- κτορα, σέλήνην δὲ σφέων δ πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Ἐέρξης περι- χαρὴς ἐὼν ἐποιέετο τὴν ἔλασιν .". ‘As δ᾽ ἐξήλαυνε τὴν στρατιὴν, Πύθιος ὁ Λυδὸς καταρρωδήσας τὸ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φάσμα ἐπαρθείς τε τοῖσι δωρήμασι, ἐλθὼν παρὰ Ἐέρξεα ἔλεγε τάδε" ““ ὦ δέσποτα, xpnoas ἄν τι τεῦ βουλοίμην τυχεῖν "3", τὸ σοὶ μὲν ἐλαφρὸν τυγχάνει ἐὸν ὑπουργῆσαε, ἐμοὶ δὲ μέγα γενόμενον" Ἐέρξης δὲ πᾶν μᾶλλον δοκέων piv χρηΐσειν 7 τὸ ἐδεήθη, ἔφη τε ὑπουργήσειν καὶ δια- γορεύειν ἐκέλευε ὅτευ δέοιτο: ὁ δὲ ἐπεί Te ταῦτα ἤκουσε, ἔλεγε θαρσήσας τάδε: “ ὦ δέσποτα, τυγχάνουσί μοι παῖδες ἐόντες πέντε, καί σφεας καταλαμβάνει πάντας ἅμα σοὶ στρατεύεσθαε ἐπὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα σὺ δὲ, © βασιλεῦ, ἐμὲ ἐς τόδε ἡλικίης ἥκοντα οἰκτείρας, τῶν μοι παίδων ἕνα παράλυσον τῆς στρατηΐδης τὸν πρεσβύτατον", 183 Ἀόγοντες ἥλιον εἶναι Ἑλλήνων προ- δέκτορα, σελήνην δὲ σφέων. This passage indicates a great change in the religion of the Persian court as compared with the time of Cambyses. (See notes on iii. 35, and on § 114, below.) The same doctrine was laid down by the Egyptians in Alex- ander’s army, which had been terrified by an eclipse of the moon just before the battle of Arbela. (Curtivs, iv. 10. 7.) But it seems not unlikely from the expres- sion ‘‘ veteraque exempla percensent,” that the story is framed on the model of this very passage. At any rate Darius, very soon after (iv. 13. 12), is represented as invoking ‘‘ Solem Mitbren, sacrumque et seternum ignem.”’ The popular notion at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian war was that both sun and moon were the especial deities of the barbarians, as con- tradistinguished from the anthropomorphic divinities of European Hellas. Thus Arr- STOPHANES takes advantage of the irre- gularity of the Athenian calendar to show the Athenians how the feuds of Greece served the policy of Persia: TP. col φράσω τι πρᾶγμα δεινὸν καὶ μέγα, ὃ τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπασιν ἐπιβουλεύεται" EP. ἴθι δὴ, κάτειπ᾽" Yous γὰρ ἂν πεί- σαις μέ. ΤΡ. ἡ γὰρ σελήνη χὼ πανοῦργος ἥλιος ὑμῖν ἐπιβουλεύοντε πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον τοῖς βαρβάροισι προδίδοτον τὴν Ἕλλαδα. EP. ἵνα τί δὲ τοῦτο δρᾶτον; ΤΡ. ὁτιὴ νὴ Δία ἡμεῖς μὲν ὑμῖν θύομεν, τούτοισι δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι θύουσι. (Pac. 403.) 134 χεριχαρὴς δὼν ἐποιέετο τὴν ἔλασυ. Photius ( Bidlioth. p.39) gives the following words as the summary of Cresia3, imme- diately after mentioning the building of the bridge: Δημάρατος δὲ ὃ Λακεδαιμόνιος wapeyévero ἤδη πρῶτον, καὶ συνῆν αὑτῷ ἐν τῇ διαβάσει, καὶ ἀπεῖργε τῆς εἰς Λακε- δαίμονα ἐφόδον. It is observable that while differing in every particular, the prominent point brought forward equally in both narratives is the dim apprehension of calamity impending if the strait should be crossed 135 χρῇήσας ἄν τι τεῦ βονλοίμην τυχεῖν, “41 would fain obtain at thy hands a thing I wished for.”” The particle ἂν is to be taken with βουλοίμην. 136 χὺν πρεσβύτατον. It would seem that the anger of Xerxes was mainly ¢x- cited by the request of Pythius being made for his eldest son,—who, according to oriental ways of thinking, would be the most precious of his children. (See the note 676 on i. 199.) Hence the express τοῦ περιέχεαι μάλιστα in Xerxes's reply. Seneca ‘improves’ the story, by making Pythius ask for one son without specifying which. Xerxes allows him to take bis choice, and having by this means dis- covered which was the favourite child, proceeds in the manner related in the text. (De Ird, iii. 17.) Bee the note 235 on iv. 84. The non-historical chs- racter of the story is confirmed by the circumstance that no eclipse seems to have happened in the year when the sm crossed into Europe. (See note 15% above.) Compare note 235 on iv. 84. POLYMNIA. VII. 38—40. 211 iva αὐτοῦ te ἐμεῦ καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἦ μελεδωνός" τοὺς δὲ τέσ- σερας ἄγευ ἅμα σεωυτῷ' καὶ πρήξας τὰ νοέεις νοστήσειας ὀπίσω." Κάρτα τε ἐθυμώθη ὁ Ἐέρξης, καὶ ἀμείβετο τοῖσδε" “ ὦ κακὲ ἄν- θρωπε, σὺ ἐτόλμησας, ἐμεῦ στρατευομένου αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα καὶ ἄγοντος παῖδας ἐμοὺς καὶ ἀδελφεοὺς καὶ οἰκηΐους καὶ φιλους, μνήσασθαε περὶ σέο παιδός: ἐὼν ἐμὸς δοῦλος, τὸν χρῆν πανοικίῃ αὐτῇ “γυναικὶ συνέπεσθαι ; εὖ νῦν τόδ᾽ ἐξεπίστασο, ὡς ἐν τοῖσι ὠσὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἰκέει ὁ θυμός: ὃς χρηστὰ μὲν ἀκούσας τέρψιος ἐμπειγλέει τὸ σῶμα, ὑπεναντία δὲ τούτοισι ἀκούσας ἀνοιδέει" Gre μέν νυν χρηστὰ ποιήσας ὅτερα τοιαῦτα ἐπηγγέλλεο, εὐεργεσίῃσι βασώλέα ov καυχήσεαε ὑπερβαλέσθαι ἐπεί τε δὲ ἐς τὸ ἀναιδέ- στερον ἐτράπευ, τὴν μὲν ἀξίην οὐ λάμψεαι, ἐλάσσω δὲ τῆς ἀξίης" σὲ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοὺς τέσσερας τῶν παίδων ῥύεται τὰ ξείνια' τοῦ δὲ ἑνὸς, τοῦ περιέχεας μάλεστα, τῇ ψυχῇ ζημιώσεαι." ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ὑπεκρίνατο, αὐτίκα ἐκέλευε τοῖσι πτροσετέτακτο ταῦτα πρήσσειν, τῶν Πυθίου παίδων ἐξευρόντας τὸν πρεσβύτατον μέσον διαταμεῖν' διαταμόντας δὲ τὰ ἡμίτομα διαθεῖναι, τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ δεξιὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερά" καὶ ταύτῃ διεξιένας τὸν στρατόν *", | ΠΠοιησάντων δὲ τούτων τοῦτο, μετὰ ταῦτα διεξήϊε ὁ στρατός: 40 ἡγέοντο δὲ πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ σκευοφόροι τε καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια" μετὰ δὲ Order of τούτους στρατὸς παντοίων ἐθνέων ἀναμὶξ, οὐ διακεκριμένοι ** τῇ march. δὲ ὑπερημίσεες ἦσαν, ἐνθαῦτα διελέλειττο “3 καὶ οὐ συνέμισγον οὗτοι βασιλέϊ. προηγεῦντο μὲν δὴ ἱππόται χίλιοι ἐκ Περσέων πάντων ἀπολελεγμένοι' μετὰ δὲ, αἰχμοφόροι χίλιοι, καὶ οὗτοι ἐκ πάντων ἀπολελεγμένοι, τὰς λόγχας κάτω ἐς τὴν γῆν τρέψαντες" μετὰ δὲ, ἱροὶ Νισαῖοι ." καλεύμενοι ἵπποι δέκα, κεκοσμημένοι ὡς κάλλεστα. Νισαῖοι δὲ καλέονται ἵπποι ἐπὶ τοῦδε' ἔστι πεδίον μέγα τῆς Μηδικῆς " τῷ οὔνομά ἐστι Νίσαιον' τοὺς ὧν δὴ ἵππους 99 137 καὶ ταύτῃ διεξιέναι τὸν στρατόν. See note 236 on iv. 84. 128 στρατὸς παντοίων ἐθνέων ἀναμὶξ, οὐ διακεκριμένοι. These troops were proba- bly raised for general service, and entered into the framework of the standing army. Sach an arrangement, naturak to a great empire, was quite foreign to the habits of the Greeks of Herodotus’s time, where the civil relations were not lost sight of in associating levies from different states. 139 γῇ δὲ ὑπερημίσεες ἦσαν», ἐνθαῦτα διελέλειπτο, “in the point where the half of the number was turned, there a break in the line had been left.” 140 Νισαῖοι. Some of the MSS have Νησαῖοι. 141 πεδίον μέγα τῆς ΜηδικῇΞ. See note 307 on iii. 106. RAWLINSON says (Journal of the Geogr. Soe. ix. p. 101), “ With Herodotus, who was most imper- fectly acquainted with the geography of Media, originated the error of transferring to that province the Nissa (Need) of 2n 2 - 41 212 HERODOTUS τοὺς μεγάλους φέρει τὸ πεδίον τοῦτο. ὄπισθε δὲ τούτων τῶν δέκα ἵππων ἅρμα Διὸς ἱρὸν ἐπετέτακτο, τὸ ἵπποι μὲν elrAxov λευκοὶ ὀκτώ' ὄπισθε δὲ τῶν ἵππων εἵπετο πεζῇ ἡνίοχος, ἐχόμενος τῶν χαλινῶν" οὐδεὶς γὰρ δὴ ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν θρόνον ἀνθρώπων ἀναβαίνει: τούτου δὲ ὄπισθεν αὐτὸς Ἐξέρξης ἐπ᾽ ἅρματος ἵππων Νισαίων' παραβέβηκε δέ οἱ ἡνίοχος, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν Πατιράμφης, ᾿Οτάνεω παῖς ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω". ᾿Εξήλασε μὲν οὕτω ἐκ Σαρδίων Ἐέρξης: μετεκβαίνεσκε δὲ, ὅκως μιν λόγος αἱρέοι, ἐκ τοῦ ἅρματος ἐς ἁρμά- μαξαν. αὐτοῦ δὲ ὄπισθεν αἰχμοφόροι, Περσέων οἱ ἄριστοί τε καὶ γενναιότατοι, χίλιοι, κατὰ νόμον τὰς λόγχας ἔχοντες *** μετὰ δὲ, ἕππος ἄλλη χιλίη ἐκ Περσέων ἀπολελεγμένη" μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἵππον, ἐκ τῶν λοιπῶν Περσέων ἀπολελεγμένοι μύριοι. οὗτος πεζὸς iv καὶ τούτων χίλιοι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖσι δόρασι ἀντὶ τῶν σαυρωτήρων ῥοιὰς εἶχον χρυσέας "“, καὶ πέριξ συνεκλήϊον τοὺς ἄλλους" οἱ δὲ Khorassan, and all later writers either copied or confounded his statement. Strabo alone has escaped from the general confu- sion.... In his description we recognize the great grazing plains of Khawah, Alish- tar, Huru, Silakhir, Burbirdd, J&palak, and Feridin, which thus stretch in a con- tinuous line from one point to another along the southern frontiers of Media.” These pastures lie along the mountain range, reaching from about Behistun (Ba- gistane), lat. 34° 15’, long. 47° 35’, to Ispahan, and it is probably the western- most of them which were visited by Alex- ander on his march from Susa to Agba- tana. (ARRIAN, vii. 13.) 142 "Ordvew παῖς ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω. The office of ἡνίοχος was no doubt one of high rank, like that of bow-bearer and quiver- bearer and all others which involved close proximity to the person of the sovereign. This circumstance suggests that Patiram- phes may have been son of the conspirator Otanes, apparently the most powerful of the Persian aristo (See notes 192 on iii. 68, and 390 on iii. 141, and the exceptional position of his family described in the text, iii. 84.) On the other hand, it is certainly striking that so important an individual as the conspirator Otanes should be designated merely as ἀνὴρ Πέρ- ons, if the narrative here belongs to the same cycle of historical traditions as the account of the conspiracy in Book III. 143 κατὰ νόμον τὰς λόγχας ἔχοντες. This seems to indicate, when taken in connexion with the reversal of the arms of the guard who preceded the sovereign, a symbol of respect to him. The notion - seems to have been that the rear guard were regarded as more in the actual pre- sence of the monarch than the advanced guard. In the university of Cambridge the maces of the esquire bedells are borne reversed when preceding any other official than the chancellor himself. 144 ῥοιὰς... χρυσέας. These pomegra- nates were no doubt sacred emblems. (See note 666 on i. 195.) The statue of Here in the temple at Mycene had a pomegrs- nate in the one hand and a sceptre (on which a cuckoo was perched) in the other. PavsANIAS says that there was a secret doctrine connected with the former (i. 17. 4). The statue Pausanias saw was by Polycletus, but the symbol would doubt- less be traditionary, and derived from ἃ much earlier time. The wife of the ‘rex sacrificulus’ at Rome, when sacrificing, wore a garland composed of a twig of the same tree. (Festus, v. Inarculum, and Servius, ad Aen. iv. 137.) As the deity at Mycense was a θεὸς γαμήλιος, and the rites at Rome alluded to were of the same nature as the Attic Thesmophoria, If seems likely that the productivity of ns- ture was symbolized by the fruit, remark- able as it was for the number of seeds tt contained. In this case the deity to which the emblem belonged would be some form of Aphrodite Urania, and would be 8 τέ- cent adoption among the pure Persians, POLYMNIA. VII. 41—43. 213 εἰνακισχίλιοι ἐντὸς τούτων ἐόντες ἀργυρέας ῥοιὰς εἶχον. (εἶχον δὲ χρυσέας ῥοιὰς καὶ οἱ εἰς τὴν γῆν τρέποντες τὰς λόγχας, καὶ μῆλα οἱ ὄγχιστα ἑπόμενοι Ἐέρξῃ.) τοῖσι δὲ μυρίοισι ἐπετέτακτο fartros Περσέων μυρίη. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἵππον διέλευπε καὶ δύο σταδίους, καὶ ἔπειτα ὁ λοιπὸς ὄμιλος ἤϊε ἀναμίξ. ᾿ ᾿Εποιέετο δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐκ τῆς Δυδίης ὁ στρατὸς ἐπί τε ποταμὸν 42 Κάϊκον καὶ γῆν τὴν Μυσίην' ἀπὸ δὲ Καΐκου "" ὁρμεώμενος, Κάνης Course of ὄρος ἔχων ἐν ἀριστερῇ, διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αταρνέος ἐς Καρίνην πόλιν: ἀπὸ aie δὲ ταύτης διὰ Θήβης πεδίου * ἐπορεύετο, ᾿Ατραμύττειόν τε πόλιν καὶ "Αντανδρον τὴν Πελασγίδα"" παραμειβόμενος" τὴν Ἴδην δὲ λαββὼν ἐς ἀριστερὴν χέρα ,“", ἤϊε ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα γῆν. καὶ πρῶτα μέν οἱ ὑπὸ τῇ Ἴδη νύκτα ἀναμείναντε βρονταί τε καὶ πρηστῆρες ἐπεεσπίπτουσι, καί τινα αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ συχνὸν ὅμιλον διέφθειραν. ᾿Απικομένου δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Σκάμανδρον, ὃς πρῶτος 43 ποταμῶν ἐπεί τε ἐκ Σαρδίων ὁρμηθέντες ἐπεχείρησαν τῇ ὁδῷ, ἐπέλιπε τὸ ῥέεθρον, οὐδ᾽ ἀπέχρησε τῇ στρατιῇ τε καὶ τοῖσι κτήνεσι πινόμενος" ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἀπίκετο Ἐέρξης, ἐς τὸ Πριάμου Πέργαμον *” probably under the name of Mitra. See i. 132, above. Layarp professes to have found the pomegranate among the sacred emblems on the Nimroud sculptures. (Nineveh, ii. p. 296.) A Parthian with a short spear, at the extremity of which is a sphere, is figured by Hops. (Costumes of the Ancients, vol. i. fig. 13.) 145 ἀπὸ δὲ Καΐκου. From this point the line of march until the Hellespont was crossed would lie among an “olian popu- lation, which covered the whole country from Cyzicum to the Caicus. (ΞΤΒΑΒΟ, xiii. c. 1, p. 81.) Cane is the promontory which constitutes the southern point of the bay of Adramyttium, Lectium, a spur of Mount Ida, being the northern one. (Ip. ἐδ. p. 134.) 146 διὰ Θήβης πεδίου. The town Thebe is re ted in the Jiiad as having been sacked by Achilles, together with eleven others in the neighbourhood. It was there that Chryses, the priest of Apollo under the name of Hecatus (see note 506 on i. 151), dwelt, and Andromache, the wife of Hector, was the daughter of its king Aetion. Xerxes, according to the text, seems to have kept the coast road which led from Atarneus to Adramyttium, but ἀνέβη, ἵμερον ἔχων θεήσασθαι' θεησάμενος on arriving near the latter place to have passed between it and Antandrus, and struck northwards into the hill country between Ida and a range running east and west, called in the Iliad Placus, under which Thebe lay. 147 “AyraySpoy τὴν Πελασγίξδα. See note 179 on i. 56. 148 χὴν Ἴδην δὲ λαβὼν ἐς ἀριστερὴν χέρα. It is not easy to understand this expression ; for if Xerxes had left Ida on his left, he would have come upon the Granicus, not upon the Scamander. Their sources however were not distant from one another, although the rivers descended on opposite sides of the water-shed. (Srra- BO, xiii. p. 113.) His route between Adramyttium and Abydos is over the top of Ida, and there seems no obvious rea- son why he should have abandoned the coast road, which, although longer, would have been much easier for a large army. Perhaps the bulk of the force did really take the coast road, and only a detachment accompany the king by the short cut over the mountains. 149 ἐς τὸ Πριάμου Πέργαμον. This phrase is perhaps used to distinguish the place visited by Xerxes from the hill-fort 44 In Abydos the army is reviewed. 45 Xerxes is moved to tears, 46 and Arta- banus takes 214 HERODOTUS δὲ καὶ πυθόμενος κείνων ἕκαστα, τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ τῇ ᾿Ιλιάδι ἔθυσε βοῦς χιλίας, χοὰς δὲ οἱ μάγοι τοῖσε ἥρωσι "δ ποιησαμένοισι νυκτὸς φόβος ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐνέπεσε: ἅμα ἡμέρῃ δὲ ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν, ἐν ἀριστερῇ μὲν ἀπέργων ‘Polrecov πόλιν καὶ ᾿Οφρύνειον καὶ Δάρδανον, ἥπερ δὴ ᾿Αβύδῳ ὅμουρός ἐστε, ἐν δεξιῇ δὲ Γέργιθας Τευκρούς "δ ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ ἀγένοντο ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ, ἠθέλησε Ἐέρξης ἰδέσθαι πάντα τὸν στρατόν' καὶ προεπεποίητο γὰρ ἐπὶ κολωνοῦ ἐπίτηδες αὐτῷ ταύτῃ προεξέδρη λίθου λευκοῦ "3. ἐποίησαν δὲ ᾿Αβυδηνοὶ, ἐντειλαμένου πρότερον βασιλέος" ἐνθαῦτα ὡς ἵζετο, κατορῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἠϊόνος ἐθηεῖτο καὶ τὸν πεζὸν καὶ τὰς νέας" θηεύμενος δὲ ἱμέρθη τῶν νεῶν ἅμολλαν""" γινομένην ἰδέσθαι" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγένετό τε καὶ ἐνίκων Φοίνικες Σιδώνιοι, ἥσθη τε τῇ ἁμίλλῃ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ. ‘As δὲ ὥρα πάντα μὲν τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ὑπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀποκεκρυμμένον, πάσας δὲ τὰς ἀκτὰς καὶ τὰ ᾿Αβυδηνῶν πεδία ἐπίπλεα ἀνθρώπων, ἐνθαῦτα Ἐέρξης ἑωυτὸν ἐμακάρισε' μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐδάκρυσε. Μαθὼν δέ μὲν ᾿Αρτάβανος " ὁ πάτρως, ὃς τὸ πρῶτον γνώμην ἀπεδέξατο 4 lA nA A ἐχέαντο' ταῦτα δὲ which Lysimachus afterwards made the acropolis of the celebrated city of the same name. 130 rota: ἥρωσι. The barrows with which this locality abounds were all re- garded as the burial place of some of the worthies of the Trojan war, and chapels were erected to these, either on them or on the elevations in the neighbourhood. At Rheteum was a chapel of Ajax, at Ophrynium a grave of Hector, at Sigeum the tomb of Achilles. The tomb of He- cuba (called κυνὸς σῆμα) was between Dardanus and Abydos; and near Sigeum was that of Protesilaus. (Srraso, xiii. p- 102, segg.) Larcher attempts to ac- count for the discrepancy between the conduct of Xerxes here and the habits ascribed to the Persians in i. 132, by sup- posing that it arose from a desire to con- ciliate the gods of the land through which the army was passing. There is no doubt something in this; but the true explana- tion is (I believe) to be found in the view put forth in the Excursus on iii. 74, pp. 434—5. 11 Γέργιθας Tevxpots. These Gergi- thians had been subdued by the Persian general Hymeas in the course of putting down the Ionian rebellion (v. 122, above). 122 προεξέδρη λίθου AevKov. Massive marble chairs were set up in many places in Greece, sometimes in honour of distin- guished individuals, sometimes consecrated to certain deities. Such a one, existing at Rhamnus, is described by Mr. Raixgs. (Waipole’s Turkey, i. p. 310.) The cus- tom appears in the Homeric poems (Ji. xviii. 504). Job too says of himself, ἐν ταῖς πλατείαις ἐτίθετό μου ὁ δίφρος (xxix. 7), when enumerating the particulars of the prosperity of his former days. 53 ἅμιλλαν, “a contest of speed,’’ not ‘a sea-fight.” 154 *AprdBavyos. HenmoceEnss the rhe- torician, in quoting a part of the dialogue which follows, makes not Artabanus, but Artabazus to be the party with whom the Persian king discourses. This is doubt- less owing to a slip of the memory, the attention of the writer being taken up by the substance of the discussion, and the name of the interlocutor being compara- tively a matter of indifference. But this very circumstance should operate as a caution to those who attempt to identify the individuals mentioned here and there in the stories related by Herodotus with one another; for exactly the same causes which influenced Hermogenes would also POLYMNIA. VII. 44--47. 215 ἐλευθέρως οὐ συμβουλεύων Ἐέρξη στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, advantage ὲ jj ~ of the mood οὗτος ᾿ὠνὴρ φρασθεὶς Ἐέρξεα δακρύσαντα εἴρετο τάδε" “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἰο impress ὡς πολὺ ἀλλήλων κεχωρισμένα ἐργάσαο viv τε καὶ ὀλίγῳ πρό- Pasineces τερον ; μακαρίσας γὰρ σεωντὸν δακρύεις" ὁ δὲ εἶπε' “ἐσῆλθε Minty οἷς. γάρ pe™ λογισάμενον κατοικτεῖραι ὡς βραχὺς εἴη ὁ πᾶς ἀνθρώ- "Ἔν πενος Bios, εἰ τούτων γε ἐόντων τοσούτων οὐδεὶς ἐς ἑκατοστὸν eros περιέσται" ὁ δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων" “ ἕτερα τούτου παρὰ τὴν ζόην πεπόνθαμεν οἰκτρότερα" ἐν γὰρ οὕτω βραχέϊ βίῳ οὐδεὶς οὕτω ἄνθρω- πος ἐὼν εὐδαίμων πέφυκε, οὔτε τούτων οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων, τῷ οὐ παρα- στήσεται πολλάκις καὶ οὐκὶ ἅπαξ τεθνάναι βούλεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ Soeur ai τε γὰρ συμφοραὶ προσπύπτουσαι ᾽ καὶ αἱ νοῦσοι συν- ταράσσουσαι καὶ βραχὺν ἐόντα μακρὸν δοκέειν εἶναι ποιεῦσι τὸν Biov οὕτω ὁ μὲν θάνατος, μοχθηρῆς ἐούσης τῆς ζόης, καταφυγὴ αἱρετωτάτη τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ yéyove ὁ δὲ θεὸς γλυκὺν γεύσας τὸν αἰῶνα, φθονερὸς ἐν αὐτῷ εὑρίσκεται ἐών "5." Ἐξέρξης δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων" “᾿Αρτάβανε, βιοτῆς μέν νυν ἀνθρωπηΐης πέρι, ἐούσης του- αὕτης οἵηνπερ σὺ διαιρέαι." εἶναι, παυσώμεθα, μηδὲ κακῶν μεμνεώ- μεθα χρηστὰ ἔχοντες πρήγματα ἐν χερσί: φράσον δέ μοι τόδε" εἴ Tot ἡ ὄψις τοῦ ἐνυπνίου μὴ ἐναργὴς οὕτω ἐφάνη, εἶχες ἂν τὴν ἀρχαίην γνώμην οὐκ ἐῶν με στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα, ἢ μετέστης av; φέρε μοι τοῦτο ἀτρεκέως εἰπέ" ὁ δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων" “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὄψις μὲν ἡ ἐπιφανεῖσα τοῦ ὀνείρον ὡς βουλό- μεθα ἀμφότεροι τελευτήσειε' ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε δείματός εἶμι ὑπόπλεος, οὐδ᾽ ἐντὸς ἐμεωυτοῦ, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπιλεγόμενος καὶ 47 δὴ καὶ ὁρέων τοι δύο τὰ μέγιστα πάντων ἐόντα πολεμιώτατα." operate upon the authorities through which the accounts came to Herodotus. See note 116 on i. 32, note 494 on ii. 160, and note 368 on iv. 144. 125 ἐσῆλθε γάρ με. the were all γαιαν οἰκέοντες, καταλεχθέντες τε ὑπ᾽ ἐμεῦ, πλὴν Σατρέων οἱ Sian ἄλλοι πάντες πεζῇ ἀνωγκαζόμενοι εἵποντο. Σ᾽ άτραι δὲ οὐδενός 11] κω ἀνθρώπων ὑπήκοοι ἐγένοντο, ὅσον ἡμεῖς ἴὸμεν" ἀλλὰ διατελεῦσι othe τὸ μέχρι ἐμεῦ αἰεὶ ἐόντες ἐλεύθεροι, μοῦνοι Θρηδκων' οἰκέουσί τε Satra, mong yap οὔρεα ὑψηλὰ, tdyal τε ταυτο ησὶ καὶ χιόνι συνηρεφέα, καὶ whom 7 6 oracle εἰσὶ τὰ 2 ΠΕ ἄκροι. οὗτοι of τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ μαντήϊόν εἰσι of of Dionysus, ἐκτημένοι τὸ δὲ μαντήϊον τοῦτο ἔστι μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν οὐρέων τῶν Bessians. army passed UTT afforded of watering his army. Stores would probably be supplied by sea, and magazines of grain formed at the towns on the coast which sre mentioned. Ab- nificant of orgiastic rites. From the time of Eurtpipsks a syncretism of this deity with the wine-god seems to have been generally accepted, the connecting link dera seems to have been a principal port of the Persians,—apparently a naval ar- senal, (See vi. 46, 47.) a Tpavos. There is no doubt some connexion between this river and the tribe (Trausi) mentioned above, v. 4. 4 of τοῦ Διονύσον τὸ μαντήϊόν εἰσι ἐκτημένοι, “these are the possessors of the celebrated temple of Dionysus.” The use of the article, as in many similar cases, indicates that the author is speaking of a thing well known by common report,— doubtless derived originally from the traders on the coast. This is the Diony- tus mentioned by Eurirtpes: 6 Θρῃξὶ μάντις εἶπε Διόνυσος τάδε. (Hecuda, 1267.) For the nature of this Dionysus, not the rustic deity, but the conquering leader, see note 15 on v. 7. His worship had in early times extended as far as Delphi, where he is invoked by the priestess in AEscuyius (Eumenides, 24) under the name of Bromius, a word sig- being the physical excitement caused either by intoxication or by other means. Thus Tiresias says : μάντις δ᾽ ὁ δαίμων 88° τὸ γὰρ βακχεύσι- μον καὶ τὸ μανιῶδες μαντικὴν πολλὴν ἔχει" ὅταν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς εἰς τὸ σῶμ᾽ ἔλθῃ πολὺς, λέγειν τὸ μέλλον τοὺς μεμῃνότας ποιεῖ, (Bacch. 298.) On this principle Hecuba (Hecud. 123) calls Cassandra μαντίπολος Βάκχα, al- though her inspiration proceeds from Apollo. In later times legends were coined to connect the Delphic Apollo with Dionysus mythically. One in the latest form is given by CLEMENS ALEXANDRI- nus. (Protrept. i. § 18.) When the Titans had destroyed Dionysus, and put his mangled fragments into a cauldron, Zeus appeared, scattered them with his thunderbolts, and gave the mutilated members to Apollo to bury. Apollo car- 112 He then passes by the Pierian castles, leav- ing Mount Pangeum on hie left, and from 113 thence through the terri- tory of the Peonians, Paopla, to @opia, to Eion on the Strymon, where the Magi offer a sacrifice of white 114 246 HERODOTUS ὑψηλοτάτων: Βησσοὶ “ δὲ τῶν Σατρέων εἰσὶ οἱ προφητεύοντες τοῦ ἱροῦ, πρόμαντις δὲ ἡ χρέουσα ", κατάπερ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, καὶ οὐδὲν ποικιλώτερον. Παραμειψάμενος δὲ ὁ Ἐέρξης τὴν εἰρημένην, δεύτερα τούτων παραμείβετο τείχεα τὰ Πιέρων τῶν καὶ ἑνὶ Φάγρης ἐστὶ οὔνομα, καὶ ἑτέρῳ Πέργαμος" ταύτῃ μὲν δὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ τείχεα τὴν ὅδὸν ἐποιέετο, ἐκ δεξιῆς χερὸς τὸ Πάγγαιον οὖρος ἀπέργων, ἐὸν μέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν: ἐν τῷ χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ἔνι μέταλλα "7, τὰ νέμονται Πίερές τε καὶ ‘Oddpavrot, καὶ μάλεστα Σάτραι. ὝΠπερ- οἰκέοντας δὲ τὸ Πάγγαιον πρὸς βορέω ἀνέμου Παίονας "" Δόβηράς τε καὶ Παιόπλας παρεξιὼν, ἤϊε πρὸς ἑσπέρην" ἐς ὃ ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ ποταμόν τε Στρυμόνα καὶ πόλιν ᾿Ηϊόνα, τῆς ἔτι ζωὸς ἐὼν ἦρχε d Βόγης, τοῦ περ ὀλύγῳ πρότερον τούτων λόγον ὁποιεύμην: ἡ δὲ «γῆ αὕτη ἡ περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος καλέεται Φυλλίς" κατατείνουσα, τὰ μὲν πρὸς ἑσπέρην, ἐπὶ ποταμὸν ᾿Αγγίτην ἐκδιδόντα ἐς τὸν Στρυ- pova: τὰ δὲ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην, τείνουσα ἐς αὐτὸν τὸν Στρυμόνα, ἐς τὸν οἱ Μάγοι ἐκαλλιρέοντο σφάζοντες ἵππους λευκούς "". Φαρμα- ried them to Parnassus, and there interred them. Compare Ριύταβοη (de Deo Delph. § 9) and Tzerzes (on Lycoph. 207). It is plain from the terms of this account that it implies a previous identifi- cation of Dionysus with Osiris, and per- haps also of each of these with the vitaliz- ing power of nature symbolized by the sun,—all of which notions are (I believe) later than the time of Alexander. 315 Βησσοί. The female votaries were called Βασσαρίδες, and Bassareus is the name under which the deity was invoked. (Horace, Od. i. 18.11.) This tribe ap- to have stood in somewhat the same relation to the temple of Dionysus as the Selli to that of the Dodonsan Zeus, and the Delphi to that of Apollo. Strictly speaking, Apollo (Loxias) was the προφή- rns of Zeus at Pytho, but still the term was, asin the case of the Bessi, applied to the Delphians themselves. See Evuripi- prs (Jon, 413. 416): HOTS. τίς προφητεύει θεοῦ; INN. Δελφῶν ἀριστῆῇς obs ἐκλήρωσεν πά- Aos. See also note 158 on ii. ὅδ. Itis probable that this oracle was founded by settlers coming in remote times from the east. (See v. 9, and the notes thereon.) The word Bessus is the name of the satrap of Bactria, who murdered Darius after the battle of Arbela. 316 χρέουσα. The manuscripts S, V, P, K, F, 5 have xpéwoa, which (from the form xpdw) is defensible by the analogy of ὁρέωντες, ὁρέωσι, from ὁράω. 317 ἐν τῷ χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ἔνι μέταλλα. From here perhaps was derived that revenue which Herodotus mentions Pisistratus to have obtained ‘from the Strymon’ (i. 64). Hence his connexion with the king of Macedonia (v. 94). 318 Παίονας. These and the People are represented (v. 15) as having been sub- jugated by the Persian forces and trans- ported into Asia; but in the same place it is stated that the Doderes were not at that time conquered, although subse- quently their subjection may have fol- lowed. 319 ἐς τὸν of Μάγοι ἐκαλλιρέοντο σφά- ὦντες ἵππους λευκούς. The victims were so placed that the jet of blood from the stab fell into the stream. See notes 35 and 37 on iii. 11. Strraso mentions that the Persians were very careful when they sacrificed a victim to a river, nof to let the blood fall into it, but into a trench dug for the purpose (xv. c. 3, p. 326). The account in the text, therefore, if true, can POLYMNIA. VII. 112—115. 247 κεύσαντες δὲ ταῦτα és τὸν ποταμὸν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοισι, horses to ν ἧς - a the river. ἐν ᾿Εννέα ᾿Οδοῖσι "" τῇσι ᾿Ηδωνῶν ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ τὰς γεφύρας, He then τ crosses the τὸν Σ᾽, τρυμόνα εὑρόντες ἐζευγμένον. ‘Evvéa δὲ ᾿Οδοὺς πυνθανό- Strymon by the bridge which he finds laid across at μενοι τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον καλέεσθαι, τοσούτους ἐν αὐτῷ παῖδάς τε καὶ πταρθένους ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ζώοντας κατώρυσσον. (ITep- σικὸν δὲ τὸ ζώοντας κατορύσσειν “" ἐπεὶ καὶ Ἄμηστριν τὴν Ἐέρξεω Ways.” γυναῖκα πυνθάνομαι γηράσασαν Sis ἑπτὰ “5 Περσέων παῖδας A ape a ἐόντων ἐπιφανέων ἀνδρῶν ὑπὲρ ἑωυτῆς τῷ ὑπὸ γῆν λεγομένῳ εἶναι eighteen — tives. θεῷ ἀντιχαρίζεσθαι κατορύσσουσαν.) “Qs δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Στρυμόνος ἐπορεύετο ὁ στρατὸς, ἐνθαῦτα πρὸς 115 ἡλίον δυσμέων ἐστὶ αἰγιαλὸς, ἐν τῷ οἰκημένην “Apytrov πόλιν Another ee ᾿Ἑλλάδα παρεξήϊε' αὕτη δὲ καὶ ἡ κατύπερθε τἀύτης xadéeras me prec: Βισαλτίη" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ, κόλπον τὸν ἐπὶ Ποσειδηΐου "3" ἐξ ἀριστερῆς hardly be οὗ a pure Persian ritual. See note 322, below. Tiridates in after times sacrificed a horse to the Euphrates (Ta- cirus, Aanal. vi. 37) when intending to pass that river; and the proceeding of Julius Cxesar (see SuzToONius, quoted in note 174 on ii. 65) was gas intended to be in honour of the Rubicon. But originally among the Persians the horse seems to have been a victim appropriated to the sun-god. See XENOPHON, Anab. iv. 5; Cyrop. viii. 3, compared with note 713 on Herodotus, i. 216. Srraso too says of the Persians: ὅτῳ by θύσωσι θεῷ, πρώτῳ τῷ πυρὶ εὔχονται. (1. c.) 820 ἐν Ἐννέα Ὁδοῖσι. This is the same place which was afterwards so celebrated under the name of Amphipolis. That He- rodotus should not mention it, has been accounted for by the hypothesis that he was at Thurii when he wrote this part of his work, and had gone there before the new foundation, which took place B.c. 437. 331 Περσικὸν δὲ τὸ (éovras κατορύσ- σειν. This assertion is very suspicious, if it be intended to represent the practice as a part of the religious ritual of the genuine Ormuzd-worshippers. But it is very pro- bable that under the reign of Xerxes, and possibly the latter part of that of Darius also, foreign religious ideas may have gained ground in the Persian court. See Excursus on iii. 74, p. 435. The pro- ceeding of Amestris may perhaps be ac- counted for on this principle. She, and (through her) her husband, may have be- come addicted to the mysteries imported by foreigners into Susa, just as the Roman ladies under the empire were devoted to the ritual of Isis or of Serapis; and if the Persians acted as described at ‘the Nine Ways,’ this may have arisen either from the desire to gratify the individual super- stition of Xerxes, or may have been the act of a portion only of the multifarious army accompanying him, in accordance with ¢heir national ceremonies. It is to be observed that these words do not exist in the manuscripts M, P, K, F, although the following clause does. (See note 103 on iii. 35.) $32 δὶς ἑπτά. Probably there were seven of each sex, and the same in the case of the sacrifice which Cyrus is said to have designed to offer (i. 86), for no where does JSourteen ever appear to have been a sacred number. But if victims of both sexes were taken, the deity to which they were offered was most likely an union of two, a male and female. In this instance it would probably be a pair analogous to Hades and Persephone, in the other to Hecatus and Hecate, or Helios and Se- lene. See notes 308 and 506 on Book I., and also 219 on vi. 97. 323 κόλπον τὸν ἐπὶ Ποσειδηΐουι The MSS have Ποσιδηΐον, but I have not hesitated to insert «. The gulf is not named, but described by a landmark such as would be familiar to a navigator, and as such doubtless named after the sea- Next he passes by ae and tagirus, sad bales at Acan- thus, where the whole force is as- sembled. 116 Favour shown to the Acan- thians. 117 Death of Artachaas, to whom the Acan- thians pay the honours of a hero. 118 Ruinous cost of en- tertaining Aerxes, 248 HERODOTUS χερὸς ἔχων, ἤϊε διὰ Συλέος πεδίου καλεομένου, Στάγειρον πόλιν Ἑλλάδα "" παραμειβόμενος, καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς "Ακανθον ἅμα ἀγύ- μενος τούτων ὅκαστον τῶν ἐθνέων, καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος οἰκεόντων ὁμοίως καὶ τῶν πρότερον κατέλεξα, τοὺς μὲν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἔχων οἰκημένους ἐν νηυσὶ στρατευομένους, τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ θαλάσσης πεζῇ ἑπομένους" τὴν δὲ ὁδὸν ταύτην, τῇ βασιλεὺς Ἐέρ- ξης τὸν στρατὸν ἤλασε, οὔτε συγχέουσι Θρήϊκες οὔτ᾽ ἐπισπείρουσι, oéBovrai τε μεγάλως τὸ μέχρι ἐμεῦ. ‘Ds δὲ ἄρα ἐς τὴν "Ακανθον ᾿ γρῖσι ᾿Ακανθίοισε προεῖπε καὶ 3 ’ ’ ς f ἀπίκετο, ξεινίην te ὁ Πέρσης ἐδωρήσατό σφεας ἐσθῆτι Μηδικῇ *™*, ἐπαίνεέ τε ὁρέων αὐτοὺς προ- θύμους ἐόντας “3 ἐς Ἔν ᾿Ακάνθῳ δὲ ἐόντος Ἐέρξεω, συνήνεικε ὑπὸ νούσον ἀποθανεῖν τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα ἀκούων. τὸν ἐπεστεῶτα τῆς διώρυχος ‘Aprayalny®™, δόκιμον ἐόντα παρὰ Ἐέρξῃ καὶ γένος ᾿Αχαιμενίδην, μεγάθεϊ τε μέγιστον ἐόντα Περσέων - ἀπὸ γὰρ πέντε πηχέων βασιληΐων “5 ἀπέλιπε τέσσερας δακτύ- λους---ἀφωνέοντά τε μέγιστον ἀνθρώπων: ὥστε Ἐέρξεα, συμφορὴν ποιησάμενον μεγάλην, ἐξενεῖκαί τε αὐτὸν κάλλιστα καὶ θάψαι ἐτυμβοχόεε δὲ πᾶσα ἡ στρατιή" τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρταχαίῃ θύουσι ᾿Ακάνθιοι ἐκ θεοπροπίου ὡς ἥρωϊ, ἐπονομάζοντες τὸ οὔνομα. βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Ἐέρξης, ἀπολομένου ᾿Αρταχαίεω, ἐποιέετο συμ- φορήν. Οἱ δὲ ὑποδεκόμενοι “Ελλήνων τὴν στρατιὴν καὶ δειπνίζοντες Ἐέρξεα ἐς πᾶν κακοῦ ἀπικέατο, οὕτω ὥστε ἀνάστατοι ἐκ τῶν οἰκίων ἐγίνοντο! ὅκου γε Θασίοισι ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πολίων τῶν σφετέρων δεξαμένοισι τὴν Ἐέρξεω στρατιὴν καὶ δειπνίσασι ᾿Αντίπατρος ὁ ᾿Οργέος ἀραιρημένος, τῶν ἀστῶν ἀνὴρ δόκιμος 824 στάγειρον πόλιν Ἑλλάδα. Both this town and Acanthus were colonized from Andros. (THUCYDIDES, iv. 84, 88. 325 ὁ Πέρσης. The manuscripts 8, V, P, F, a have Ξέρξης. See note on § 133, below. The phrase ξεινίην προεῖπε does not mean “ordered a banquet,” but their employer popular in any neighbour- ing town. It would be of great import- ance to Xerxes to conciliate the Acan- thians, who by destroying the canal would have done him incalculable mischief ; and they, for their parts, doubtless viewed the construction of such a work near their “ offered alliance.” See viii. 120: ξεινίην σφι συνθέμενος. Doubtless the honour entailed the cost of entertainment. 826 ἐσθῆτι Μηδικῇ. See iii. 84. 337 ὁρέων αὐτοὺς προθύμους ἐόντας. The commercial advantages resulting from the expenditure of the people employed in cutting the canal would no doubt make own town with the greatest satisfaction, knowing the impulse which would by i be given to their trade. 383 "Aprayalny. He had a colleague. See above, § 22. 329 χῃχέων βασιληΐων. See note 597 on i. 178. POLYMNIA. VII. 116—120. 249 ὁμοῖα τῷ μάλιστα, ἀπέδεξε és τὸ δεῖπνον τετρακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου τετέλεσμένα. “Ὡς δὲ παραπλησίως καὶ ἐν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι 119 πόλεσι οἱ ἐπεστεῶτες ἀπεδείκνυσαν τὸν λόγον" τὸ γὰρ δεῖπνον τοιόνδε τι ἐγίνετο, οἷα ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου προειρημένον καὶ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιεύμενον: τοῦτο μὲν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τάχιστα τῶν κηρύ- κων τῶν περιωγγέλλόντων ”*, δασάμενοι σῖτον ἐν τῇσι πόλεσι οἱ ἀστοὶ ἄλευρά τε καὶ ἄλφιτα ἐποίευν πάντες ἐπὶ μῆνας συχνούς" τοῦτο δὲ, κτήνεα σιτεύεσκον ἐξευρίσκοντες τιμῆς τὰ κάλλιστα, ἔτρεφόν τε ὄρνιθας χερσαίους καὶ λιμναίους ἔν τε οἰκήμασι καὶ λάκκοισι, ἐς ὑποδοχὰς τοῦ στρατοῦ" τοῦτο δὲ, χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ποτήριά τε καὶ κρητῆρας ἐποιεῦντο, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσα ἐπὶ τράπεζαν τιθέαταε πάντα. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ αὐτῷ τε βασιλέϊ καὶ τοῖσι ὁμοσίτοισι μετ᾽ ἐκείνου ἐπεποίητο, τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ στρατιῇ τὰ ἐς φορβὴν μοῦνα τασσόμενα. ὅκως δὲ ἀπίκοιτο ἡ στρατιὴ, σκηνὴ μὲν ἔσκε πεπηγυῖα ἑτοίμη ἐς τὴν αὐτὸς σταθμὸν ποιεέσκετο Ξέρξης" ἡ δὲ ἄλλη στρατιὴ ἔσκε ὑπαίθριος: ὡς δὲ δείπνου γίνοιτο ὥρη, οἱ μὲν Sexopevos ἔχεσκον πόνον" οἱ δὲ, ὅκως πλησθέντες γύκτα αὐτοῦ ἀγάγοιεν, τῇ ὑστεραίῃ τήν τε σκηνὴν ἀνασπάσαντες καὶ τὰ ἔπιπλα πάντα λαβόντες, οὕτω ἀπελαύνεσκον, λείποντες οὐδὲν, ἀλλὰ φερόμενοι' Ἔνθα δὴ Meyaxpéovros ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αβδηρί- 120 Tew ἔπος εὖ εἰρημένον ἐγένετο, ὃς συνεβούλευσε ᾿Α βδηρίτῃσι, παν- ὁ diter δημεὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ γυναῖκας ἔλθόντας ἐς τὰ σφέτερα ἱρὰ, ἵξεσθαι °.eKien ἱκέτας τῶν θεῶν, π᾿αραυτεομένους καὶ τὸ λοιπόν σφι ἀπαμύνειν Δ mb τῶν ἐπιόντων κακῶν τὰ ἡμίσεα," τῶν τε παροιχομένων ὄχειν σφι μεγάλην χάριν, ὅτε βασιλεὺς Ἐέρξης οὐ δὶς ἑκάστης ἡμέρης ἐνόμισε σῖτον αἱρέεσθαι' παρέχειν γὰρ ἂν ᾿Αβδηρίτῃσι, εἰ καὶ ἄριστον προείρητο ὁμοῖα τῷ δείπνῳ παρασκευάξειν, ἢ μὴ ὑὕὑπο- μένειν Ἐέρξεα ἐπιόντα, ἢ καταμείναντας κάκιστα πάντων ἀνθρώ- πων διατριβῆναι᾽ 5, οἱ μὲν δὴ πιεζόμενοι ὁμοίως τὸ ἐπιτασσό- μενον ἐπετέλεον. 330 τῶν κηρύκων τῶν περιαγγελλόντων. (1. 168). But both the phrase which He- These were sent out as soon as Xerxes rodotus there uses: Τηΐων τῶν ἐν ᾿Αβδή- had arrived at Sardis. See above, § 32. sot, and the close alliance formed by 331 τῶν ἐπιόντων κακῶν τὰ ἡμίσεα. Xerxes with the town (viii. 120), would The Abderitan population was familiar induce the belief that the bulk of the with calamity; for the town itself had population consisted of others than the been founded’ by the population of Teos, original colonists. who left their native country en masse to 3532 παρέχειν γὰρ dy ᾿Αβδηρίτῃσι, .... avoid falling under the power of Harpagus διατριβῆναι. These words are not to be VOL. IT. 2k 260 HERODOTUS 121 Béptns δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ακάνθου, ἐντειλάμενος τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι τὸν reg aaa ναυτικὸν στρατὸν ὑπομένειν ἐν Θέρμῃ, ἀπῆκε ἀπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ πορεύ- tating εσθαι τὰς νέας: (Θέρμῃ δὲ τῇ ἐν τῷ Θερμαίῳ κόλπῳ οἰκημένῃ, aT Thee, ἧς καὶ ὁ κόλπος οὗτος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην eye) ταύτῃ yap ἐπυνθάνετο συντομώτατον εἶναι 3, μέχρι μὲν γὰρ ᾿Ακάνθου ὧδε τεταγμένος ὁ στρατὸς ἐκ Δορίσκου τὴν ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο' τρεῖς μοίρας ὃ Ἐξέρξης δασάμενος πάντα τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν, μίαν αὐτέων ἔταξε παρὰ θάλασσαν ἰέναι ὁμοῦ τῷ ναυτικῷ ταύτης μὲν δὴ ἐστρατήγεον Μαρδόνιός τε καὶ Μασίστης" ἑτέρη δὲ τεταγμένη ἤϊε τοῦ στρα- τοῦ τριτημορὶς τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τῆς ἐστρατήγεον Τριτανταίχμης τε καὶ Γέργις" ἡ δὲ τρίτη τῶν μοιρέων, μετ᾽ ἧς ἐπορεύετο αὐτὸς ὁ Ξέρξης, ἤϊε μὲν τὸ μέσον αὐτέων, στρατηγοὺς δὲ παρείχετο 3 μερ- δομένεά τε καὶ Μεγάβυζον. 122 = ‘O μέών νυν ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ὡς ἀπείθη ὑπὸ Ἐξέρξεω, καὶ διεξ- oct th cog tinea τὴν διώρυχα τὴν hid τῷ “Adm γενομένην διέχουσαν δὲ ἐς the canal to κόλπον ἐν τῷ "άσσα τε πόλις καὶ Πίλωρος καὶ Σύγγος καὶ Σάρτη the Sitho- οἴκηνται" ἐνθεῦτεν, ὧς καὶ ἐκ τουτέων τῶν πολίων στρατιὴν παρ- rior έλαβε, ἔπλεε ἀπιέμενος ἐς τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον, κάμπτων δὲ res "Aprrerov τὴν" Τορωναίην axpny**, παραμείβετο ᾿Ελληνέδας considered as a part of the saying of Megacreon, but as an explanation, on the experience of the region in which the movement took place. See above, note part of the author, of the thought which 260 on § 82. suggested hiseremark. The failure both 335 ἔσλεε dwiduevos..."AumreAoy τήν. here and in iv. 144, to observe where the These words are omitted in F. actual saying ended, has caused a witty remark to be regarded as an insipidity by some modern critics. 328 συντομώτατον εἶναι, shortest cut across.”’ 884 γχρεῖς μοίρας... .. δασάμενος. This is a similar expression to δυώδεκα μοίρας δασ. Αἴγυπτον πᾶσαν (ii. 147), where see note 435. The regimen is the same as if the writer had said τριχῆ δασάμενος, a phrase which he uses in iii. 39. For the previous mention of the generals in com- mand of these main divisions of the army, see above, § 82. Comparing the order in which they are there given with this pas- sage, one may conjecture that Masistes, Gergis, and Megabyzus were subordinated to the generals with whom they are here respectively associated. Perhaps Masistes “Cwas the _ was placed with Mardonius on account of the recognized military skill of the latter, whose corps certainly had the most im- portant work to do, and who had himself 886 κάμπτων δὲ “AuweAov Thy Τορωναίην ἄκρην. ΑΒ the text stands the meaning would be that in the rounding Ampeluas, the fleet passed the Greek towns presently mentioned. This, however, is an im sibility. (See note 341, below.) If the MSS were not unanimous, I should be disposed to put a colon after ἄκρην and insert δὲ after the following word wapa- pelBero. In this case the words (ἔπλεε. . ... ἄκρην) would merely give the gene- ral direction of the course of the fleet. ‘“It sailed off into the Thermean gulf and round Ampelus, the headland of Torone,’’—just such a description as an inhabitant of Sane, in the isthmus of Athos, would give of what he saw take place under his eyes. Then follows an account, which would naturally be derived from other sources, of the towns from which it levied contingents as it passed them. POLYMNIA. VII, 121—123. 251 τάσδε Toms ἐκ τῶν νέας τε Kal στρατιὴν παρελάμβανε' Τορώ- νην, Γαληψὸν “, Σερμύλην, Μηκύβερναν “5, "ολυνθον: ἡ μέν νυν χώρη αὕτη Σ᾿ιθωνίη"“" καλέεται. Ὁ δὲ ναντικὸς στρατὸς ὁ Ἐέρξεω, 123 συντάμνων ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αμπέλου ἄκρης ἐπὶ Κανάστραιον ἄκρην "", τὸ δὴ Ἐπ τ eee πάσης τῆς Παλλήνης ἀνέχει μάλιστα, ἐνθεῦτεν νέας τε καὶ στρα- obiain a τεὴν παρελάμβανε ἐκ Ποτιδαίης, καὶ ᾿Αφύτιος, καὶ Néns Πό- reinforce- Atos, καὶ «Αὐγῆς, καὶ Θεράμβω, καὶ Σ᾽ κιώνης, καὶ M&Sys, καὶ Σ ἄνης """ 5". αὗται γάρ εἰσι αἱ τὴν νῦν Παλλήνην πρότερον δὲ 337 Ἑλληνίδας τάσδε πόλις. By this ex- ion being used here, one would sus- pect that Assa, Pilorus, Singus, and Sarta were not settlements of Greeks. SrepHa- Nous ByzantTinus describes each of them as πόλις πρὸς τῷ Αθῳ, or περὶ τὸν Αθων. It is probable that the Greeks would only know of them by hearsay at Sane, the Hellenic city on the isthmus, and would not willingly enter the gulf in which they lay. From the description of Herodotus it is impossible to say whether they were on the eastern or western shore. εἶ τοίνυν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ισθμοῦ Πελοποννησίοισι, προδοθέντες ἂν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπὸ τῶν μουνωθέντες δὲ ἂν, καὶ ἀποδεξάμενοι ἔργα μεγάλα, ἀπέθανον γεν- καὶ οὕτω ἂν ἐπ᾽’ ἀμφότερα ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐγίνετο ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι τὴν σης" νῦν δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους ἄν τις λέγων σωτῆρας γενέσθα: τῆς ᾿Ελλά- γμάτων ἐτράποντο, ταῦτα ῥέψειν ἔμελλε: ἑλόμενοι δὲ τὴν ᾿Ελ- μετά γε θεοὺς ἀνωσάμενοι' οὐδέ σφεας χρηστήρια φοβερὰ ἐλθόντα This must refer to at least as far baek as the year before the invasion actually took place. See § 146, below. 8 eképy sere See note 106 on i. 3}. 379 οὐδαμοὶ dy ἐπειρῶντο ἀντιεύμενοι βασιλέϊ. See note on § 148, below. 880 τὸ ἀληθές. This is not to be taken after ἁμαρτάνοι, in which case s genitive would be i oar res but is equivalent to ἀληθῶς, “in good sooth 3! γοῦτο. 8 has Τοῦ and after the Word "Ἑλληνικὸν the participle Sy. Also, for αὐτοὶ in the next line, it has αὐτοῦ. There seems to be a corruption in the text somewhere or other. I am inclined to the sentence originally ran : ὁλό- μενοι δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα περιεῖναι ἐλευθέρην, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ, τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν πᾶν τὸ λοιπὸν ὅσον μὴ ἐμήδισε οὗτοι ἦσαν» οἱ ἐπεγείραν.-. ves. The word αὐτὸ, having dropped ont of its place and been inserted in a wrong one, may have been changed into αὐτοῦ or αὐτοὶ, to make sense. 140 Two oracles were re- ceived by the Athe- nians from Delphi, 262 HERODOTUS ἐκ Δελφῶν, καὶ és δεῖμα βαλόντα, ἔπεισε éxdereiy τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' ἀλλὰ καταμείναντες ἀνέσχοντο τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην δέξα- σθαι. Πέμψαντες γὰρ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς Δελφοὺς θεοπρόπους, χρηστη- ριάξεσθαι ἦσαν ἑτοῖμοι: καί σφι ποιήσασι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὰ νομι- ξόμενα, ὡς ἐς τὸ μέγαρον “5 ἐσελθόντες ἵζοντο, χρᾷ ἡ Πυθίη τῇ οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Αριστονίκη τάδε" "A μέλεοι, τί κάθησθε; λιπὼν φεῦγ᾽ ἔσχατα γαίης δώματα καὶ πόλιος τροχοειδέος 353 ἄκρα κάρηνα. οὔτε γὰρ ἡ κεφαλὴ μένει ἔμπεδον, οὔτε τὸ σῶμα, οὔτε πόδες νέατοι, οὔτ᾽ ὧν χέρες, οὔτε τι μέσσης λείπεται, GAA’ ἄζηλα πέλει" κατὰ γάρ μιν ἐρείπει πῦρ τε καὶ ὀξὺς "Αρης Συριηγενὲς ἅρμα διώκων. πολλὰ δὲ κἄλλ᾽ ἀπολεῖ πυργώματα, κοὺ τὸ σὸν οἷον" πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἀθανάτων νηοὺς μαλερῷ πυρὶ δόσει, of που νῦν ἱδρῶτι ῥεούμενοι 386 ἑστήκασι, ᾿ δείματι παλλόμενοι" κατὰ δ' ἀκροτάτοις ὀρόφοισι αἷμα μέλαν κέχνται, προϊδὸν κακότητος ἀνάγκας. ἄλλ᾽ ἴτον ἐξ ἀδύτοιο, κακοῖς δ᾽ ὀπικίδνατε θυμόν. 141 Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων θεοπρόποι, συμφορῇ τῇ μεγίστῃ ἐχρέωντο' προβάλλουσι δὲ σφέας αὐτοὺς “δ ὑπὸ τοῦ 383 ὃς τὸ μέγαρον. The inmost recess of the temple, where the sacred weapons were suspended, which no mortal hand was allowed to touch. See viii. 37. 383 πόλιος τροχοειδέοςς. An allusion to the circular fortification which enclosed the city. 384 ἱδρῶτι ῥεούμενοι. Drops of moisture standing upon the statues was considered a portent among the ancients, who were entirely ignorant of the physical cause of it. The original notion suggested seems to have been that sweat was produced by the influence of fear, or tears let fall under that of sorrow at an impending calamity : “4 moestum .illacrymat templis ebur, era- que sudant.” (Virait, Georg. i. 480.) Sometimes the credulity of the spectators, enhanced by superstitious terror, con- verted the moisture into blood. Apot- Lonius Raopivs describes the panic which follows habitually : ὅταν αὐτόματα ξόανα ῥέῃ ἱδρώοντα αἵματι, καὶ μυκαὶ σηκοῖς ἔνι φαντάζωνται, δὲ καὶ ἢόλιος μέσῳ ἥματι νὐκτ᾽ σιν οὐρανόθεν, τὰ δὲ λαμπρὰ δι᾽ ἠέρος ἄστρα ίγῃ. Π (iv. 1284.) At the time of Alexander’s march upon Thebes the statues in the agora were seen ἱδρῶτας ἀφιέντες καὶ μεγάλων μεστοὶ στα- λαγμῶν, and at the same time word was brought from Delphi that the shrine, which the Thebans had set up there out of the tithe of the spoils of the Phocians, ἡματωμένην ἔχων τὴν ὀροφὴν ὁρᾶται. (θιοροξῦσβ, xvii. 10.) Blood too burst out from the pavement of the temple of Here at Sybaris, shortly before the de- struction of the city. note 107 on v. 43. 385 προβάλλουσι δὲ σφέας αὐτούς. It is not easy to say exactly what the notion is which is implied in these words; bat 1 think the most plausible interpretation is ‘throwing their cause up,’’ /éf. “ casting themselves away,” as a gamester would dice out of his box. Hence the author of the Rhesus uses the expression ἐπ᾽ ἀξίοις πονεῖν Ψνχὴν προβάλλοντ᾽ ἐν κύβοισι δαί- μονος. The Athenians appear to have thought that their case was one in which no prudence could avail, and that nothing remained but to give themselves up pas- sively to the course of events. Schweig- hauser seems to think the expression POLYMNIA. VII. 140—142. 263 κακοῦ τοῦ κεχρησμένου, Τίμων ὁ ᾿Ανδροβούλου, τῶν Δελφῶν ἀνὴρ δόκιμος ὁμοῖα τῷ μάλιστα, συνεβούλενέ ode ἱκετηρίην λαβοῦσι, δεύτερα αὗτις ἐλθόντας χρᾶσθαε τῷ χρηστηρίῳ ὡς ἱκέτας: πειθομένοισι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι, καὶ λέγουσι᾽ “ ὦναξ, χρῆσον ἡμῖν ἄμεινόν te περὶ τῆς πατρίδος, αἰδεσθεὶς τὰς ἱκετηρίας τάσδε Tas τοι ἥκομεν φέροντες" ἢ οὔ τοι ἄπιμεν ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου, GAN αὐτοῦ τῇδε μενέομεν, ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ τελευτήσωμεν"" ταῦτα δὲ λέγουσε ἡ πρόμαντις χρᾷ δεύτερα τάδε: Οὐ δύναται Παλλὰς Δι’ ᾽᾿Ολύμπιον ἐξιλάσασθαι, λισσομένη πολλοῖσι λόγοις καὶ μήτιδι πυκνῇ. σοὶ δὲ τόδ’ αὖτις ἔπος ἐρέω, ᾿Αδάμαντι 396 χελάσσας" τῶν ἄλλων γὰρ ἁλισκομένων, ὅσα Κέκροπος οὖρος ἐντὸς ἔχει κευθμών τε Κιθαιρῶνος (αθέοιο, τεῖχος Τριτογενεῖ ξύλινον διδοῖ εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς μοῦνον ἀπόρθητον τελέθειν, τὸ ot τέκνα τ᾽ ὀνήσει. μηδὲ σύ γ᾽ ἱπποσύνην τε μένειν καὶ πεζὸν ἰόντα πολλὸν ἀπ᾽ ἡπείρον στρατὸν ἥσυχος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑποχωρεῖν νῶτον ὀπιστρέψας" ἔτι τοι κοτὲ κἀντίος ἔσσῃ. ὦ θείη Σαλαμὶς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν, % που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος, ἣ συνιούσης 357. Ταῦτά σφι ἠπιώτερα γὰρ τῶν προτέρων καὶ ἦν καὶ ἐδόκεε εἶναι, 149 συγγραψάμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας" ὡς δὲ ἀπελθόντες fom the latter of ε , »» ὌΝ: a a which they οἱ θεοπρόποι ἀπήγγελλον ἐς τὸν δῆμον, γνῶμαι καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαὶ Tr Ὁ ac ἐγίνοντο διζημένων τὸ μαντήϊον, καὶ aide συνεστηκυῖαι μάλιστα *** of hope. τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἔλεγον μετεξέτεροι, δοκέειν σφι τὸν θεὸν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν χρῆσαι περιέσεσθαι: ἡ γὰρ ἀκρόπολις τὸ πάλαι τῶν might mean ‘“‘ prostrating themselves on would be ἐπαλλάττουσαι. Thus Ari- the **—as in despair. 386 "Αδάμαντι. This word seems to me to be an epithet denoting the supreme deity, the Olympian Zeus. Compare és τὴν ἀμφίρρυτον (iv. 163), and és Πολύφη- μον (v. 79). Pallas was unable “ entirely to appease him ” (ἐξιλάσασθαι), but gained as a boon from him all within the wooden wall. 87 § που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος, ἣ συνιούσης, “either in seed-time or har- vest.”’ 883 συνεστηκυῖαι μάλιστα, ‘most op- posed to one another.’’ The metaphor is taken from the matching of two athletes, who stand up together to put their strength to trial. The opposite of cuveornxvia STOTLE uses the phrase λόγοι éwadAdr- Tovres for opposing arguments in which a real issue is not joined (Polit. i. p. 1255), and ὀδόντες éwadAdrrovres are teeth which do not meet fairly, but fall into the inter- vals of each other. In iv. 132 the opinion of Gobryas ran counter to that of Darius, and hence the phrase συνεστήκεε ταύτῃ τῇ γνώμῃ. The opinion of Croesus (i. 208) was at direct issue with the common judgment of the Persians, and Herodotus says γνῶμαι μὲν αὗται συνέστασαν. See also vi. 108, συνεστεῶτας Βοιωτοῖσι, and viii. 78, 79, where the expressions ὠθι- σμὸς λόγων and συνεστηκότων τῶν στρα- τηγῶν are derived from the same idea. 143 Themistuctes interprets the oracle of the ships. 144 Former at- tempt of Themisto- cles to 264 HERODOTUS ᾿Αθηνέων ῥηχῷ ““ ἐπέφρακτο' οἱ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸν φρωγμὸν συν- εβάλλοντο τοῦτο τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι" οἱ δ᾽ αὖ ἔλεγον τὰς νέας σημαίνειν τὸν θεὸν, καὶ ταύτας παραρτέεσθαε ἐκέλευον τὰ ἄλλα ἀπέντας. τοὺς ὧν δὴ τὰς νέας λέγοντας εἶναι τὸ ξύλενον τεῖχος ἔσφαλλε τὰ δύο τὰ τελευταῖα ῥηθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίης" ὦ θείη Σαλαμὶς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν, % που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἣ συνιούσης. κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ ἔπεα συνεχέοντο αἱ γνῶμαι τῶν φαμένων τὰς νέας τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι" ot γὰρ χρησμολόγοι ταύτῃ ταῦτα ἐλάμ- βανον, ὡς ἀμφὶ Σαλαμῖνα δεῖ σφέας ἑσσωθῆναι, ναυμαχίην παρα- σκευασαμένους. ἮΝ δὲ τῶν τις ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ ἐς πρώτους νεωστὶ παριὼν, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἔην Θεμιστοκλέης, παῖς δὲ Neo- κλέος ἐκαλέετο' οὗτος ᾿ὠνὴρ οὐκ ἔφη πᾶν ὀρθῶς τοὺς χρησμο- λόγους συμβάλλεσθαι, λέγων τοιάδε! εἰ ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους εἶχε τὸ πάθος εἰρημένον ἐόντως δ, οὐκ ἂν οὕτω μιν δοκέειν ἠπίως χρησθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ὧδε: ὦ σχετλίη Σαλαμίς: ἀντὶ τοῦ ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς: εἴπερ γε ἔμελλον οἱ οἰκήτορες ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῇ τελευτήσειν" ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῷ θεῷ εἰρῆσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον, συλλαμβάνοντι κατὰ τὸ ὀρθὸν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους, πταρα- σκευάξεσθαι ὧν αὐτοὺς ὧς ναυμαχήσοντας συνεβούλευε, ὧς τούτου ἐόντος τοῦ ξυλίνον τείχεος. ταύτῃ Θεμιστοκλέος ἀποφαινομένου, ᾿Αθηναῖοι ταῦτά σφι ἔγνωσαν αἱρετώτερα εἶναι μᾶλλον “5 ἢ τὰ τῶν χρησμολόγων᾽ of οὐκ ἔων ναυμαχίην ἀρτέεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἶναι, οὐδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταείρεσθαι ἀλλὰ ἐκλιπόντας χώρην τὴν ᾿Αττι- κὴν ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκίζειν. “Erépn τε Θεμιστοκλέϊ γνώμη ἔμπροσθε ταύτης ἐς καιρὸν ἠρίστευσε' ὅτε ᾿Αθηναίοισι γενομένων χρημάτων μεγάλων ἐν τῷ κοινῷ “5, τὰ ἐκ τῶν μετάλλων σφι προσῆλθε τῶν 801 ῥόγτως. This is a conjectural read- 389 δῃηχῷ, ‘a palisade.”” PAavusanias ing adopted by Schaefer and Bekker. The says, that the Troezenians gave the name of ῥηχὸς to the wild olive (ii. 32. 10). This being a tree indigenous to the country, it is likely that its wood would be common, and being generally used in fences of this kind would give its name to them, just as the outer door of students’ rooms at Ox- ford is called an ‘‘ oak.” 390 πάθος. Sand V have this reading instead of ἔπος, which is printed by Gais- ford on the authority of the rest. MSS have ἐόν κως, to which no sense can be given. 292 αἱρετώτερα εἶναι μᾶλλον. Compare μᾶλλον ὀλβιάώτερος (i. 32), κερδαλεώτερον μᾶλλον (ix. 7). 393 ἐν τῷ κοινῷς The substantive un- derstood is ταμιείῳ. Similarly the Ro- mans said ‘‘in publicum redigere,’’ under- standing the word “‘ wrarium.” POLYMNIA. VII. 143—145. 265 ἀπὸ Aavpelov, ἔμελλον λάξεσθαι ὀρχηδὸν “ὁ ἕκαστος δέκα Spa- create , , ‘ 5 navy. χμάς" τότε Θεμιστοκλέης ἀνέγνωσε ᾿Αθηναίους, τῆς διαιρέσιος ταύ- τῆς παυσαμένους νέας τούτων τῶν χρημάτων ποιήσασθαι διηκο- σίας "5, ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Αἰγινήτας λέγων > οὗτος γὰρ ὁ πύλεμος συστὰς ἔσωσε τότε τὴν Ελλάδα, ἀναγκάσας θαλασσίους γενέσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους" αἱ δὲ ἐς τὸ μὲν ἐποιήθησαν οὐκ ἐχρήσθησαν" ἐς δέον δὲ οὕτω τῇ ᾿Ελλάδε ἐγένοντο. αὗταί τε δὴ αἱ νέες τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι προποιηθεῖσαε ὑπῆρχον, ἑτέρας τε ἔδεε ππροσνανπη- γέεσθαι" ἔδοξέ τε σφι, μετὰ τὸ χρηστήριον βουλενομένοισι, ἐπι- όντα ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα τὸν βάρβαρον δέκεσθαι τῇσι νηυσὶ πανδημεὶ, τῷ θεῷ πειθομένους, ἅμα ᾿ΕἙλλήνων τοῖσε βουλομένοισι. τὰ μὲν δὴ χρηστήρια ταῦτα τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐγεγόνεε. Συλλεγομένων δὲ ἐς τὠυτὸ " τῶν περὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα Ελλήνων 145 τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεόντων, καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, Ῥτοοοοάϊηρ ἐνθαῦτα ἐδόκεε βουλευομένοισι αὐτοῖσι, πρῶτον μὲν χρημάτων ἰφεἷς con- gress. πάντων καταλλάσσεσθαι τάς τε ἔχθρας καὶ τοὺς Kar’ ἀλλήλους ἐόντας πολέμους" ἧσαν δὲ πρός τινας καὶ ἄλλους ἐγκεχρημένοι, ὁ δὲ ὧν μέγιστος ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Αὐγινήτῃσι" μετὰ δὲ, πυνθανό- μενοι Ἠέρξεα σὺν τῷ στρατῷ εἶναι ἐν Σάρδισι, ἐβουλεύσαντο κατασκόπους πέμπειν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην τῶν βασιλέος πρηγμάτων, ἐς They send [Ἄργος τε ἀγγέλους ὁμαιχμέην συνθησομένους πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην" er to Argos, καὶ ἐς Σικελίην ἄλλους πέμπειν παρὰ Γέλωνα τὸν Aewopéveos, paar τ μὴ ἔς τε Κέρκυραν, κελεύσοντας βοηθέειν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, καὶ ἐς Κρήτην cg ἄλλους" φρονήσαντες εἴ κως ἕν τε γένοιτο τὸ ᾿Ελληνικὸν καὶ εἰ συγκύψαντες “" τὠντὸ πρήσσοιεν πάντες, ὡς δεινῶν ἐπιόντων firms the statement of Herodotus: ὀψέ 3% δρχηδὸν, “every grown than.” τε ἀφ᾽ οὗ ᾿Αθηναίους Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔπεισεν 5 νέας τούτων τῶν χρημάτων ποιήσα- σθαι διηκοσίας. ῬΙΤΤΆΒΟΗ (Themist. § 4) gives one hundred as the number of gallies constructed out of this fund, a number which appears the more probable, as the whole Athenian navy did not amount to more than two hundred ships at the time of the battle of Salamis. (See note 2 on viii. 1.) And independently of this batch of gallies, they had at least fifty others when the war with AZgina was going on (vi. 89). 9% ἐς τὸν πόλεμον Toy πρὸς Αἰγινήτας λέγων, “for the war against the ΖΕ ρίῃο- tans (he said).”’ Taucypipgs, by the way he speaks of the matter, entirely con- VOL. II. Αἰγινήταις πολεμοῦντας, καὶ ἅμα τοῦ Bap- βάρον προσδοκίμου ὄντος, τὰς ναῦς ποιή- σασθαι αἷσπερ καὶ ἐναυμάχησαν (i. 14). The Aginetan war was the main argu- ment, the probable invasion an additional reason. These ships (Thucydides remarks) had not decks running their whole length. 80] Συλλεγομένων és τὠντό. Where the-place of congress was does not appear from this passage (see also § 132, above); but from § 172, below, it would appear to have been at the isthmus,—which in later times was the rendezvous for the members of the Lacedsemonian hegemony. 398 συγκύψαντες. The metaphor is 2M 146 and spies to Sardis, who are detected. Magnani- mity of Xerxes to these 147 "of a iece with is for- bearance to the corn ships from the Euxine to Egina and Pelo- ponnesus, 266 HERODOTUS ὁμοίως πᾶσι" Ελλησι. τὰ δὲ Γέλωνος πρήγματα μεγάλα ἐλέγετο εἶναι, οὐδαμῶν ᾿Εἰλληνικῶν τῶν οὐ πολλὸν μέζω. ‘As δὲ ταῦτά σφι ἔδοξε, καταλυσάμενοι τὰς ἔχθρας, πρῶτα μὲν κατασκόπους πέμπουσι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἄνδρας τρεῖς" οἱ δὲ ἀπικό- μενοί τε ἐς Σάρδις καὶ καταμαθόντες τὴν βασιλέος στρατιὴν, ὡς ἐπάϊστοι ἐγένοντο, βασανισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπήγοντο ὡς ἀπολεύμενοι' καὶ τοῖσι μὲν κατακέκριτο θάνατος" Ἐέρξης δὲ ὡς ἐπύθετο ταῦτα, μεμφθεὶς " τῶν στρατηγῶν τὴν γνώμην, πέμπει τῶν τινας δορυφόρων, ἐντειλάμενος, ἢν κατα- λάβωσι τοὺς κατασκόπους ζῶντας, ἄγειν tap ἑωυτόν: ὡς δὲ ἔτι περιεόντας αὐτοὺς κατέλαβον καὶ ἦγον ἐς ὄψιν τὴν βασιλέος, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν, πυθόμενος én’ οἷσι ἦλθον, ἐκέλενέ σφεας τοὺς δορυφόρους περιάγοντας ἐπιδείκνυσθαι πάντα τε τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν καὶ τὴν ἵππον “ ἐπεὰν δὲ ταῦτα θηεύμενοι Ewos πλήρεες, ἀποπέμπειν ἐς τὴν ἂν αὐτοὶ ἐθέλωσι χώρην ἀσινέας. ᾿Επιλέγων δὲ τὸν λόγον τόνδε ταῦτα ἐνετέλλετο, ὡς εἰ μὲν ἀπώλοντο οἱ κατάσκοποι, οὔτε ἂν τὰ ἑωυτοῦ πρήγματα προεπύθοντο οἱ "EXXnves ἐόντα λόγου μέζω, οὔτ᾽ ἄν te τοὺς πολεμίους μέγα ἐσινέατο ἄνδρας τρεῖς ἀπολέσαντες" νοστησάντων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα, δοκέειν (ἔφη) ἀκούσαντας τοὺς “Ελληνας τὰ ἑωυτοῦ πρήγματα, πρὸ τοῦ στόλον τοῦ γιμομένου παραδώσειν σφέας τὴν ἰδίην ἐλευθερίην, καὶ οὕτω οὐδὲ δεήσειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατηλατέοντας πρήγματα ἔχειν. οἶκε δὲ αὐτοῦ αὕτη ἡ γνώμη τῇ γε ἄλλῃ" ἐὼν γὰρ ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ ὁ Ἐέρξης, εἶδε πλοῖα ἐκ τοῦ Πόντον σιτωγωγὰ διεκπλώοντα τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, ἔς τε Αἴγιναν καὶ Πελοπόννησον κομιζόμενα ‘” μὲν δὴ πάρεδροι αὐτοῦ, ws ἐπύθοντο πολέμια εἶναι τὰ πλοῖα, ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν αἱρέειν αὐτὰ, ἐσβλέποντες ‘és τὸν βασιλέα ὁκότε παραγγελέει" ὁ δὲ Ἐέρξης εἴρετο αὐτοὺς, ὅκη πλέοιεν ; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν' “« ἐς τοὺς σοὺς πολεμίους, ὦ δέσποτα “', σῖτον ἄγοντες." ὁ δὲ ς * 06 taken from the rowers of s galley, who all bend to their oars together to increase the steadiness and force of the stroke. The κομι(όμενα, “ bound for gina and Pelo- ponnese.”” The centre of the traffic be- tween Pontus and European Greece at same expression is used in iii. 82. 309 μεμφθείς. See note 267 on i. 77. 400 ἐκέλευέ σφεας... καὶ τὴν ἵππον. A similar piece of contemptuous πιδριδ- Bimity is ascribed to Scipio by Lrvy (xxx. 29). 401 ἔς re Αἴγιναν καὶ Πελοπόννησον this time would probably be Calaurea, a little island in the immediate neighbour- hood of Troezen, and not far from gina. See note on viii. 41: of μὲν wAcioro: és Τροιζῆνα. 402 ᾧ δέσποτα, S has ὦ βασιλεῦ. POLYMNIA. VII. 146—148. 267 ὑπολαβὼν ἔφη" “οὐκ ὧν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐκεῖ πλέομεν ἔνθαπερ καὶ οὗτοι τοῖσί τε ἄλλοισι ἐξηρτυμένοι “" καὶ σίτῳ ; τί δῆτα ἀδικέουσι οὗτοι “5 ἡμῖν σιτία παρακομίξοντες ;" οἱ μέν νυν κατάσκοποι οὕτω θεησάμενοί τε καὶ ἀποπεμφθέντες ἐνόστησαν ἐς τὴν Ev- ρώπην. Oi δὲ συνωμόται “Ελλήνων ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ, μετὰ τὴν ἀπόπεμψιν τῶν κατασκόπων, δεύτερα ἔπεμπον ἐς “Apyos ἀγγέλους. ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ λέγουσι τὰ κατ᾽ ἑωυτοὺς γενέσθας ὧδε' πυθέσθαι γὰρ αὐτίκα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τὰ ἐκ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἐγειρόμενα ὀπὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα, πυθόμενοι δὲ, καὶ μαθόντες ὥς σῴεας οἱ “Ελληνες πειρήσονται παραλαμβάνοντες “" ἐπὶ τὸν Πέρσην, πέμψαι θεοπρόπους ἐς Δελφοὺς, τὸν θεὸν ἐπειρησομένους ὥς σφε μέλλει ἄριστον ποιεῦσι γενέσθαι ; νεωστὶ γὰρ σφέων τεθνάναι ἑξακισχιλέους “ ὑπὸ Aaxe- δαιμονίων καὶ Κλεομένεος τοῦ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω' τῶνδε δὴ εἵνεκα πέμπειν»: τὴν δὲ Πυθίην ἐπειρωτῶσι αὐτοῖσι ἀνελεῖν τάδε' "Expt περικτιόνεσσι, φίλ᾽ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσι, εἴσω τὸν προβόλαιον 45 ἔχων πεφυλαγμένος ἧσο, καὶ κεφαλὴν πεφύλαξο’ κάρη δὲ τὸ σῶμα σαώσει. ταῦτα μὲν τὴν Πυθίην χρῆσαι πρότερον: μετὰ δὲ, ὡς ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἀγγέλους ἐς δὴ τὸ “Apyos, ἐπελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον καὶ λέγειν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα' τοὺς δὲ πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα ὑποκρί- νασθαι, ὡς ἑτοῖμοί εἰσι ᾿Αργεῖοι ποιέειν ταῦτα, τριήκοντα ἔτεα εἰρήνην σπεισάμενοι Aaxedatpovioics καὶ ἡγεόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυν πάσης τῆς συμμαχίης" καίτοι κατά γε τὸ δίκαιον γίνεσθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίην ἑωυτῶν “", ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως σφι ἀποχρᾶν κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυ 403 ἐξηρτυμένοι. Surpas remarks that this word is used by Herodotus in the sense of κατεσκενασμένοι. The same ex- pression is used above: ὅδασί re καὶ σιτί- oor εὖ ἐξηρτυμένουν (ii. 32). 404 γί Sita ἀδικέουσι οὗτοι. Xerxes had perhaps sagacity enough to be aware that any interference with the corn trade of the Euxine would be most prejudicial to his own imterests. His own supplies from thence must have been enormous. 405 χειρήσονται παραλαμβάνοντες. He- rodotus habitually uses the verb πειρᾶσθαι with a participle, where in other authors an infinitive would be found. Thus: ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιὼν ὁ Kipes (i. 77). οὐδαμοὶ by ὀπειρῶντο ἀντιεύμενοι βασιλέι (8 139, above). ἡμεῖς δὲ πειρησόμεθα αὐτοί τινα σωτηρίην μηχανεώμενοι (§ 172, below). $06 τεθνάναι ἑξακισχιλίους. See 188 on vi. 88. 407 τὸν προβόλαιον, “ the spear,” a wea- pon which in warfare would be advanced forward. The term πρόβολος, for ‘a boar spear,’ is used by Herodotus (§ 76, above). 408 καίτοι κατά ye τὸ δίκαιον... wus τῶν. Schweighauser considers that this plea haa reference to the supremacy of Agamemnon at the time of the Trojan war. But the seat of Agamemmon’s dominion was not Argos, but Mycene ; and the Μγοο- neeans did actually send eighty auxiliaries 2u2 148 Embassy to Argos. The Argive account of the conference throws the hlame of its failure en- tirely on the arro- ce of the edsemo- nians; al- though the Delphic oracle had recom- mended neutrality to the Argivea, 149 150 A report current in Helles accuses the Argives of re ly fa- vouring the Persian cause. 268 HERODOTUS ἡγεομένοισι. Ταῦτα μὲν λέγουσι τὴν βουλὴν ὑποκρίνασθαε, καίπερ ἀπωγορεύοντός σφι τοῦ χρηστηρίου μὴ ποιέεσθαι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας συμμαχίην' σπουδὴν δὲ ἔχειν σπονδὰς γενέ- σθαι τριηκονταέτιδας καίπερ τὸ χρηστήριον φοβεομένοισι, ἵνα δή σφι οἱ παῖδες ἀνδρωθέωσι ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι ἔτεσι μὴ δὲ σπονδέων ἐουσέων, ἐπιλέγεσθαι, ἢν ἄρα σφέας καταλάβῃ πρὸς τῷ γεγονότι κακῷ ἄλλο πταῖσμα πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην, μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔωσι Aaxe- δαιμονίων ὑπήκοοι δ τῶν δὲ ἀγγέλων τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Σπάρτης πρὸς τὰ ῥηθέντα ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς ἀμείψασθαι τοῖσδε" περὶ μὲν σπονδέων ἀνοίσειν ἐς τοὺς πλεῦνας" περὶ δὲ ἡγεμονίης αὐτοῖσι ἐντετάλθαι ὑποκρίνασθαι, καὶ δὴ λέγειν, σφὶ μὲν εἶναι δύο βασι- λέας, ᾿Αργείοισι δὲ ἕνα' οὔκων δυνατὸν εἶναι τῶν ἐκ Σπάρτης οὐδέτερον παῦσαι τῆς ἡγεμονίης: μετὰ δὲ δύο τῶν σφετέρων ὁμόψηφον τὸν ᾿Αργεῖον "" εἶναι κωλύειν οὐδέν. οὕτω δὴ οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοί φασι οὐκ ἀνασχέσθαι τῶν Σπαρτιητέων τὴν πλεονεξίην, ἀλλ᾽ ἑλέσθαι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄρχεσθαι ἢ τι ὑπεῖξαι “Μακεδαιμονίοισι' προειπεῖν τε τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι, mpd δύντος ἡλίου ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργείων χώρης" εἰ δὲ μὴ, περιέψεσθαι ὡς πολεμίους. Αὐτοὶ μὲν ᾿Αργεῖοι τοσαῦτα τούτων πέρι λέγουσι. ἔστι δὲ ἄλλος λόγος λεγόμενος ἀνὰ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα, ὡς Ἐέρξης ἔπεμψε κήρυκα ἐς ΓΑργος πρότερον ἤ περ ὁρμῆσαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα: ἐλθόντα δὲ τοῦτον λέγεται εἰπεῖν: “ ἄνδρες ᾿Αργεῖοι, βασιλεὺς Ἐέρξης τάδε ὑμῖν λέγει' ἡμεῖς νομίζομεν Πέρσην εἶναι, ἀπ᾽ οὗ ἡμεῖς γεγόναμεν, παῖδα Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης, γεγονότα ἐκ τῆς Kndéos θυγατρὸς ᾿Ανδρομέδης" οὕτω ἂν ὧν εἴημεν ὑμέτεροι 410 roy ᾿Αργεῖον. The word βασιλέα would naturally have to be supplied ; but there seems to be no trace of the regal to assist Leonidas at Thermopyle,—a cir- cumstance which is said to have in the sequel induced the Argives to destroy the city. (Dioporus, xi. 65.) I should ra- ther consider it as based upon the tradi- tion of Temenus being the eldest of the three Heraclide brothers, who were said to have conquered the Peloponnese. 409 μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔωσι Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπήκοοι. This clause is governed by the sense φοβεῖσθαι, which is not contained in the word ἐπιλέγεσθαι (to perpend), but implied in the act under such circum- stances. See note 520 on iv. 203. office in Argos at this time. Perhaps the polemarch for the time being would be regarded as representing the kingly office. But as this would only be in the field, the answer of the Lacedsemonians squares very ill with the circumstance asserted by Hero- dotus above (v. 75), that after the joint expedition of Cleomenes and Demaratus to restore the Pisistratids, a law was passed that only one Spartan king should take the command at once. POLYMNIA. VII. 149—152. 269 arroyovot" οὔτε ὧν ἡμέας οἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡμετέρους προγόνους ἐκστρατεύεσθαι, οὔτε ὑμέας ἄλλοισι τιμωρέοντας ἡμῖν ἀντιξόους γενέσθαε, ἀλλὰ Trap ὑμῖν αὐτοῖσι ἡσυχίην ἔχοντας κατῆσθαι" ἢν γὰρ ἐμοὶ γένηται κατὰ νόον, οὐδαμοὺς μέζονας ὑμέων ἄξω." ταῦτα ἀκούσαντας ᾿Αργείους λόγεται πρῆγμα ποιήσασθαι "5, καὶ παρα- χρῆμα μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπωγγελλομένους μεταιτέειν “* ἐπεὶ δέ σφεας παραλαμβάνειν τοὺς “Ελληνας, οὕτω δὴ, ἐπισταμένους ὅτε οὐ μεταδώσουσι τῆς ἀρχῆς Aaxedatporot, μεταιτέειν, ἵνα ἐπὶ προ- φάσιος ἡσυχίην ἄγωσι. Συμπεσεῖν δὲ τούτοισε καὶ τόνδε τὸν 151 λόγον λέγουσί τινες Ελλήνων, πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι ὕστερον γενόμενον Sry of τούτων: τυχεῖν ἐν Σούσοισι τοῖσι Μεμνονίοισι"" ἐόντας ἑτέρου Hiveaiens , " 415 2 ᾽ , Ay ἢ _ heard years. πρήγματος εἵνεκα ‘* ἀγγέλους ᾿Αθηναίων, Καλλίην τε τὸν ἵἽππο pr gable νίκου καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτον ἀναβάντας" ᾿Αργείους δὲ, τὸν αὐτὸν erg τοῦτον χρόνον πέμψαντας καὶ τούτους ἐς Σοῦσα ἀγγέλους, εἰρωτᾶν charge. ᾿Αρταξέρξεα "" τὸν Ἐέρξεω εἴ σφι ἔτι ἐμμένει τὴν πρὸς Ἐέρξεα φιλέην συνεκεράσαντο, ἢ νομιζοίατο πρὸς αὐτοῦ εἶναι πολέμιοι ; βασιλέα δὲ ᾿Αρταξέρξεα μάλιστα ἐμμένειν φάναι, καὶ οὐδεμίαν νομίζειν πόλιν "Αργεος φιλιωτέρην. Ei μέν νυν Ἐέρξης τε 152 ἀπέπεμψε ταῦτα λέγοντα κήρυκα ἐς “Apyos, καὶ ᾿Αργείων ἄγγελοι Remarks of the au- ἀναβάντες ἐς Σοῦσα ἐπειρώτων ᾿Αρταξέρξεα περὶ φιλίης, οὐκ ἔχω a Τὶ the ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν" οὐδέ τινα γνώμην περὶ αὐτῶν ἀποφαίνομαι ἄλλην 411 ἡμεῖς νομίζομεν, κιτιλ. That this genealogy was Hellenic, not Persian, ap- pears from what the author himself says elsewhere. See the notes on vi. 64, and note 194 on vii. 61. It is likewise ob- viously absurd that genuine Persian le- gends should derive their own ancestor from 412 πρῆγμα ποιήσασθαι, “ considered it a thing of importance.” Compare vi. 63: τοῦτο ἥκουσαν μὲν of ἔφοροι, πρῆγμα μέν- τοι οὐδὲν ἐποιήσαντο τὺ παραυτίκα. 412 wapaxpiua μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπαγγελλομέ- νους μεταιτέειν, ‘at the moment made no demand in their overtures.” 414. ἂν Σούσοισι τοῖσι Μεμνονίοισι. Gais- ford, following 8, V, P, F, prints Μεμνο- γίοισι, but the majority of MSS, both here and in v. δά, give the reading Meuvo- γείοισι. STRaso (xv. p. 317) says that the acropolis of Susa was called Memno- neum. 413 ἑτέρου πρήγματος εἵνεκα. It really was no other than the concluding a peace with Persia. (Dioporvs, xii. 4.) The reason of Herodotus not mentioning the business expressly in this passage is ob- vious. To make terms, however honour- able, with the foreigner, no doubt called forth taunts; and the Athenians would be very glad to show, if they could, that had throughout been treacherous to the Hellenic cause. The immediate cause of the peace was the success of Cimon and his successors in Cyprus (449 B.c.). On the other hand the Athenians had suffered a severe loss in Egypt three years before (Tuucypipzs, i. 110), and had been forced by want of supplies to raise the siege of Citium. (THucYDIDES, i. 112.) Peace, therefore, was to the mutual advantage of the belligerents, although it could hardly have been re- garded in those times as any thing but a blot upon Hellenic patriotism to make it. 416 "Apratéptea. The manuscript S has here ᾿Αρτοξέρξεα, but in the next section ᾿Αρτοξέρξην. It is even said that the Argivee in- vited the Persian invasion. 153 Embassy to Sicily. Family history of Gelon. 270 HERODOTUS ye ἢ τήνπερ αὐτοὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι λέγουσι. [ἐπίσταμαι δὲ τοσοῦτο, ὅτι, εἰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι τὰ οἰκήϊα κακὰ ἐς μέσον συνενείκαιεν ἀλλάξασθαι βουλόμενοι τοῖσε πλησίοισι, ἐγκύψαντες ἂν ἐς τὰ τῶν πέλας κακὰ ἀσπασίως ἕκαστοι αὐτῶν ἀποφεροίατο ὀπίσω τὰ ἐσενείκαντο "7.] οὕτω δὴ οὐκ ᾿Αργείοισι αἴσχιστα “πεποίηται ἐγὼ δὲ ὀφείλω λέγειν τὰ λεγόμενα, πείθεσθαί γε μὴν οὐ παντά- πασι ὀφείλω" καί μοι τοῦτο τὸ ὄπος ἐχέτω ἐς πάντα τὸν λόγον ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῦτα λέγεται, ὡς ἄρα ᾿Αργεῖοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐπικαλεσάμενοι τὸν Πέρσην ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, ἐπειδή σῴφι πρὸς τοὺς Aaxedat- μονίους κακῶς ἡ αἰχμὴ ἑστήκεε, πᾶν δὴ βουλόμενοί σφε εἶναι πρὸ τῆς παρεούσης λύπης. τὰ μὲν περὶ ᾿Αργείων εἴρηται. "Es δὲ τὴν Σικελέην ἄλλοι τε ἀπίκατο ἄγγελοι ἀπὸ τῶν συμ’ μάχων συμμίξοντες Γέλωνι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Aaxedatpovian Σύαγρος. τοῦ δὲ Γέλωνος τούτου πρόγονος, οἰκήτωρ ἐὼν Γέλης “", ἦν ἐκ νήσου Τήλου τῆς ἐπὶ Τριοπίῳ κειμένης" ὃς κτιζομένης Γέλης ὑπὸ Δινδίων "" τε τῶν ἐκ Ῥόδου καὶ ᾿Αντιφήμου, οὐκ ἐλείφθη; ἀνὰ χρόνον δὲ αὐτοῦ οἱ ἀπόγονοι γενόμενοι ἱροφάνται τῶν χθονίων θεῶν διετέλεον ἐόντες, Τηλίνεω ἕνός τευ τῶν προγόνων κτησαμένου 417 [éxlorapa... ἐσενείκαντο.Ἵ This reflection has nothing at all to do with the matter in hand, which relates to the crimes which people impute to each other, not to the froudles of which they com- plain. The passage is, I believe, an inter- polation. If it be removed, the following words, οὕτω δὴ, refer to the explanation of their conduct which was given by the Argives themselves (γνώμην τήνπερ αὐτοὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι λέγουσι). They were enjomed to neutrality by an oracie; and in spite of this, if they could have had what they deemed their rights, they would have joined the Hellenic confederacy. ‘In this view, then, the conduct of the Argives was not utterly base. But I am bound to say what is said, although not altogether bound to believe it—a principle which must be extended to my whole story—for it is even said, that, after all, the Argives were those who invited the Persian to in- vade Hellas,’’ i.e. not the Pisistratids or Demaratus. See note on ix. 12: ὑπο- δεξάμενοι σχήσειν τὸν Σπαρτιήτην μὴ ἐξιέναι. 418 γέλης.ς This city was built on the bank of a river of the same name, 80 called (according to SrepnHanvs Βυζαν- TINUS, διό v.): ὅτι πολλὴν πάχνην γεν- ve ταύτην γὰρ τῇ ᾿Οπικῶν φωνῇ καὶ Σικέλων γέλαν λέγεσθαι. The Oscan and Sicilian gela has left its trace in the Latin gelu, but it is more likely that the stream obtained ita name from its tempe- rature, than from any quality which could be described in the words used by Ste- phanus. It should not be overlooked that according to this statement one would er- pect the great bulk of the inhabitants of Gela to have been the aborigines. Else its name would have certainhy been Hel- Jenic. The proper ethnic adjective is FeAaios—not Γελῶος, the form which He- rodotus uses, and which customarily pre- vailed. Stephanus says that perhaps the form Γελῶος is derived from -yéAqs,—not an unlikely ing on ths part of Greek settlers, for the sake of the omen. 419 Λινδίων. The place which was first enclosed, and where the town Gela «- isted in the time of Taucypipss, bore the name Lindti (vi. 4). Thucydides says that a portion of the original colonists were Cretans (1. c.). POLYMNIA. VII. 153, 154. 271 τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' ἐς Μακτώριον πόλεν τὴν ὑπὲρ Γέλης οἰκημένην ἔφυγον ἄνδρες Γεέλώων, ἑσσωθέντες στάσι’ τούτους ὧν ὁ Τηλίνης κατήγαγε ἐς Γέλην, ἔχων οὐδεμίαν ἀνδρῶν δύναμιν ἀλλ᾽ ἱρὰ τού- tov τῶν θεῶν" ὅθεν δὲ αὐτὰ ἔλαβε "Ἶ ἢ αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο, τοῦτο οὐκ . 4 > mn ‘4 δ᾽ φ 4 oN ? > 3 ς ἔχω εἰπεῖν τούτοισι δ᾽ ὧν πίσυνος ἐὼν, κατήγαγε ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε οἱ ἀπόγονοε αὐτοῦ ἱροφάνταε τῶν θεῶν ἔσονται. θῶμά μοι ὧν καὶ τοῦτο γέγονε πρὸς τὰ πυνθάνομαι κατεργάσασθαι Τηλίνην ἔργον τοσοῦτον" τὰ τοιαῦτα γὰρ ἔργα οὐ πρὸς τοῦ ἅπαντος ἀνδρὸς ‘* νενόμεκα γίνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ψυχῆς τε ἀγαθῆς καὶ ῥώμης ἀν- δρηΐης" ὁ δὲ λέγεται πρὸς τῆς Σικελίης τῶν οἰκητόρων τὰ ὑπεναντία τούτων, “πεφυκέναι θηλυδρίης τε καὶ μαλακώτερος ἀνήρ "35" οὕτω μέν νυν ἐκτήσατο τοῦτο τὸ γέρας" Κλεάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Παντάρεος 154 τελευτήσαντος τὸν βίον, ὃς ἐτυράννευσε μὲν Γέλης ἑπτὰ ἔτεα He distin- ἀπέθανε δὲ ὑπὸ Σαβύλλου ἀνδρὸς Γελώου, ἐνθαῦτα ἀναλαμβάνει she eainitery τὴν pouvapyiny ᾿ἹἹπποκράτης, Κλεάνδρου ἐὼν ἀδελφεύς" ἔχοντος Nines ek δὲ “Ἱπποκράτεος τὴν τυραννίδα, ὁ Γέλων, ἐὼν Τηλίνεω τοῦ ipo- φάντεω ἀπόγονος, πολλῶν μετ᾽ ἄλλων καὶ Αἰνησιδήμου τοῦ Παταῖ- κοῦ "55 ὃς ἦν δορυφόρος “Ἱπποκράτεος * .. . . . μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον δι’ ἀρετὴν ἀπεδέχθη πάσης τῆς ἵππου εἶναι ἵππαρχος. πολιεορκέοντος γὰρ “Ἱπποκράτεος Καλλυιπολίτας τε καὶ Ναξίους “5, 420 ὅθεν δὲ αὐτὰ ἔλαβε. It may be readings. Valcknaer conjectures πρὸς τοῦ reasonably supposed that he brought the ritual with him from the Triopium in Caria. That this was one adapted for stanching blood-feuds appears from the legend of Triopas, the eponymous founder. See Dioporvs, quoted in note 56] on i. 167. We may perhaps consider Mactorium as ity of refuge, to which the Geleans fled for eanctuary. If the root of the name be QOscan, which seems not un- likely, it is probably connected etymologi- with ‘mak,’ the element of the Latin ‘macto’ and of the Greek μάχεσθαι, and consequently would signify something like ‘* fort of the slayer.’’ That Herodotus should be unfamiliar with this ritual is explained by the circumstance that Hali- carnesses was exciuded from all participa- tion in the Carian Triopium (i. 144). 421 πρὸς τοῦ ἅπαντος ἀνδρός. One would expect either τοῦ τυχόντος or ἅπαντο: without the article ; but there is no varia- tion in the MSS. It seems to me proba- ble that the text is a confusion of the two ὀπιόντος ἀνδρός, comparing SorHoctEs, dip. Tyran. 401: καίτοι réy’ alvryy’ οὐχὶ τοὐπιόντος ἦν ᾿Ανδρὸς διειπεῖν. 422 θῃηλυδρίης τε καὶ μαλακώτερος ἀνήρ. This is very much the way in which a tribe of warlike barbarians, like the Sicels, would describe a man of peace, such as the officiating priest of the χθόνιαι θεαὶ naturally would be. It is, I conceive, the native hill tribes, and not the Hellenic settlers, whom the author means by Σικε- Alns οἰκήτορες. 433 Παταϊκοῦ. This name is very unlike any pure Hellenic one. See note 111! on iii. 37. One may suspect it to have come from Phoenicia through some of the Car. thaginian settlements in Sicily. 424 Ἱπποκράτεος. After this word Bek- ker supposes a lacuna to exist. 425 Καλλιπολίτας τε καὶ Ναξίους. Srra- ΒΟ says that Callipolis (which in his time was in ruins) had been a colony from Naxos (vi. p. 34). Naxos itself was the earliest of the settlements in Sicily, 272 HERODOTUS καὶ Ζαγκλαίους τε καὶ Acovrivous “35, καὶ πρὸς, Συρηκουσίους τε καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων συχνοὺς, ἀνὴρ ἐφαίνετο ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι πολέ- μοισι ἐὼν ὁ Γέλων λαμπρότατος" τῶν δὲ εἶπον πολίων, τουτέων πλὴν Συρηκουσέων οὐδεμία πέφευγε δουλοσύνην πρὸς ᾿Τπ’ποκρά- τεὸς" Συρηκουσίους δὲ Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ Κερκυραῖοι ἐρρύσαντο μάχῃ ἑσσωθέντας ἐπὶ ποταμῷ ᾿Ελώρῳ. ἐρρύσαντο δὲ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τοῖσδε καταλλάξαντες, ἐπ᾽ ᾧτε ᾿Ιπποκράτεϊ Καμάριναν “7 Συρη- κουσίους παραδοῦναι" Συρηκουσίων δὲ ἦν Καμάρινα τὸ ἀρχαῖον. 155 ‘As δὲ καὶ ἹἹπποκράτεα τυραννεύσαντα ἴσα ἔτεα τῷ ἀδελφεῷ and hi , 2 a δ , ef , death su 8 Κλεάνδρῳ κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν πρὸς πόλε Ὕβλῃ, στρατευσάμενον ae as ἐπὶ τοὺς Σικελοὺς, οὕτω δὴ ὁ Γέλων τῷ λόγῳ τιμωρέων τοῖσι Gols, to the Ιπποκράτεος παισὶ Εὐκλείδῃ te καὶ Κλεάνδρῳ, οὐ βουλομένων hissons. στῶν πολιητέων κατηκόων ἔτι εἶναι, τῷ ἔργῳ, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε μάχη τῶν Γελώων, ἦρχε αὐτὸς ἀποστερήσας τοὺς “Ἱπποκράτεος παῖδας" μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ εὕρημα, τοὺς γαμόρους καλεομένους τῶν Συρη- κουσίων ἐκπεσόντας ὑπό τε τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν σφετέρων δούλων (καλεομένων δὲ Κυλλυρίων 42) ὁ Γέλων κατωγωγὼν τούτους ἐκ Κασμένης πόλιος ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας, ἔσχε καὶ ταύτας" ὁ γὰρ founded at the same time with Megara, according to Erxoruvs, in the fifteenth generation after the Trojan war. THucy- DIDES (vi. 3) says that the original foun- ders, who were Chalcidians from Kubcea under Theocles, erected the altar of Apollo Archegetes outside the city, on which in his day sacrifices were always made before the theori set sail from Sicily. But it seems that the coins universally have either the head of Dionysus on them, with Dionysiac emblems on the reverse also, or a Dionysiac emblem (a Silenus on the reverse, where the laurel-crown Apollo is on the obverse. (HoFrFrMann, Griechenland, ii. p. 1987.) See note 432, below. 436 Ζαγκλαίους re καὶ Λεοντίνους. The original settlement of Zancle was by some pirates from Cuma in Italy. The name is Osean, and signifies ‘a sickle.’ After- wards a new settlement of Chalcidians was made partly from Cuma in Italy, partly from Chalcis the metropolis of Cuma. This population again was ex- pelled by Samians and other Ionians driven from their homes by the Persian invasion. (THucypipgs, vi. 6.) The Samian invasion is the one described by Herodotus above (vi. 23). See note 62 on that passage, and note 64 on vi. 24. Leontini was a colony from Naxos five years after its own settlement. 487 Καμάριναν. It was the land belong- ing to Camarina that Hippocrates received, according to THucypipgEs (vi. 5), as 8 ransom for his Syracusan prisoners. The town was a colony from Syracuse 139 years after the foundation of Syracuse itself, and the Syracusans had destroyed it in consequence of its revolting from their authority. Hippocrates rebuilt it and colonized it. It was again destroyed by Gelon, and by Gelon again re-setitled. (THucyp1pgs, ]. c.) 428 Κυλλυρίων. The manuscripts M, Κα have Κιλλυρίων. Hesycuius: Κιλλικύ- ptot’ of ἐπεισελθόντες γεωμόροι" [Valck- naer emends γεωμόροις} δοῦλοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι, καὶ τοὺς κυρίους ἐξέβαλον. Hence Valcknaer would read Κιλλικυρίων in this passage. If this conjecture be well founded, we may expect that the root «cA was the Greek pronunciation of an Oscan root. As the Oscans said ‘pitpit’ for ‘ quid- quid,’ and ‘ petora’ for ‘ quatuor,’ it seems not unlikely that ‘pel,’ the root of the Latin ‘ pello,’ was the form in question. POLYMNIA. VII. 155, 156. 273 δῆμος ὁ τῶν Συρηκουσίων ἐπιόντι Γέλωνι παραδιδοῖ τὴν πόλεν Ὃ δὲ ἐπεί τε παρέλαβε τὰς Συρηκούσας, Γέλης μὲν ἐπικρατέων λόγον ἐλάσσω ἐποιέετο", ἐπιτρέψας αὐτὴν eo Ἱέρωνι ἀδελφεῷ ἑωυτοῦ" ὁ δὲ τὰς Συρηκούσας ἐκράτυνε, καὶ ἦσαν Secure, 166 yc ’ καί EWUTOV. and effects ” s oe , 430 ε ΄ δον το ΟΝ λ an entirel vided Supjxoveas’”. at δὲ παραυτίκα avd τ᾽ ἔδραμον καὶ ue ἜΣ Τ᾿ ἀνέβλαστον + τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Καμαριναίους ἅπαντας ἐς τὰς Taton of Συρηκούσας ἀγαγὼν πολιήτας ἐποίησε, Καμαρίνης δὲ τὸ ἄστυ os κατέσκαψε: τοῦτο δὲ Γελώων ὑπερημίσεας τῶν ἀστῶν τὠντὸ τοῖσι Καμαριναίοισι ἐποίησε: Μεγαρέας τε τοὺς ἐν Σικελίῃ, ὡς πολιορκεόμενοι ἐς ὁμολογίην προσεχώρησαν, τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν παχέας, ἀειραμένους τε πόλεμον αὐτῷ καὶ προσδοκέοντας ἀπο- λέεσθαι διὰ τοῦτο, ἄγων ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας πολιήτας ἐποίησε" τὸν δὲ δῆμον τῶν Μεγαρέων, οὐκ ἐόντα μεταίτιον τοῦ πολέμου τούτου οὐδὲ προσδεκόμενον κακὸν οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι, ἀγωγὼν καὶ τούτους ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας ἀπέδοτο ἐπ᾽ ἐξαγωγῇ ἐκ Σικελίης. τὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ Εὐβοέας τοὺς ἐν Σικελίῃ ἐποίησε ™, διακρίνας" 49 Γέλης μὲν ἐπικρατέων λόγον ἐλάσ- ow ἐποιέετο. Schweighauser interprets this phrase as if instead of ἐπικρατέων the δαῖμον had written ἐπικρατέειν : “he made it a matter of less importance to add Gela to his dominions.” I should rather say that it was a compression into one of two clauses, Γέλης éwexpdree and αὐτῆς λόγον ἐλάσσω ἐποιέετο, and render it: “he made Gela a mere accession to his do- Minton, and cared less for it,’”’ ἑ. e. he transferred the seat of government to Sy- Tacuse, in which consequently he might | said κρατεῖν, all outlying possessions being regarded as additions to his empire, 80 that the term ἐπικρατεῖν became ap- plicable to them. _ 3° ἦσαν ἅπαντά of Συρήκουσαι. This is the conjecture of Valcknaer. Compare L 122: ἣν of τὰ πάντα ἡ Κυνώ. iii. 157: πάντα δὴ ἦν ἐν τοῖσι Βαβυλωνίοισι Ζώπυρος. Tavcyprpsgs, viii. 96: Εὔβοια αὐτοῖς ἀτοκεκλῃσμένης τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς πάντα ἦν. The MSS have αἱ Συρήκουσαι, which Gaisford prints. ) αἱ δὲ παραυτίκα dvd τ᾽ ἔδραμον καὶ ἀνέβλαστον. Compare i. 66, where speak- Ing of the Lacedeemonians, the author bays: dod γ᾽ ἔδραμον αὐτίκα καὶ evOnrh- θησαν. 83 χὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ Εὐβοέας τοὺς ἂν Σικελίῃ ἐποίησε. The object of Gelon, as VOL. 11. of Hippocrates before him, seems to have been to get rid as much as possible of the Chalcidian element in the population, and to foster the Peloponnesian, derived from Corinth and Megara. Hence the popu- lations of Naxos, Callipolis, Zancle, Leon- tini, and Eubcea (a colony from Leontini) were reduced to slavery ; but the aristo- cracy of Megara, who naturally would be the descendants of the original settlers, Dorians from MegarainPeloponnesus, were brought to Syracuse. The place of the Chalcidians would be naturally supplied by settlers belonging to the favoured race; and hence Hermocrates was able to say, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, in opposition to the Athenian arguments : καὶ νῦν ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ταῦτα παρόντα σοφίσματα, Λεοντινῶν τε ξυγγενῶν κατοικίσεις καὶ "Ἐγεσταίων ξυμμάχων ἐπικουρίας, οὐ ξυστραφέντες βουλόμεθα προθυμότερον δεῖξαι αὐτοῖς ὅτι οὐκ “loves τάδε εἰσὶν oo ἀλλὰ Δωριῇς ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ᾽ αὐτο- νόμον τῆς Πελοποννήσον τὴν Σικε- λίαν οἰκοῦντες. (THucYDIDES, vi. 77.) This policy explains the readiness of Hip- pocrates to accept the mediation of Corinth and its colony Corcyra (§ 154). The pride felt by the Syracusans of even three centuries later in their Corinthian blood and Doric brogue is humorously broaght out by THEocritvus:— 2N 274: HERODOTUS ἐποίεε δὲ ταῦτα τούτους ἀμφοτέρους, νομίσας δῆμον εἶναι συν- οίκημα ἀχαριτώτατον. τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ τύραννος ἐγεγόνεε μέγας ὁ Γέλων. Τότε δὲ, ὡς οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν Ελλήνων ἀπίκατο ἐς τὰς Συρη- κούσας, ἐλθόντες αὐτῷ ἐς λόγους ἔλεγον τάδε" ““ἔπεμψραν ἡμέας “Λακεδαιμόνιοι "5 καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι, παραλαμψομένους σε πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον: τὸν γὰρ ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα πάντως κου πυνθάνεαι' ὅτι Πέρσης ἀνὴρ μέλλει, ζεύξας τὸν ᾿Ελλήσ- ποντον καὶ ἐπάγων πάντα τὸν ἠῷον στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Α σίης, στρα- τηλατήσειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, πρόσχημα μὲν ποιεύμενος ὡς er ᾿Αθήνας ἐλαύνει, ἐν νόῳ δὲ ἔχων πᾶσαν τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ ποιήσασθαι. σὺ δὲ δυνάμιός τε ἥκεις μεγάλης, καὶ μοῖρά τοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μέτα, ἄρχοντί γε Σικελίης" βοήθει τε τοῖσι ἐλευθεροῦσι τὴν “Ελλάδα, καὶ cuvercvOépov. ἁλὴς μὲν γὰρ γινομένη πᾶσα ἡ Ἑλλὰς χεὶρ μογάλη συνάγεται, καὶ ἀξιόμαχοι γινόμεθα τοῖσι ἐπιοῦσι' ἢν δὲ ἡμέων οἱ μὲν καταπροδιδῶσι οἱ δὲ μὴ θέλωσι τιμωρέειν, τὸ δὲ ὑγιαῖνον τῆς “Ελλάδος ἢ ὀλίγον, τοῦτο δὲ ἤδη δεινὸν γίνεται μὴ πέσῃ πᾶσα ἡ ᾿Ελλάς. μὴ γὰρ ἐλπίσῃς, ἢν ἡμέας καταστρέψηται ὁ Πέρσης μάχῃ κρατήσας, ὡς οὐκὶ ἥξει παρὰ σέ γε: ἀλλὰ πρὸ τούτου φύλαξαι' βοηθέων γὰρ 157 Address of the commis- sioners to Gelon. low the words καὶ of ᾿Αθηναῖοι, and in 8 τε καὶ of ᾿Αθηναῖοι, which Gaisford adopts. Bekker reads Λακεδαιμόνεοι καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, which brings the text into a conformity with the usage of language, but seems 4 perfectly arbitrary change. All the rest of the MSS have the reading I have adopted. The problem seems rather to be, to account for the variations found in S and V, than to disturb the evidence of the other MSS. And it appears not un- likely that the words καὶ of ᾿Αθηναῖοι crept in from a marginal note, written by some one who observed that in § 16] an Athe- nian commissioner was mentioned. I do HENOS. παύσασθ᾽, ὦ δύστανοι, ἀνάνυτα κωτίλλοισαι, τρνγόνες' ἐκκναισεῦντι πλατειάσδοισαι ἅπαντα. ΓΟΡΓΩ. Μᾶ’ πόθεν ὥνθρωπος; τί δὲ τὶν, εἰ κωτίλαι εἰμές ; πασάμενος ἐπίτασσε" ΣΣυρακοσίαις ἐπιτάσ- σεις" ὧς εἰδῇς καὶ τοῦτο, KoplyO:as εἰμὲς ἄνωθεν, ὡς καὶ ὁ Βελλεροφῶν' Πελοποννασιστὶ λαλεῦμες" δωρίσδεν δ᾽ ἔξεστι, δοκῶ, τοῖς Δωριέεσσι. (Idyll. xv. 87 —93.) It seems not unlikely that the altar of Apollo Archegetes at Naxos, which Tuvu- CYDIDES attributes to the original colo- nists (see note 425, above), received in- creased honours at this time; and also that to the same revolution is to be ascribed the substitution of the head of Apollo for that of Dionysus on its coins. Gelon also professed an anxiety to revenge the death of the Lacedsemonian Dorieus (§ 158). 485 Λακεδαιμόνιοι. After this in V fol- not believe either that at the time of the embassy any other people would be cou- pled with the Lacedsemonians as of οὐ- ordinate rank in the confederacy, or that at the time at which Herodotus wrote such a representation would be made. This perhaps might have been when the archetypal MS from which S is derived was written; and this was perhaps the feeling of the editor who inserted the copula Té. POLYMNIA. VII. 157, 158. 275 ἡμῖν σεωυτῷ τιμωρέεις" τῷ δὲ εὖ BovrevOdvre πρήγματι τελευτὴ ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν χρηστὴ ἐθέλει ἐπυγίνεσθαι." Oi μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον: 158 Γέλων δὲ πολλὸς ἐνέκειτο" λέγων τοιάδε" “ἄνδρες “Ελληνες, λόγον Reply of felon, spe- ἔχοντες πλεονέκτην ἐτολμήσατε ἐμὲ σύμμαχον ἐπὶ τὸν βάρβαρον “= παρακαλέοντες ἐλθεῖν: αὐτοὶ δὲ, ἐμεῦ πρότερον δεηθέντος Bap- aoe Bapexod στρατοῦ συνεπάψασθαι ὅτε μοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους νεῖκος —_ of the συνῆπτο, ἐπισκήπτοντός te τὸν Δωριέος τοῦ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω πρὸς Xe. ᾿Εγεσταίων “ φόνον ἐκπρήξασθαι, ὑποτείνοντός τε τὰ ἐμπόρια συνελευθεροῦν “5, ἀπ᾿ ὧν ὑμῖν μεγάλαι ὠφελίαε τε καὶ ἐπαυρέσιες γεγόνασι, οὔτε ἐμεῦ εἵνεκα ἤλθετε βοηθήσοντες οὔτε τὸν Δωριέος φόνον ἐκπρηξόμενοι, τό Te κατ᾽ ὑμέας τάδε ἅπαντα ὑπὸ βαρβά- potot νέμεται' ἀλλὰ εὖ γὰρ ἡμῖν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμεινον κατέστη" νῦν δὲ ἐπειδὴ περιελήλυθε ὁ πόλεμος καὶ ἀπῖκται ἐς ὑμέας, οὕτω δὴ Γέλωνος μνῆστις γέγονε. ἀτιμίης δὲ πρὸς ὑμέων κυρήσας οὐκ ὁμοιώσομαι ὑμῖν ἀλλ᾽ ἑτοῖμός eius βοηθέειν, παρεχόμενος διη- κοσίας τε τριήρεας καὶ δισμυρίους ὁπλίτας, καὶ δισχιλίην ἵππον, καὶ δισχιλίους τοξότας, καὶ δισχιλίους σφενδονήτας, καὶ δισχιλίους ἱπποδρόμους ψιλούς: σῖτόν τε ἁπάσῃ τῇ Ελλήνων στρατιῇ ἔστ᾽ ἂν διαπολεμήσωμεν ὑποδέκομαι παρέξειν" ἐπὶ δὲ λόγῳ τοιῷδε τάδε ὑπίσχομαι" ἐπ᾽ ᾧ στρατηγός τε καὶ ἡγεμὼν τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων ἔσομαι πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον" én’ ἄλλῳ δὲ λόγῳ οὔτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς ἔλθοιμι οὔτ᾽ 434 χολλὸς ἐνέκειτο. See note 346 on i. 98. pos ᾿ΕἘγεσταίων. Several of the MSS both here and in νυ. 46 have Αἶγε- σταίων or Αἰγεστέων. 4.9 ἐμεῦ πρότερον... τὰ ἐμπόρια συν- ελευθεροῦν. It is curious that in the account which Herodotus gives of Do- rieus’s adventures (v. 42—46), there is no hint whatever of any connexion with Gelon, who here represents himself as having been anxious to undertake a war for the sake of avenging him. Neither is there any mention of the policy which is here asserted to have been proposed, of driving out the Carthaginians from the ports of Sicily. It seems likely therefore that the two stories come from different localities,—this (probably) from Magna Grecia, the other from Lacedzmon. Still there are points which serve to con- nect the two. (1) Dorieus is at Sparta the representative of the Heraclide or Cadmeco-dorian interests, against Cleo- menes the champion of the Achsan (see notes 100 on v. 41; 108 on v. 44; 11] on v. 45; 189 on v. 72; 172 on vi. 74); while the policy of Gelon (see above, note 432) seems to have been exclusively favourable to the Dorian Greeks in the Sicilian towns. (2) Dorieus, both in Libya and at Segesta, is opposed by Carthagi- nians (v. 42 and 46), the same parties with whom Gelon asserts himself to have been at war. (3) Dorieus sails on his expedition to Sicily by the counsel of a soothsayer, who expounded to him “ the oracles of Laius” (v. 43). This circum- stance, and his connexion with Thera (from whence be procured pilots to carry him to Libya), would suggest the conjec- ture that he participated in the religious traditions of the temple of the Ἐρίνυες Λαΐου καὶ Οἰδιπόδεω which existed at Sparta (iv. 149), f.e. in the Cadmao- dorian form of the worship of the χθόνιαι θεαὶ, the priesthood of which was heredi- tary in the family of Gelon (above, § 153). 2n2 159 Indignation of the Spar- tan com- missioner Syagrus. 160 A second proposition of Gelon to share the command with Lace- demon 276 HERODOTUS ἂν ἄλλους πέμψαιμι." Ταῦτα ἀκούσας οὔτε ἠνέσχετο ὁ Svaypos εἶπέ τε τάδε' “ ἦ κε μέγ᾽ οἰμώξειεν ὁ Πελοπίδης ᾽Αγαμέμνων ™, πυθόμενος Σπαρτιήτας τὴν ἡγεμονίην ἀπαραιρῆσθαι ὑπὸ Γέλωνός τε καὶ Συρηκουσίων: ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν τοῦ λόγου μηκέτι μνησθῇς, ὅκως τὴν ἡγεμονίην τοι παραδώσομεν: ἀλλ᾽, εἰ μὲν βούλεαι βοηθέειν τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι, ἴσθι ἀρξόμενος ὑπὸ Aaxedatpovior εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα μὴ δικαιοῖς ἄρχεσθαι, σὺ δὲ μὴ βοηθέειν “5. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Γέλων, ἐπειδὴ ὥρα ἀπεστραμμένους τοὺς λόγους “5 τοῦ Σνάγρου, τὸν τελευταῖόν σφι τόνδε ἐξέφαινε λόγον" “ὦ ξεῖνε Σπαρτιῆτα, ὀνείδεα κατιόντα “ ἀνθρώπῳ φιλέει ἐπανάγειν τὸν θυμόν σὺ μέντοι ἀποδεξάμενος ὑβρίσματα ἐν τῷ λόγῳ, οὔ με ἔπεισας ἀσχήμονα ἐν τῇ ἀμοιβῇ γενέσθαι" ὅκου δὲ ὑμεῖς οὕτω περιέχεσθε τῆς ἡγεμονίης, οἰκὸς καὶ ἐμὲ μᾶλλον ὑμέων περιέχεσθαι, στρατιῆς τε ἐόντα πολλαπλασίης ἡγεμόνα καὶ νηῶν πολὺ πλεύνων ἀλλ ἐπεί τε ὑμῖν ὁ λόγος οὕτω προσάντης κατίσταταε, ἡμεῖς τι ὑπείξομεν τοῦ ἀρχαίου λόγου: εἰ τοῦ μὲν πεζοῦ ὑμεῖς ὑἡγέοισθε, τοῦ δὲ ναυτικοῦ ἐγώ εἰ δὲ ὑμῖν ἡδονὴ τοῦ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἡγεμονεύειν, τοῦ πεζοῦ ἐγὼ θέλω' καὶ ἢ τούτοισι ὑμέας χρέων ἐστι ἀρέσκεσθαι ", ἢ ἀπιέναι συμμάχων τοιῶνδε ἐρήμου," 437 μέγ᾽ οἰμώξειεν 5 Πελοπίδης ᾿Αγα- μέμνων. The expression is a y on the Homeric verse: ἦ xe μέγ' οἰμόξειε γέρων ἱππηλάτα Πηλεύς. (Iliad. vii. 125. It will be observed that Syagrus, althoug he does not absolutely profess, like Cleo- menes, to be ‘not a Dorian, but an Achaan”’ (v. 72), yet rests the dignity of gemon on its connexion with the Achean or ante-dorian dynasty of the Pelopids. The party of Cleomenes there- fore was obviously represented in his per- son. That it should at the time be pre- dominant at Lacedemon, in spite of Cleomenes’s own death, is not wonderful, as his daughter and heiress, Gorgo, was the wife of Leonidas (v. 48; vii. 205 and 239), and her celebrity for shrewdness indicates a woman of influence. 438 σὺ δὲ μὴ βοηθέειν. Compare iv. 126: σὺ δὲ στάς τε καὶ παυσάμενος πλά- νη: μάχεσθαι. iii. 184: σὺ δέ μοι ἐπὶ τὴν ἙἭ“λλάδα στρατεύεσθαι. 429 ἀπεστραμμένους τοὺς λόγους. Wes- seling suspects that the true reading is éreorpaupévous, & form which occurs be- low in viii. 62: λέγων μᾶλλον ἐπεστραμ- μένα (where see the note). But the reading in the text gives a fair meaning, “that By: ’s views were averse to the pro- posal,” although undoubtedly the remark of Gelon in reply is a reproof of violence, which would be implied in the word ἐπεστραμμένου:. é 449 κατιόντα. Com κατιόντος τοῦ οἴνου ἐς τὸ σῶμα (i. 212). The word ἀνθρώπῳ must be taken both with what before and what follows. ‘41 ἀρέσκεσθαι. The manuscripts S and V have ἀρκέεσθαι, which is adopted by Bekker. Either word would give a good sense; but the reading in the text bes more of caustic bitterness in it, which accords better with the spirit of Gelons answer. ‘You must either contrive t make yourself happy under these condi- tions, or take yourself off without the assistance I have described.” And the word ἀρέσκεσθαι is several times used by Herodotus: οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ κρίσει (iii. 34). διαίτῃ οὐδαμῶς ἠρέσκετο Σκύ- θικῇ (iv. 78). οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος τοῖς πρῇ" γμασι τοῖς ἐκ Μαρδονίου ποιευμένοισι (ix. 66). But the other expression occurs 10 ix. 33: οὐδ᾽ οὕτω ἔφη ἔτι ἀρκέεσθαι τον" Toe μούνοισι. POLYMNIA. VII. 159—162. 277 Γέλων μὲν δὴ ταῦτα mpoteivero: φθάσας δὲ ὁ ᾿Αθηναίων ἄγγελος 161 τὸν Δακεδαεμονίων, ἀμείβετό μιν τοῖσδε “a βασιλεῦ Συρηκου- ἬΝ si σίων͵ οὐκ ἡγεμόνος δεομένη ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς ἀπέπεμψεν ἡμέας πρὸς σὲ, Athenian ἀλλὰ στρατιῆς" σὺ δὲ ὅκως μὲν στρατιὴν πέμψεις μὴ ἡγεύμενος “ener. τῆς Ελλάδος οὐ προφαίνεις, ὡς δὲ στρατηγήσεις αὐτῆς yAlyeas σον μέν νυν παντὸς τοῦ Ἑλλήνων στρατοῦ ἐδέου ἡγέεσθαε, ἐξήρκει ἡμῖν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἡσυχίην ἄγειν, ἐπισταμένοισε ὡς ὁ Δάκων "5 ἱκανός τοι ἔμελλε ἔσεσθαι καὶ ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπο- λογεύμενος **- ἐπεί τε δὲ ἁπάσης ἀπελαυνόμενος δέεαι τῆς vav- τικῆς ἄρχειν, οὕτω ἔχει Tos ovd ἣν ὁ Λάκων ἐπίῃ τοι ἄρχειν αὐτῆς, ἡμεῖς ἐπήσομεν: ἡμετέρη γάρ ἐστι αὕτη γε, μὴ αὐτῶν βουλομένων “Δακεδαιμονίων. τούτοισι μὲν ὧν ἡγέεσθαι βουλο- μένοισε οὐκ ἀντιτείνομεν, ἄλλῳ δὲ παρήσομεν οὐδενὶ ναυαρχέειν" μάτην γὰρ ἂν ὧδε πάραλον *“ “Ελλήνων στρατὸν πλεῖστον εἴημεν ἐκτημένοι, εἰ Συρηκουσίοισε ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι συγχωρήσομεν τῆς ἡγεμονίης, ἀρχαιότατον μὲν ἔθνος παρεχόμενοι μοῦνοι δὲ ἐόντες οὐ μετανάσται ᾿ Ἑλλήνων ““: τῶν καὶ “Ὅμηρος 6 ἐποποιὸς ἄνδρα ἄριστον ἔφησε ἐς Ἴλιον ἀπικέσθαι, τάξαι τε καὶ διακοσμῆσαι στρατόν: οὕτω οὐκ ὄνειδος οὐδὲν ἡμῖν ἐστι λέγειν ταῦτα." ᾿Αμεί. 162 βετο Τέλων τοῖσδε: “ ξεῖνε ᾿Αθηναῖε, ὑμεῖς οἴκατε τοὺς μὲν ὅεἶοη puts ἄρχοντας ἔχειν τοὺς δὲ ἀρξομένους οὐκ ἔχειν: ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὐδὲν te confer ὑπιέντες ** ἔχειν τὸ πᾶν ἐθέλετε, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοιτε τὴν ταχίστην * Be ὀπίσω ἀπαλλασσόμενοι καὶ ἀγγέλλοντες τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ “42 δ Λάκων, “the Laconian commis- ποθεν." See note 5} 1 on i. 152. 43 σὺ δὲ ὅκως. . ἀπολογεύμενος. This entire paragraph is wanting in F. ate vy. The manuscripts 8 and V have μάτην γὰρ ἂν ὧδέ γε παρ᾽ ἄλλων. It seems to me not unlikely that the iambic line: μάτην γὰρ ὧδε πάραλον ‘EA- potas στρατὸν is taken from some trage- τ μοῦνοι δὲ ἐόντες οὐ μοτανάσται Ἑλλήνων. The point of being aborigines was a favourite topic with the Athenians, although they had little more reason to despise foreign blood than those to whom De Fox addressed his satire of ‘The true-born Englishman.” But they were probably right in considering that in At- tica alone no invasion had altogether changed the character of the population. (See note 179 on i. 56.) In this sense may be justified what Evaripipes (ap. Plutarch, de Erzilio, ἃ 13) says of Athens :— ἯΙ πρῶτα μὲν λεὼς οὐκ ἐπακτὸς ἄλλοθεν, αὐτόχθονες δ᾽ ἔφυμεν' al δ' ἄλλαι πόλεις, πεσσῶν ὁμοίως διαφορηθεῖσαι βολαῖς, ἄλλαι wap’ ἄλλων εἰσὶν ἐξαγώγιμοι. 446 οὐδὲν ὑπιέντες. Some MSS have οὐδὲν ἐπιέντες. But ὑφιέναι is used by Herodotus in several places: ὑπεὶς τῆς ὀργῆς (i. 156 ; iii. 52); ὑπήσειν τῆς ἀγνω- μοσύνης (ix. 4); and the only reason of the genitive being used in those passages is that a merely partial remission is con- templated, such as would be expressed if the particle τε had been introduced. (See note 523 on i. 156, and 347 on iv. 135.) 163 Gelon's temporizing 278 HERODOTUS ἐνιαυτοῦ τὸ ἔαρ αὐτῇ ἐξαραίρηται "“"." οὗτος δὲ ὁ νόος τοῦδε τοῦ ῥήματος, τὸ ἐθέλει λέγειν: δῆλα γὰρ ὡς ἐν τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἐστὶ τὸ ἔαρ δοκιμώτατον, τῆς δὲ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων στρατεῆς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ στρατιήν: στερισκομένην ὧν τὴν Ελλάδα τῆς ἑωυτοῦ συμμαχίης εἴκαζε, ὡς εἰ τὸ ἔαρ ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐξαραιρημένον εἴη. Οἱ μὲν δὴ τῶν “Ελλήνων ἄγγελοι τοσαῦτα τῷ Γέλωνι χρηματι- σάμενοι ἀπέπλεον: Γέλων δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα, δείσας μὲν περὶ τοῖσι policy after“ AAnot μὴ οὐ δυνέωνται τὸν βάρβαρον ὑπερβαλέσθαι, δεινὸν δὲ ture of the commis- sioners. His agent was - mus, son of Scythes tyrant of Cos, 164 celebrated for his pro- ity. καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ποιησάμενος ἐλθὼν ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἄρχεσθαι ὑπὸ Δακεδαιμονίων ἐὼν Σικελίης τύραννος, ταύτην μὲν τὴν ὁδὸν ἠμέλησε, ὁ δὲ ἄλλης elyero ἐπεί τε γὰρ τάχιστα ἐπύθετο τὸν ITéponv διαβεβηκότα τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον, πέμπει πεντηκοντέροισι τρισὶ Κάδμον τὸν Σκύθεω, ἄνδρα Κῷον, ἐς Δελφοὺς, ἔχοντα χρήματα πολλὰ καὶ φιλίους λόγους, καραδοκήσοντα τὴν μάχην ἡ πεσέεται' καὶ ἣν μὲν ὁ βάρβαρος νικᾷ, τά τε “χρήματα αὐτῷ διδόναι καὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ τῶν ἄρχει ὁ Γέλων" ἣν δὲ οἱ “Ελληνες, ὀπίσω ἀπάγειν. Ὃ δὲ Κάδμος οὗτος, πρότερον τούτων παραδεξάμενος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν τυραννίδα Κῴων εὖ βεβηκυῖαν, ἑκών τε εἶναι “" καὶ δεινοῦ ἐπιόντος οὐδενὸς, ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ δικαιοσύνης, ἐς μέσον Κῴοισι καταθεὶς τὴν ἀρχὴν, οἴχετο ἐς Σικελίην: ἔνθα μετὰ Σ᾿ αμίων ἔσχε τε καὶ κατοίκησε πόλεν Ζάγκλην“ τὴν ἐς Μεσσήνην μετα- βαλοῦσαν τὸ οὔνομα. 4 ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ τὸ ἕαρ αὑτῇ ἐξαραί- ρηται, ““ἰμδί out of her year springtide has been cut away.” ARISTOTLE, in two passages (Rhetoric, i. p. 1365, and iii. p. 14] 1), quotes this illustration as one of Pericles’s in his funeral oration, but its employment there is much more appro- priate: τὴν νεότητα ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀνῃρῆσθαι ὥσπερ τὸ ἕαρ ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ εἰ ἐξαιρεθείη. Evcripipes compares the young and ardent citizens to the spring growth of plants (Suppl. 447—9) : πῶς οὖν ἔτ᾽ ἂν γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἰσχυρὰ πόλις, Sray τις, ὡς λειμῶνος ἠρινοῦ στάχυν, τόλμας ἀφαιρῇ κἀπολωτί(ῃ νέους ; and the orator Demapzs appears to have called the ephebi: fap τοῦ δήμου (ap. Athen. iii. p. 99). “48 ἑκών τε εἶναι. See note on viii. 30. 449 ἔγβα μετὰ Σαμίων ἔσχε τε καὶ κατ- οἰκησε πόλιν Ζάγκλην. This seems un- doubtedly to be the enterprise described in vi. 22—24, but the sources of the two narratives can hardly be the same. Here Scythes appears as tyrant of Cos, leaving the sovereignty firmly established in the hands of his son; while in the other pas- sage Scythes is the tyrant of Zancle, and being expelled by these very Samuans whom his son Cadmus is here represented as joining, takes refuge at the Persan court, and dies there in a good old age and perfect prosperity. It is also curious that both Scythes and Cadmus should be celebrated for their probity (δικαιοσύνη), exhibited in the one instance in the shape in which that virtue would be most appre- ciated in a monarchy (vi. 24); in the other in that which would be most valued POLYMNIA. VII. 163—165. 279 Τοῦτον δὴ ὧν ὁ Γέλων τὸν Κάδμον καὶ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἀπικό- μενον, διὰ δικαιοσύνην τήν οἱ αὐτὸς ἄλλην συνήδεε ἐοῦσαν, ἔπεμπε" ὃς ἐπὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι δικαίοισε τοῖσι ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ ἐργασμένοισι, καὶ τόδε οὐκ ἐλάχιστον τούτων ἐλείπετο’ κρατήσας γὰρ μεγάλων χρημάτων τῶν οἱ Γέλων ἐπετράπετο, παρεὸν κατασχέσθαι, οὐκ ἐθέλησε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ οἱ “Ελληνες ἐπεκράτησαν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ, καὶ Ξέρξης οἰχώκεε ἀπελαύνων, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐκεῖνος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σικελίην ἀπὸ πάντα τὰ χρήματα ἄγων. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Σικελίῃ οἰκημένων, ὧς ὅμως καὶ 165 μέλλων ἄρχεσθαι ὑπὸ Aaxedatpoviov ὁ Γέλων ἐβοήθησε ἂν τοῖσι ho onlice J Ελλησι, εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ Θήρωνος τοῦ Αἰνησιδήμου ** ᾿Ακραγαντίνων εὐ ελς τὰ " μουνάρχου ἐξελασθεὶς ἐξ ‘Ipéons Τήριλλος ὁ Κρινίππου, τύραννος eee ἐὼν ‘Ipépns, ἐπῆγε ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Φοινίκων καὶ Sicily, Λιβύων καὶ ᾿Ιβήρων καὶ Δυγύων καὶ ᾿Ἑλισύκων “" καὶ Σαρδονίων καὶ Κυρνίων “5 τριήκοντα μυριάδας, καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν ᾿Αμίλκαν τὸν "᾿ἄννωνος Καρχηδονίων ἐόντα βασιλέα: κατὰ ξεινίην “5 τε τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ὁ Τήριλλος ἀνωγνώσας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ᾿Δναξίλεω “" τοῦ Κρητίνεω προθυμίην, ὃς “Ῥηγίου ἐὼν τύραννος, τὰ ἑωυτοῦ τέκνα δοὺς ὁμήρους ᾿Αμίλκᾳ ἐπῆγέ μιν ἐπὶ τὴν Σικελίην, τιμωρέων τῷ πενθερῷ Τηρίλλου γὰρ εἶχε by republican Greece. (See note 154 on vi. 46.) Respecting the Samians men- tioned in the text, see note 64 on vi. 24. 40 Θήρωνος τοῦ Αἰνησιδήμουι This Theron is the subject of the second and third Olympic odes of Pinpar. His fa- ther Enesidemus is mentioned above (§ 154) Theron derived his descent from Thersander, son of Polynices (Olymp. ii. 16—80) ; and this was also the case with Theras, the eponymous colonizer of Thera (iv. 147). Thersander’s daughter Argeia was, according to pure Lacedemonian traditions (vi. 52), the progenetrix of the monian Heraclide dynasty. 1 “Ἐλ σύκων. StepHanus ΒΥΖΑΝ- τινῦβ (on the authority of Hecateeus) tays that this is a Ligurian tribe. ‘31 Σαρδονίων καὶ Κυρνίων. These are mountaineers from Sardinia and Corsica mn the injian service. See note 307 on v. 106. “2 κατὰ ξεινίην. Most probably Teril- lus was supported by the influence of , between which and the Syra- cusan dynasty a continual struggle for the θυγατέρα ᾿Αναξίλεως τῇ οὔνομα possession of all Sicily lasted, until both fell before the power of Rome. Hamilcar would be his ‘ patronus,’ and the great influence of that chief would cause him to be popularly considered by the Sicilians as the ‘king’ of Carthage. The Aleuadse are called ‘‘ kings of Thessaly” in § 6, above. 454 ᾿Αναξίλεω. This Anaxilaus is the person who persuaded the Samians to seize upoh Zancle, which at that time was in alliance with Hippocrates, the prede- cessor of Gelon. (See note on vi. 23.) It may be reasonably supposed that the connexion of Terillas with him sprang out of political relations, for Himera was a colony from Zancle, and its inhabitants were mainly Chalcidians, intermixed with exiles from Syracuse ; and the institutions were mainly Chalcidian, although the dia- lect was a mixture of Chalcidian and Doric. (Tuucypripgs, vi. 5.) Rhegium also was colonized by Chalcidians ; so that here also the struggle appears to be be- tween the two races. (See above, note 432, on § 156.) 166 and of the battle in which he defeated Hamilcar, on the same day as the ac- tion at is. 167 Carthugi- παν ac- count of the matter. 280 HERODOTUS tv Κυδίππη" οὕτω δὴ οὐκ οἷόν τε γενόμενον βοηθέειν τὸν Γέλωνα τοῖσι “Ελλησι, ἀποπέμπειν ἐς Δελφοὺς τὰ χρήματα. Πρὸς δὲ καὶ rdBe Nyourr, 5 συνέβη, vis abtis ἡμέρης Ὁ. & re 1h Eewedly Γέλωνα καὶ Θήρωνα νικᾶν ᾿Αμίλκαν tov Καρχηδόνιον, καὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι τοὺς “Ελληνας τὸν Πέρσην τὸν δὲ ᾿Αμίλκαν Καρχηδό- νιον ἐόντα πρὸς πατρὸς μητρόθεν δὲ Συρηκούσιον, βασιλεύσαντά τε κατ᾽ ἀνδρωγαθίην Καρχηδονίων, ὡς ἡ συμβολή τε ἐγίνετο καὶ ὡς ἑσσοῦτο τῇ μάχῃ, ἀφανισθῆναι πυνθάνομαι" οὔτε γὰρ Cowra οὔτε ἀποθανόντα φανῆναι οὐδαμοῦ γῆς" τὸ πᾶν γὰρ ἐπεξελθεῖν διξήμενον Γέλωνα. Ἔστι 88 ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν Καρχηδονίων ὅδε ὁ λόγος λεγόμενος εἰκότι χρεωμένων **, ὡς οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι τοῖσι “Ελλησι ἐν τῇ Σικελίῃ ἐμάχοντο ἐξ ἠοῦς ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι δείλης ovins (ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο γὰρ λέγεται ἑλκύσαι τὴν σύστασιν) ὁ δὲ ᾿Αμέλκας ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ μένων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐθύετο καὶ ἐκαλ- λιερέετο, ἐπὶ πυρῆς μεγάλης σώματα ὅλα καταγίξων “", ἰδὼν δὲ τροπὴν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ γινομένην, ὡς ἔτυχε ἐπισπένδων τοῖσι ἱροῖσι, @oe ἑωυτὸν ἐς τὸ πῦρ' οὕτω δὴ κατακαυθέντα ἀφανισθῆναι. ἀφανισθέντι δὲ ᾿Αμίλκᾳ τρόπῳ εἴτε τοιούτῳ ὡς Φοίνικες λέγουσι, εἴτε ἑτέρῳ ὡς Συρηκούσιοι, Καρχηδόνιοι τοῦτο μέν οἱ θύουσι, τοῦτο δὲ μνήματα ἐποίησαν ἐν πάσῃσι τῇσι πόλισε τῶν ἀποι- κίδων, ἐν αὐτῇ τε μέγιστον Καρχηδόνι. τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ Σικελίης τοσαῦτα. 455 τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης. Dioporus says the Carthaginians. Dioporus says that that the action took place on the same day with that at Thermopylae, adding: ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τοῦ δαιμονίου περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ποιήσαντος γενέσθαι τήν τε καλλίστην νίκην καὶ τὴν ὀνδοξοτάτην ἦτ- vay (xi. 24). ARISTOTLE mentions it as taking place about the same time (κατὰ τοὺς αὑτοὺς xpévous) with Salamis. (Poe- tic. p. 1459.) Perhaps the exact identi- fication of the day sprang from the dispo- sition to draw a parallel between the Sicilian and Athenian commanders and their respective stratagems,—which Dio- dorus says was a favourite topic with the Sicilians. 436 εἰκότι χρεωμένων, “judging from robabilities.” This is a conjecture of Kas. the MSS having εἰκόνι. Gaisford prints οἰκότι. They had probably no direct evidence of Hamilcar having burnt himeelf ; but af of what he was engaged in when the e at last turned against be was destroyed, while sacrificing, by some cavalry of Gelon’s, who were mis- taken for a friendly detachment from Selinus. 457 del πυρῆς μεγάλης σώματα ὅλα καταγίζων. This was with a view of pro- pitiating Moloch, the tutelary deity of Carthage. (Seo Dioponus, quoted in note 676 on i. 199.) The self-sacrifice of the general at last was an action having the same object as the devotion of the Roman consul Decius. (See note 555, below.) Diodorus, in the account be gives of the action, makes Poseidon the deity to whom the Carthaginian general was sacrificing. The origin of this diversity of statement is pointed out in note 130 on ii. 45. It was as foreign traders that the Sicilian Greeks knew the Carthaginians, and hence the tutelary deities of the latter would come under their notice as “" domini navi- gantium.”’ POLYMNIA. VII. 166--169. 281 Κερκυραῖοι δὲ τάδε ὑποκρινάμενοι τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι τοιάδε 168 ἐποίησαν" καὶ γὰρ τούτους παρελάμβανον οἱ αὐτοὶ οἵπερ καὶ ἐς onlay on the Σικελίην ἀπίκατο, λέγοντες τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους τοὺς καὶ πρὸς Coreyras Γέλωνα ἔλογον" οἱ δὲ παραυτίκα μὲν ὑπίσχοντο πέμψειν ** τε καὶ sohettes Uy ἀμυνέειν, φράξοντες ws οὔ ods περιοπτέη ἐστὶ ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς ἀπολ- commis sioners that λυμένη ἣν γὰρ σφαλῇ, σφεῖς γε οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ δουλεύσουσι τῇ applied to πρώτῃ τῶν ἡμερέων: ἀλλὰ τιμωρητέον εἴη ἐς τὸ δυνατώτατον. ὑπεκρίναντο μὲν οὕτω εὐπρόσωπα' ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδει βοηθέειν, ἄλλα νοεῦντες ἐπλήρωσαν νέας ἑξήκοντα, μόγις δὲ ἀναχθέντες προσ- ἐμεξαν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳφῳ' καὶ περὶ Πύλον καὶ Ταίναρον γῆς τῆς Δακεδαεμονίων ἀνεκώχευον τὰς νέας, καραδοκέοντες καὶ οὗτοι τὸν πόλεμον ἡ πεσέεται' ἀελπτέοντες μὲν τοὺς “Ελληνας ὑπερβαλέ- εσθαε, δοκέοντες δὲ τὸν Πέρσην κατακρατήσαντα πολλὸν ἄρξειν πάσης τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος" ἐποίευν ὧν ἐπίτηδες, ἵνα ἔχωσι, πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην λέγειν τοιάδε “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἡμεῖς, παραλαμβανόντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡμέας ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον, ἔχοντες δύναμιν οὐκ ἐλαχίστην, οὐδὲ νέας ἐλαχίστας παρασχόντες ἂν, ἀλλὰ πλείστας μετά γε ᾿Αθηναίους, οὐκ ἐθελήσαμέν τοι ἐναντιοῦσθαι, οὐδέ τι ἀποθύμιον ποιῆσαι" τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἤλπιζον πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων οἴσεσθαι τάπερ ἂν καὶ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέει. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς “Ελληνάς σφι σκῆψις ἐπεποίητο, τῇπερ δὴ καὶ ἐχρήσαντο" αἰτιωμένων γὰρ τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων ὅτι οὐκ ἐβοήθεον, ἔφασαν πλη- ρῶσαε μὲν ἑξήκοντα τριήρεας ὑπὸ δὲ ἐτησιέων ἀνέμων ὑπερβαλέειν Μαλέην οὐκ οἷοί τε γενέσθαε' οὕτω οὐκ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, καὶ οὐδεμιῇ κακότητι λειφθῆναι τῆς ναυμαχίης. οὗτοι μὲν οὕτω διεκρούσαντο τοὺς “Ελληνας. Κρῆτες δὲ, ἐπεί τέ σῴεας παρελάμβανον οἱ ἐπὶ τούτοισ, 169 ταχθέντες ᾿Ελλήνων, ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε: πέμψαντες κοινῇ θεοπρό- The Cretans consult the 3 \ » | Ἁ 3 ΄ ” oracle of ποὺς ἐς BPO τὸν θεὸν ἐπειρώτων; εἴ σφι eee alas Delphi and τιμωρέουσι τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι; ἡ δὲ Πυθίη inrexplyaro: “ ὦ νήπιοι, émt- aaa μέμφεσθε “5 ὅσα ὑμῖν ἐκ τῶν Μενέλεῳ τιμωρημάτων Mivas sponse from Ψ , 460 , e \ > , taking part ἔπεμψε μηνίων ** δακρύματα, ὅτε οἱ μὲν οὐ συνεξεπρήξαντο in the war. 4468 πέμψειν. 8. and V have πέμπειν. 429 ὀπιμέμφεσθε, "" you are not content with.”” 4:90 μηνίων. The anger of Minos was excited from the circumstance that the difficulties attending the siege of Camicus VOL. IT. should have induced his subjects to give up Ais quarrel, and stop short of exacting satisfaction (οὐκ ἐκπράξασθαι) from his murderers; while, on the other hand, thoee who went to Troy persevered,— and that in a cause where the injury was done 20 170 end of the death of Minos in Sicily. Cretan origin of the Messa- pranJapyges, who lon afterwards destroyed an army of Tarentines 282 HERODOTUS αὐτῷ tov ἐν Καμίκῳ θάνατον γενόμενον, ὑμεῖς δὲ κείνοισι τὴν ἐκ Σπάρτης ἁρπαχθεῖσαν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς βαρβάρου γυναῖκα." ταῦτα οἱ Κρῆτες ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν, ἔσχοντο τῆς τιμωρίης. Λέγεται γὰρ Mivov™ κατὰ ζήτησιν Δαιδάλου ἀπικόμενον ἐς Σικανίην τὴν νῦν Σικελίην καλευμένην, ἀποθανεῖν βιαίῳ θανάτῳ' ἀνὰ δὲ χρόνον Κρῆτας, θεοῦ ode ἐποτρύναντος, πάντας πλὴν Πολιχνιτέων τε καὶ Πραισίων “" ἀπικομένους στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐς Σικανίην, πολιορκέειν ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πέντε πόλιν Κάμικον: τὴν κατ᾽ ἐμὲ ᾿Ακραγαντῖνοι ἐνέμοντο" τέλος δὲ, οὐ δυναμένους οὔτε ἑλεῖν, οὔτε παραμένειν λιμῷ συνεστεῶτας, ἀπολιπόντας οἴχεσθαι: ὡς δὲ κατὰ ᾿Ιηπυγίην γενέσθαι πλώοντας, ὑπολαβόντα σφέας χειμῶνα μέγαν ἐκβαλέειν ἐς τὴν γῆν: συναραχθέντων δὲ τῶν πλοίων, οὐδε- μίαν γάρ σφι ἔτι κομιδὴν ἐς Κρήτην φαίνεσθαι, ἐνθαῦτα ‘Tpinv πόλεν κτίσαντας καταμεῖναί τε, καὶ μεταβαλόντας ἀντὶ μὲν Κρητῶν γενέσθαι ᾿Ιήπυγας Μεσσαπίους “, ἀντὶ δὲ εἶναι "δ" νησιώτας, ἠπειρώτας" ἀπὸ δὲ “ὙὙρίης πόλιος τὰς ἄλλας οἰκίσαι' τὰς δὴ Ταραντῖνοι χρόνῳ ὕστερον πολλῷ ἐξανιστάντες προσ- ἔπταισαν μεγάλως: ὥστε φόνος ᾿Ελληνικὸς μέγιστος οὗτος δὴ ἐγένετο * not to a Cretan, but to a foreigner—in prosecuting the quarrel to a successful issue, the capture and destruction of the city. Hence he was said μηνίειν, which is nearly the equivalent of νεμεσᾷν, al- though generally confined to the case of gods and heroes. (See note 226 on v. 84.) The Arcadians used the word ἐρινύειν in the same sense. 461 Μίνων. Gaisford follows Schweig- hiuser in printing this form on the autho- rity of two MSS only. Two others (S and B) have the anomalous form Mivew, and several more Mivewy, Below (§ 171) almost all have Mivew. 462 πλὴν Πολιχνιτέων τε καὶ Mpoacloy. From Tuucypinss (ii. 85) it appears that the territory belonging to Polichne was conterminous to that of Cydonia; and that, at the time of the Peloponnesian war, there was hostility between the two towns. Presus, according to SrAPHYLUS (ap. Strabon. x. c. 4, p. 371), was a town of the Eteocretes, whom he considered as an aboriginal population, occupying the southern part of the island. At Presus was the temple of the Dictean Zeus. Strabo calls it sixty stades from the sea; πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, αὐτῶν τε Ταραντίνων καὶ and it is placed by Passauey in his map nearly at the western extremity of the island. 463 “Yolnv. The manuscripts M and P have, both here and below, ‘“Tpyiiny. Others have Ὑρηλίην, which is either an error for Ὑρηδίην, or Ὑρηδίην for it. Srraso calls the place Οὐρία, 464 ᾿Ἰήπυγας Μεσσαπίονς. Hrcatzus asserted that there were two Iapyzgias, the one in Italy, the other in Illyria. (ap. Steph. Byz. v. "larvyla.) $63 Gyr) δὲ εἶναι. Bekker reads ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ εἶναι. But all the MSS omit the article. See note 701 on i. 210. 466 φόνος Ἑλληνικὸς μέγιστος οὗτος δὴ ἐγένετο. It may be reasonably concluded that this passage was written before the an- nihilation of the Athenian expedition sent against Syracuse. Had that taken place, the writer could hardly have avoided some reference to it; and indeed the remark he makes would have been glaringly incor- rect. The destruction of that armament took place in the month of September, B.c. 413. ARISTOTLE no doubt refers to this carnage of the Tarentines by the Tapygians, where he says that the de- | POLYMNIA. VII. 170—172. 283 “Ῥηγίνων, of ὑπὸ Μικύθου τοῦ Xoipou ἀνωγκαζόμενοι τῶν ἀστῶν πιὰ Rhe- lans, the καὶ ἀπικόμενοι τιμωροὶ Ταραντίνοισι, ἀπέθανον τρισχίλιοι οὕτω "57. latter com- x δ \ P ae " ΡΨ ες Bie pelled to αὐτῶν δὲ Ταραντίνων οὐκ ἐπέην ἀριθμός. ὁ δὲ MixvOos‘™, οἰκέτης serve by us, ἐὼν ᾿Αναξίλεω, ἐπίτροπος ‘” Ῥηγίου καταλέλειπτο" οὗτος ὅσπερ who made some offer- ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ “Prryiov καὶ Τεγέην τὴν ᾿Αρκάδων οἰκήσας, ἀνέθηκε ἐν ings which Ὀλυμπίῃ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀνδριάντας. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Ῥηγίνους 171 τε καὶ Ταραντίνους τοῦ λόγου μοι παρενθήκη yéyove ἐς δὲ τὴν Olysiea. Κρήτην ἐρημωθεῖσαν, ὡς λέγουσι Πραίσιοι, ἐσοικίζεσθαι ἄλλους τε ἀνθρώπους καὶ μάλιστα “Ελληνας" τρίτῃ δὲ yeve μετὰ Μίνωα Crete was zs 7 twice depo- τελευτήσαντα γενέσθαι τὰ Tpwixd: ἐν τοῖσι οὐ φλαυροτάτους pulated ᾿ ᾿ , through the φαίνεσθαι ἐόντας Κρῆτας τιμωροὺς Μενέλεφ' ἀντὶ τούτων δέ σφι wrathof ἀπονοστήσασι ἐκ Τροίης λιμόν τε καὶ λοιμὸν γενέσθαι, καὶ αὐτοῖσι Minos be- καὶ τοῖσι προβάτοισι ἔς τε, τὸ δεύτερον ἐρημωθείσης Κρήτης, idleness μετὰ τῶν ὑπολοίπων τρίτους αὐτὴν νῦν νέμεσθαι Κρῆτας. ἡ μὲν δὴ Πυθίη ὑπομνήσασα ταῦτα, ἔσχε βουλομένους τιμωρέειν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι. Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀνωγκαέης τὸ πρῶτον ἐμήδισαν, ὡς διέδεξαν struction of the γνώριμοι on the occasion was so great as to cause the Tarentine constitution to be changed from the form of a polity to that of a democracy. (Polit. το p. 1303.) He assigns it to a period soon after the Persian expedition against Greece. Dioporus, who puts it in the fourth year of the seventy-sixth Olympiad, relates that the division from Rhegium, after its defeat, was so closely pressed by the Iapygians, as to be unable to prevent the pursuers from entering the town at the same time with themselves and cap- turing it (xi. 52). 97 ἀπέθανον τρισχίλιοι οὕτω, “ fell to the number of three thousand on the spot.” For this use of the word οὕτω, see note 238 on vi. 104. The words τῶν ἀστῶν appear to me to have been inserted in the wrong place by some transcriber who had omitted them from their proper one,—which 1 take to be after ἀπέθανον. 8 ὁ δὲ Μίκυθος. Pausanias, who calls this individual Smicythus, quotes this passage of Herodotus, as stating: ὡς ᾿Αναξίλα τοῦ ἐν Ῥηγίῳ τυραννήσαντος γενόμενος δοῦλος καὶ ταμίας τῶν ᾿Αναξίλα χρημάτων, ὕστερον τούτων ἀπιὼν οἴχοιτο εἰς Τεγέαν τελευτήσαντος ᾿Αναξίλα (v. 26. 4. The statues were by two Argive artists; and from their numbers must have cost ἃ great deal. Pausanias says the inscription on them related that they were set up as a thank-offering for the recovery of a son from consumption. 469 ἐπίτροπος. The relation of Micy- thus to Anaxilaus seems to have been somewhat the same as that of Meandrius to Polycrates. (See note 392 on iii. 142.) Meandrius is called in one passage the γραμματιστὴς of Polycrates (iii. 123), as Micythus is called the ταμίας χρημάτων of Anarsilaus by Pausanras. (See the last note.) From the word οἰκέτης one may conjecture that he was originally a freed- man,—as position which would not, in a monarchy, prevent him from holding the highest offices, although the Greek repub- licans would not fail to describe it in the most offensive terms. Srraso calls Her- mias the slave of Eubulus of Atarneus (xiii. p. 126). Dioporus represents Mi- cythus as being regent for the children of Anaxilaus, who had left him guardian during their minority, he himself dying in the first year of the seventy-sixth Olympiad, consequently three years before the bettle related in the text (xi. 48). When they came of age he gave so faith- ful an account of his stewardship, that the young men pressed him to continue holding the reins of government ;—which however he refused, and emigrated to Tegea (xi. 66). 202 172 The Thes- salians at first take part with the allies, and at their request 173 a Laceda- Monian and Athenian force takes up a posi- tion at Tempe ; 284 HERODOTUS ὅτι οὔ σφι ἥνδανε τὰ οἱ ᾿Αλευάδαι ἐμηχανέωντο ““- ὀπεί τε yap ἐπυθέατο τάχιστα μέλλοντα διαβαίνειν τὸν Πέρσην ἐς την Εὐ- ρώπην, πέμπουσι ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἀγγέλους" ἐν δὲ τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ "' ἦσαν ἁλισμένοι πρόβουλοι τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος, ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα: ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτους τῶν Θεσσαλῶν οἱ ἄγγελοι ἔλεγον" “ ἄνδρες “ Ελ- ληνες, δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι τὴν ἐσβολὴν τὴν ᾿Ολυμπικὴν “73, ἵνα Θεσ- σαλίη τε καὶ ἡ σύμπασα ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐν σκέπη τοῦ πολέμου ™”. ἡμεῖς μέν νυν ἑτοῖμοί εἰμεν συμφυλάσσειν' πέμπειν δὲ χρὴ καὶ ὑμέας στρατιὴν πολλήν: ὡς, εἰ μὴ πέμψετε, ἐπίστασθε ἡμέας ὁμολογήσειν τῷ Πέρσῃ" οὐ γάρ τοι προκατημένους τοσοῦτο πρὸ τῆς ἄλλης ᾿Ελλάδος, μούνους πρὸ ὑμέων δεῖ ἀπολέσθαι. βοηθέειν δὲ οὐ βουλόμενοι, ἀνωγκαίην ἡμῖν οὐδεμίαν οἷοί τέ ἐστε προσ- φέρειν: οὐδαμὰ γὰρ ἀδυνασίης ἀνάγκη κρέσσων ἔφυ ἡμεῖς δὲ πειρησόμεθα αὐτοί τινα σωτηρίην μηχανεώμενοι “7. ταῦτα ἔλεγον οἱ Θεσσαλοί. Oi δὲ “Ελληνες πρὸς ταῦτα ἐβουλεύσαντο ἐς Θεσσαλίην πέμπειν κατὰ θάλασσαν πεζὸν στρατὸν, φυλάξοντα τὴν ἐσβολήν. ὡς δὲ συνελέχθη ὁ στρατὸς, ἔπλεε δι’ Εὐρέπον: ἀπικόμενος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αχαιΐης ἐς “Adov'", ἀποβὰς ἐπορεύετο ἐς Θεσσαλίην, τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ καταλιπών" καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰ Τέμπεα ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν, ἧπερ ἀπὸ Μακεδονίης τῆς κάτω ἐς Θεσσαλίην φέρει παρὰ Πηνειὸν ποταμὸν, μεταξὺ δὲ Οὐλύμπου τε οὔρεος ἐόντα καὶ τῆς “Ocons. ἐνθαῦτα ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων κατὰ μυρίους ὁπλῖται συλλεγέντες ““ καί σῴφι προσῆν ἡ τῶν 470 τὰ οἱ ᾿Αλενάδαι ἐμηχανέωντο. For 8 notice of this powerful family, see note 20 on § 6, above. 471 dy δὲ τῷ Ἰσθμῷ. See note on § 145, ve. 473 τὴν ἐσβολὴν τὴν ᾿᾽᾿ολυμπικήν. By these words the Thessalians meant, I con- ceive, not only the entrance to Thessaly by Tempe, but also the road over the to have imagined that the only pass into Thessaly was the one along the bank of the Peneus. 473 dy σκέπῃ τοῦ πολέμου. 487 on i. 148. 474 ἡμεῖς δὲ πειρησόμεθα... μηχανεώ- μενοι. See note 405 on § 148, above. 475 Αλον. One MS (d) has σάλον. 476 ἐνθαῦτα ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο... συλ- See note mountains which Xerxes really did take. The entrance by Tempe would not have required any great force to defend it ; but in the time of Xerxes the pass over the mountains might perhaps have done 80 (see note 351 on § 128, above), and hence the demand of the Thesealians on the Hellenic confederates: πέμπειν χρὴ καὶ dudas στρατιὴν πολλήν. But the con- gress, as Herodotus tells the story, seems Aeyévres. The army seems to have taken up its position along the bank of the Peneus, as the most convenient point from which it could, when required, be moved to occupy the neighbourhood of the pass at Gonnus. The following ex- tract from the journal of Hawxins shows plainly that such numbers were not re- quired (and indeed could not be brought into action) for the defence of the defile POLYMNIA. VII. 178, 174. 285: Θεσσαλῶν ἵππος" ἐστρατήγεε δὲ Δακεδαιμονίων μὲν Evaiveros 6 Καρήνου ἐκ τῶν πολεμάρχων ἀραιρημένος, γένεος μέντοι ἐὼν οὐ τοῦ βασιληΐου, ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ Neoxdéos. ἔμειναν δὲ ὀλύγας ἡμέρας ἐνθαῦτα' ἀπικόμενοι γὰρ ἄγγελοι παρὰ ᾿Αλεξάν- ως aed 8 Spo τοῦ ᾿Αμύντεω, ἀνδρὸς Μακεδόνος "7, συνεβούλενόν σφι ἀπαλ- upon the λάσσεσθαι, μηδὲ μένοντας ἐν τῇ ἐσβολῇ καταπατηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ ree στρατοῦ ἐπιόντος" σημαίνοντες TO πλῆθός τε τῆς στρατιῆς Kal τὰς donia, τ νέας" ὡς δὲ οὗτοί σφι ταῦτα συνεβούλευον, (χρηστὰ γὰρ ἐδόκεον ἀνα, συμβουλεύειν, καί σφι εὔνοος ἐφαίνετο ἐὼν ὁ Μακεδὼν,) ἐπείθοντο" δοκέειν δέ μοι, ἀρρωδίη ἦν τὸ πεῖθον, ὡς ἐπύθοντο καὶ ἄλλην ἐοῦσαν ἐσβολὴν ἐς Θεσσαλοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἄνω Μακεδονίην διὰ Περραιβῶν κατὰ Tovvoy πόλιν "7" τῇπερ δὴ καὶ ἐσέβαλε ἡ στρατεὴ ἡ Ξέρξεω: καταβάντες δὲ οἱ “Ελληνες ἐπὶ τὰς νέας, ὀπίσω ἐπορεύοντο ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμόν. Αὕτη ἐγένετο ἡ ἐς Θεσσαλίην 174 στρατηΐη, βασιλέος “5 τε μέλλοντος διαβαίνειν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην "54 the Theesalians, of Tempe itself. ‘‘The road through the person here mentioned seems not to admit Bogaz (the gorge of Tempe] is chiefly the work of art, nature having left only sufficient room for the channel of the river. [This at the end of May, the time at which Hawkins visited it, is generally about fifty yards across.} The road is, nevertheless, broad enough for the use of wheel carriages, and in some parte of its course consists of a paved causeway, which has been laid on the bank of the river; whilst in others it is a solid terrace of rock, hewn out of the base of the moun- tain. It is carried on for a great way, at the height of twenty or thirty feet above the river; but towards the eastern end of the vale it rises much higher, in order to surmount the brows of some promontories which fall there precipitately, and without any basement, into the water.’”’ The Bo- gaz ‘answers to our description of a rocky dell; and is in length about two miles.” The scenery ‘‘is distinguished by an air of savage grandeur, rather than by its beauty and amenity; the aspect of the whole defile impressing the s tor with a sense of danger and difficulty, not of security and indulgence.” (ap. Walpole’s Turkey, i. pp. 519— 622.) 41 ἀνδρὸς Μακεδόνος. It is striking that the heir apperent of the Macedonian king should be thus simply described, especially after the prominent part he has already occupied in the earlier part of the history (v. 19—22). Yet that he ie the a doubt. The Macedonian prince was the πρόξενος καὶ εὐεργέτης of the Athenians (viii. 136); and the part of magnifying the Persian power is that for which his services were especially used (viii. 140). The most obvious solution of the difficulty is, in my opinion, the hypothesis that the last three books of Herodotus’s history were, in the original design, an indepen- dent work. See note 1 on § J, above, and that on viii. 104: δὶς ἤδη ἐγένετο. 478 ὡς ἐπύθοντο. .. κατὰ Γόννον πόλιν. That the reason assigned by Herodotus for the retreat of the allies was their real one may be doubted. The only real dan- ger was, lest the enemy, having a navy as well as an overwhelming army, should land in large numbers at Alus in the Thermaic gulf, where they had left their transporte, and thus take them in a trap if they remained in the defile. ‘The enormous numbers of the land force and the ships,” of which news was brought, would have been quite unavailable (and the latter entirely inapplicable) for forcing the passes over Olympus and along the gorge of the Peneus. But by cutting them off from their base of operations, the enemy would infallibly have destroyed them. 479 βασιλέος. For the principle upon which the article is omitted, see the note πρὸ τῆς 110: ἐν ἡμέρῃ τῇ ἐγένοτο βασι- 286 HERODOTUS unmp- ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης καὶ ἐόντος ἤδη ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ' Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ ἐρημωθέντες Preside of συμμάχων, οὕτω δὴ ἐμήδισαν προθύμως οὐδ᾽ ἔτι ἐνδοιαστῶς" ὥστε Fons y rola πρήγμασι ἐφαίνοντο βασιλέϊ ἄνδρες ἐόντες χρησιμώ- τατοι. Οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες ἐπεί τε ἀπίκατο ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν, ἐβουλεύοντο Hesloo μὰ πρὸς τὰ λεχθέντα ἐξ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, ἡ τε στήσονται τὸν “πόλεμον make their αὶ ἐν οἵοισι χώροισι" ἡ νικῶσα δὲ γνώμη ἐγένετο, τὴν ἐν Θερμο- le alge ς͵ πύλῃσι ἐσβολὴν φυλάξαι" στεινοτέρη yap spaivere ἐοῦσα τῆς ἐς 8 feet up Θεσσαλίην, καὶ pla’, ἀγχοτέρη τε τῆς ἑωυτῶν: τὴν δὲ ἀτραπὸν 175 them at Ar- δι’ ἣν ἥλωσαν οἱ ἁλόντες Ελλήνων ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσε, οὐδὲ ἤδεσαν ἐοῦσαν πρότερον ἤπερ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς Θερμοπύλας ἐπύθοντο Τρηχι- νίων' ταύτην ὧν ἐβουλεύσαντο φυλάσσοντες τὴν ἐσβολὴν, μὴ παριέναι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα τὸν βάρβαρον' τὸν δὲ ναντικὸν στρατὸν πλέειν γῆς τῆς ᾿Ιστιαιώτιδος “"" ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον: ταῦτα γὰρ ἀγχοῦ τε ἀλλήλων ἐστὶ, ὥστε πυνθάνεσθαι τὰ κατὰ ἑκατέρους ἐόντα. 176 Οἵ τε χῶροι οὕτως ἔχουσι; τοῦτο μὲν, τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον “5 ἐκ τοῦ arate πελάγεος τοῦ Opnixiou ἐξ εὐρέος συνάγεται ἐς στεινὸν πόρον, τὸν μεταξὺ ἐόντα νήσου τε Σκιάθον καὶ ἠπείρον Μαγνησίης" ἐκ δὲ τοῦ στεινοῦ τῆς Εὐβοίης ἤδη τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον δέκεται αὐγιαλός" ἐν δὲ, ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱρόν. ἡ δὲ αὖ διὰ Τρηχῖνος ἔσοδος ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα ἔστι, τῇ στεινοτάτη, ἡμίπλεθρον" οὐ μέντοι κατὰ τοῦτό γ᾽ ἔστι τὸ στεινότατον τῆς χώρης τῆς ἄλλης, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπροσθέ τε Θερμοπυλέων καὶ ὄπισθε: κατά τε ᾿Αλπηνοὺς ὄπισθε ἐόντας ἐοῦσα ἁμαξιτὸς μούνη, καὶ ἔμπροσθε κατὰ Φοίνικα ποταμὸν, ἀγχοῦ ᾿Ανθηλῆς πόλιος, ἁμαξιτὸς ἄλλη μούνη" τῶν δὲ Θερμοπυλέων τὸ μὲν πρὸς ἑσπέρης, ὄρος ἄβατόν τε καὶ ἀπόκρημνον, ὑψηλὸν, ἀνατεῖνον ἐς τὴν Οἴτην: τὸ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, θάλασσα ὑποδέκεται καὶ τενάγεα' ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ ταύτῃ θερμὰ λουτρὰ, τὰ Xvrpovs καλέουσι" ot ἐπιχώριοι, καὶ βωμὸς ἵδρυται Ἡρακλέος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖσι 489 καὶ ula. This is the reading of 8 proper to the beach, should in common and V. The rest of the MSS have καὶ ἅμα, which Gaisford adopts. 481 γῆς τῆς Ἱστιαιώτιδος. The His- tieotis here meant is the northern part of the island Euboea; but above, i. 56, a portion of Thessaly is intended. 482 τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον. The strait is, ac- cording to Larcher, intended by this name; and it is not impossible that the term, nguage also be given to the neighbour- ing roadsted. The English “ Spithead” is a somewhat similar case. 483 τὰ Xérpous καλέουσι. In the time of Pausanias a large plunging bath (xo- λυμβήθραλ) was formed to receive the water which issued from these springs, and the name of them was χύτροι γυναικεῖοι. Pausanias says the water was the brightest POLYMNIA. VIL 175—178. 287 ἐδέδμητο δὲ τεῖχος κατὰ ταύτας Tas ἐσβολὰς, καὶ τό γε παλαιὸν πύλαι ἐπῆσαν" ἔδειμαν δὲ Φωκέες τὸ τεῖχος δείσαντες, ἐπεὶ Θεσ- σαλοὶ ἦλθον ἐκ Θεσπρωτῶν οἰκήσοντες γῆν τὴν Αἰολίδα, τήνπερ νῦν ἐκτέαται. ἅτε δὴ πειρωμένων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καταστρέφεσθαί σφεας "", τοῦτο προεφυλάξαντο οἱ Φωκέες" καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ θερμὸν τότε ἐπῆκαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔσοδον, ws ἂν χαραδρωθείη ὁ χῶρος" πᾶν μηχανεώμενοι ὅκως μή σφι ἐσβάλοιεν οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην. τὸ μέν νυν τεῖχος τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐκ παλαιοῦ τε ἐδέδμητο, καὶ τὸ πλέον αὐτοῦ ἤδη ὑπὸ χρόνου Exertor τοῖσι δὲ, adres ὀρθώσασι, ἔδοξε ταύτῃ ἀπαμύνειν ἀπὸ τῆς Ελλάδος τὸν βάρβαρον. κώμη δέ ἐστε ἀγχο- τάτω τῆς ὁδοῦ, ᾿Αλπηνοὶ οὔνομα' ἐκ ταύτης δὲ ἐπισιτιεῖσθαι ἐλογίζοντο οἱ Έλληνες. Οἱ μέν νυν χῶροι οὗτοι τοῖσι Ελλησι εἶναι 2 canada ἐπιτήδεοι: 177 ἅπαντα yap προσκεψάμενοι, καὶ ἐπιλογισθέντες ὅ ὅτι οὔτε πλήθει The allies ἕξουσι χρᾶσθαι οἱ βάρβαροι οὔτε ἵππῳ, ταύτῃ σφι ἔδοξε δέκεσθαι their posi- τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' ὡς δὲ ἐπύθοντο τὸν Πέρσην ἐόντα hearing kel ev IT vepln, διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ "" > ἐστρατεύοντο αὐτῶν ot of ἜΧΕΝ μὲν ἐς Θερμοπύλας πεζῇ, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτε-᾿ μίσιον. Οἱ μὲν δὴ “Ελληνες κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθεον allel ia Δελφοὶ 178 a ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐχρηστηριάξοντὸ τῷ θεῷ, aes ἑωυτῶν Kal ee τῆς “Ελλάδος Κατ ἀρ Βωϑηκοτεῦ καί σφι ἐχρήσθη ἀνέμοισι ev- ae their racle, are pers - μεγάλους yap τούτους ἔσεσθαι τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι συμμάχους. siderite Δελφοὶ δὲ δεξάμενοι τὸ μαντήϊον, πρῶτα μὲν, ᾿Ελλήνων τοῖσι Finds. βουλομένοισι εἶναι ἐλευθέροισι ἐξήγγειλαν τὰ χρησθέντα adroice καί σφι δεινῶς καταρρωδέουσι τὸν βάρβαρον ἐξωγγείλαντες, χάριν ἀθάνατον κατέθεντο’ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, οἱ Δελφοὶ τοῖσι ἀνέμοισι βωμόν τε ἀπέδεξαν ἐν Buin“, τῇπερ τῆς Κηφισοῦ θυγατρὸς blue (γλανκότατον) of any he had ever seen (iv. 35. 9). 434 ἅτε δὴ πειρωμένων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καταστρέφεσθαί σφεας. It was apparently at this time that the Melians discovered the mountain pass which enabled Xerxes to take Leonidas in the rear. See ὃ 215, below. 483 διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ. The army of Xerxes was detained for some time in Pieria, for the purpose of carrying out the pioneering operations which were requisite to make the pass into Thessaly available (§ 131, above). It may there- fore be supposed that the allies were able to take up their position before it was again put in motion. 186 ἀνέμοισι εὔχεσθαι. CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA (Siromm. vi. c. 3, § 29) gives as the actual words of the oracle the hexameter line: ὦ Δελφοὶ, λίσσεσθ' ἀνέμους, καὶ λώϊον ἔσται. (See note 172 on i. 53.) 487 ἐν Θυίῃ. Thyia is mentioned by 288. HERODOTUS Θυίης τὸ τέμενός ἐστι, ἐπ᾽ ἧς καὶ 6 χῶρος οὗτος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει: καὶ θυσίῃσί σφεας μετήϊσσαν. Δελφοὶ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριον ἔτι καὶ νῦν τοὺς ἀνέμους ἱλάσκονται. 1790 Ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς Ἐέρξεω στρατὸς, ὁρμεώμενος ἐκ Θέρμης πόλιος, A Forsien παρέβαλε" νηυσὶ τῇσι ἄριστα πλεούσῃσι δέκα ἰθὺ Σ᾿ κιάθον- ἔνθα equadron ἦσαν προφυλάσσουσαι νέες τρεῖς ᾿Ελληνίδες, Τροιζηνίη τε καὶ ΣΝ Αὐγιναίη καὶ ᾿Αττική" προϊδόντες δὲ οὗτοι τὰς νέας τῶν βαρβάρων, 180 ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμησαν" Τὴν μὲν δὴ Τροιζηνίην, τῆς ἦρχε Πρηξῖνος, αὐ- Hellenic γχύκᾳ αἱρέουσι ἐπισπόμενοι οἱ βάρβαροι: καὶ ἔπειτα τῶν ἐπιβατέων ζ΄- Ἅ τῆς νηὸς ἔσφαξαν, διαδέξιον ποιεύμενοι “5 τὸν εἷλον τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρῶτον καὶ κάλλιστον! τῷ δὲ σφαγιασθέντε τούτῳ οὔνομα ἦν Ader τάχα 18] δ᾽ ἄν τι καὶ τοῦ οὐνόματος ἐπαύροιτο "". Ἢ δὲ Αὐγιναίη, τῆς ἐτριηράρχεε ᾿Ασωνίδης, καί τινά os θόρυβον παρέσχε, Πυθέω τοῦ ᾿Ισχενόου ἐπιβατεύοντος ἀνδρὸς ἀρίστου γενομένον ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην ὃς ἐπειδὴ ἡ ναῦς ἡλίσκετο, ἐς τοῦτο ἀντεῖχε μαχό- sted in ob- αὖ» δ ‘ 3 , . , 489 μενῶ εἶα οὗ. αὐτῆς τὸν καλλεστεύοντα ἀγαγόντες ἐπὶ τῆς πρώρης Sciathus, Pavusantas (x. 6. 2) as being made, in some of the local traditions of Delphi, the daughter of Castalius, an autochthonous inhabitant of the place. She was first of all a priestess of Dionysus (and from her the bacchants are called Thyiades), and she afterwards bore Delpkus to Apollo. This is manifestly a mere frame-work pedigree to connect the different portions of the Delphic ritual,—the Pelasgian or autochthonous element-worship (see note 164 on i. 52), the orgies of the northern Dionysus (see note 15 on v. 7), and the anthropomorphism of the Dorian Apollo. Pausanias does not mention the genealogy of Thyia recorded in the text; but he does say that some accounts made Delphus the son of one Melena, a daughter of Cephi- sus. And the name Thyiades was given to certain Aéfic women, who every year proceeded to Delphi and joined the Del- phic women in bacchic orgies (x. 4. 2). it is not wonderful, therefore, that in Athenian traditions the Delphic Thyis should receive an Athenian tage. But as she is here connected with an altar of the winds, perhaps she may have been identified with Orithyia, “the Athenian damsel,” carried off ‘‘ by boisterous rape” in the arms of the north wind. See be- low, § 189. 488 παρέβαλε, “made a cast.’””? The phrase is appropriate to a direct voyage from point to point,—which, from the habits of navigators in ancient times, always had something of the nature of a venture‘in it. See note 493 on § 182, below. 489 ἐπὶ τῆς πρώρης. § and V have ἐπὶ τὴν πρώρην. 400 διαδέξιον ποιεύμενοι, “securing 8 good omen for themselves.” The marim, ‘* Who spills the foremost foeman’s life, That party conquers in the strife,” seems to have prevailed very generally among the Indo-Germanic nations. Tact- Tus relates of the Germans of his time: “Ἐπεὶ et alia observatio auspicioram, qua gravium bellorum eventas explorant : ejus gentis, cum qua bellum est, captivum quo- quo modo interceptum cum electo popu- larium suorum, patriis quemque armis, committunt: victoria hujus vel illius pro preejudicio accipitur.”’ (Germania, § 10.) And Procopivus says of the Scandinavians (Thalite): τῶν ἱερείων σφισι τὸ κάλλισ- τὸν ἄνθρωπός ἐστιν ὅνπερ ἂν δοριάλω- τον ποιήσαιντο πρῶτον. (De Bello Gotthico, ii. 15.) 491 τάχα δ᾽ ἄν τι καὶ τοῦ οὐνόματος ἐπαύροιτο, “and perchance he will gain something from his name,” ἐ. 6. his fate will the more remain in the memories of men, from the circumstance that he bore that name. POLYMNIA. VII. 179—183. 289 μενος, ἐς ὃ κατεκρεουργήθη ἅπας" ὡς δὲ πεσὼν οὐκ ἀπέθανε GAN ἦν ἔμπνοος, οἱ Πέρσαι, οἵπερ ἐπεβάτευον ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν, δι’ ἀρετὴν τὴν ἐκείνου περιποιῆσαΐί μιν περὶ πλείστου ἐποιήσαντο, σμύρνῃσί τε ἐώμενοι τὰ ἕλκεα καὶ σινδόνος βυσσίνης τελαμῶσι "3 κατευ- λίσσοντες" καί μιν, ὡς ὀπίσω ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἑωυτῶν στρατόπεδον, ἐπεδείκνυσαν ἐκπαωγλεόμενος πάσῃ τῇ στρατιῇ, περιέποντες et τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους τοὺς ἔλαβον ἐν τῇ νηὶ ταύτῃ περιεῖπον ὡς ἀνδρά- ποδα. Ai μὲν δὴ δύο τῶν νεῶν οὕτω ἐχειρώθησαν' ἡ δὲ τρίτη, 180 τῆς ἐτρεηράρχεε Φόρμος, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, φεύγουσα ἐξοκέλλει ἐς tensor tas ἐσβολὰς τοῦ Πηνειοῦ" καὶ τοῦ μὲν ondspeos ἐκράτησαν οἱ the Se βάρβαροι τῶν δὲ ἀνδρῶν ov ὡς γὰρ. δὴ τάχιστα ἐπώκειλαν τὴν beac ing their ship νέα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀποθορόντες, κατὰ Θεσσαλίην πορευόμενοι atthe mouth ἐκομίσθησαν ἐς ᾿Αθήνας. ταῦτα οἱ “Ελληνες οἱ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ΠΑΎΩΝ στρατοπεδευόμενοι πυνθάνονται παρὰ πυρσῶν ἐκ Σκιάθου" πυθό- μενοι δὲ καὶ καταρρωδήσαντες, ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίου μετωρμίζοντο ἐς Χαλκίδα, φυλάξοντες μὲν τὸν Εὔριπον, λείποντες δὲ ἡμεροσκό- πους περὶ τὰ ὑψηλὰ τῆς Εὐβοίης. Τῶν δὲ δέκα νεῶν τῶν βαρ- 183 βάρων τρεῖς ἐπέλασαν περὶ τὸ ἕρμα τὸ μεταξὺ ἐὸν Σ᾽ κιάθου τε καὶ Three of the Μαγνησίης, καλεόμενον δὲ Μύρμηκα. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ thine sik στήλην λίθου ἐπέθηκαν κομίσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἕρμα, ὁρμηθέντες αὐτοὶ shee af τς ἐκ Θέρμης, ὦ ὥς σφι τὸ ἐμποδὼν ἐγεγόνεε καθαρὸν, ἐπέπλεον πάσῃσι al moves thward τῇσι νηυσὶ, ἕνδεκα ἡμέρας dea ich μετὰ τὴν βασιλέος ἐξέλασιν to the | Mag- nesian ἐκ Θέρμης" τὸ δὲ Eppa σφι ΚαΤΉ στο “ἐὸν ἐν πόρῳ μάλιστα, shore Πάμμων Σ᾿ κύριος: πανημερὸν δὲ πλώοντες “" οἱ βάρβαροι ἐξα- 492 σινδόνος βυσσίνη: τελαμῶσι. This an individual named Salganeus, employed phrase has been used before (ii. 86) of the bandages in which the mummies were swathed in Egypt. 493 ds τὰς ἐσβολὰς τοῦ Πηνειοῦ. It is impossible that the Athenian galley should have taken such a course in order to escape the enemy’s ships, unless these had come upon Sciathus from the seaward, so as to be, when descried, farther from the main than the Hellenic vessel was; and in order so to make Scisthus, they must have stood out a long way from the main. See above, note 488 on § 179. Several of the MSS have ἐμβολὰς instead of ἐσβολάς. 494 κατηγήσατο, ‘pointed out,” no doubt while sailing with them as a pilot. See note 141 on ii. 49. Sraaso mentions VOL. II. by the Persians to take the fleet along the coast on this occasion. His tomb stood by the side of the Euripus on the Chal- cidian shore, and the story ran that he was put to death by his employers while they were under the erroneous impression that there was no passage; and that while pretending to carry them through a strait, he was really running their ships on shore at the head of a guif. On the Sicilian promontory there was a “tomb of Pelo- rus,’ to which a similar legend attached (i. ¢. ie p. 15). 495 ᾿'κανημερὸν πλώονγεςς The dis- tance from Therme would be about ninety geographical miles, or 900 stades. Else- where Herodotus makes 700 stades a long 2P 290 HERODOTUS νύουσι τῆς Μαγνησίης χώρης ἐπὶ Σηπιάδα τε καὶ τὸν αὐγιαλὸν τὸν μεταξὺ Κασθαναίης τε πόλιος ἐόντα καὶ Σηπιάδος ἀκτῆς. Μέχρι μέν νυν τούτου τοῦ χώρου καὶ Θερμοπυλέων, ἀπαθής τε κακῶν ἣν ὁ στρατὸς, καὶ πλῆθος ἦν τηνικαῦτα ἔτι, ὡς ἐγὼ συμβαλ- λόμενος εὑρίσκω, τόσον: τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἸΌΝ ΕΣ ΘΟ ἐουσέων ἑπτὰ καὶ διηκοσιέων καὶ χιλιέων, τὸν μὲν ἀρχαῖον oad ἑκάστων τῶν ἐθνέων ἐόντα ὅμελον τέσσερας καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας, »νία. καὶ πρὸς, χιλιάδα τε καὶ τετρακοσίους, ὡς ἀνὰ διηκοσίους ἄνδρας λογιζομένοισι ἐν ἑκάστῃ νηΐ: ἐπεβάτευον δὲ ἐπὶ τοντέων τῶν νεῶν, χωρὶς ἑκάστων τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, ἐπιβατέων “5 Περσέων τε καὶ Μήδων καὶ Σ᾿ ακέων τριήκοντα ἄνδρες" οὗτος ἄλλος ὅμιλος γίνεται τρισμύριοι καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι, καὶ πρὸς, διηκόσιοί τε καὶ δέκα προσθήσω δ᾽ ἔτι τούτῳ καὶ τῷ προτέρῳ ἀριθμῷ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν “πεντηκοντέρων, ποιήσας *", ὅ Te πλέον ἦν αὐτέων ἢ ἔλασσον, av ὀγδώκοντα ἄνδρας ἐνεῖναι" συνελέχθη δὲ ταῦτα τὰ πλοῖα, ws καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἰρέθη, τρισχίλια: ἤδη ὧν ἄνδρες ἂν εἶεν ἐν αὐτοῖσι The contin- τέσσερες μυριάδες καὶ εἴκοσι. τοῦτο wy νυν τὸ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης gent from ν , ι ᾿ , . oe , Asia ναυτικὸν ἦν, σύμπαν ἐὸν πεντήκοντα μυριάδες καὶ pia, χιλεάδες TE to δ᾽: 7610 ἔπεισι ἐπὶ ταύτῃσι ἑπτὰ, καὶ πρὸς, ἑκατοντάδες ἕξ, καὶ δεκάς. τοῦ veer Ἢ δὲ πεζοῦ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν μυριάδες ἐγίνοντο’ τῶν δὲ ἑππέων eee: ὀκτὼ μυριάδες: προσθήσω δ᾽ ers τούτοισι τὰς καμήλους τοὺς ἐλαύνοντας ᾿Αραβίους, καὶ τοὺς τὰ ἅρματα Δίβνας, πλῆθος τοιήσας δισμυρίους ἄνδρας. καὶ δὴ τό τε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ πλῆθος συντιθέμενον γίνεται διηκόσια τε μυριάδες καὶ τριήκοντα 184 Estimate of the numbers of the Per- sians day’s run for a vessel (iv. 86). But here he is apparently speaking of war-galleys, not, as in the other case, of merchantmen, whose rate of progress would be much slower than that of a trireme. 496 ér:Baréwy. Gaisford puts the comma after this word. But ἐπιβάται are ‘“‘ ma- rines,”’—not ‘‘ crews”’ (see above, § 96: ἐπεβάτενον δὲ ἐπὶ πασέων τῶν νεῶν Πέρσαι καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Σάκαι) ; and it is impossible to suppose that this service was performed by the nations who supplied the crews, in addition to the thirty Persians whose special duty it was. In each of the Attic galleys which fought at Salamis the num- ber of marines was only eighteen,—four archers and fourteen hoplites. (PLuTaRrcH, Themist. § 14.) Moreover, the calculated sam total does not allow for more than 230 in each ship. There is no doubt an inelegance in the expression ἐπεβάτενον τριήκοντα ἄνδρες ἐπιβατέων, but not such as to give offence in this writer. 407 ποιήσας. The word ποιεῖν is here used as the Latin jfacere often is,—in the sense of ‘‘ to suppose for the sake of argu- ment.”” Cicmno, Tuec. Disp. iii. 18: ‘‘ Fac sane esse eummum bonum non do- lere.” Seo below, § 186: καὶ δή σφεας ποιέω ἴσους ἐκείνοις εἶναι. Demostue- NES, Lept. p. 379: εἰσὶ τῶν ξένων ἀτε- λεῖς, δέκα θήσω"... .. καὶ μὴν τῶν γε πολιτῶν οὐκ εἰσὶ πέντε ἣ Ek οὐκοῦν ἀμ- φοτέρων ἑκκαίδεκα; ποιήσωμεν αὐτοὺς εἴκοσιν. POLYMNIA. VII. 184—186. 291 καὶ μία, καὶ πρὸς, χιλιάδες ὁπτὰ καὶ ἑκατοντάδες δξ καὶ δεκάς. τοῦτο μὲν τὸ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ᾿Ασίης στράτευμα ἐξαναχθὲν εἴρηται, ἄνευ τε τῆς θεραπηΐης τῆς ἑπομένης καὶ τῶν σιτωγωγῶν πλοίων, καὶ ὅσοι ἐνέπλεον τούτοισι. τὸ δὲ δὴ ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀγόμενον 185 στράτευμα ἔτι mpomneyignee τούτῳ παντὶ τῷ ἐξηριθμημένῳ **- in addition δόκησιν δὲ δεῖ λέγειν “5. νέας μέν νυν οἱ ἀπὸ Θρηϊκῆς “Ἕλληνες, sea καὶ ἐκ τῶν νήσων τῶν ἐπικειμένων τῇ Θρηΐκῃ, παρείχοντο εἴκοσι, 24,000 in risen καὶ ἑκατόν" ἐκ μέν νυν τουτέων τῶν νεῶν ἄνδρες τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ afloat, and the δισμύριοι "5 γίνονται. πεζοῦ δὲ, τὸν Θρήϊκες πάρει χοῦτο; = Thracian Παίονες, καὶ ᾿Εορδοὶ, καὶ Βοττιαῖοι, καὶ τὸ Χαλκιδικὸν γένος "", ων τές καὶ Βρύγοι" 53, καὶ Πίερες, καὶ Maxedoves, καὶ Περραιβοὶ, καὶ ᾿Ενιῆνες "", καὶ Δόλοπες, καὶ Μάγνητες, καὶ ᾽Αχαιοὶ, καὶ ὅσοι τῆς Θρηΐἕκης τὴν παραλίην νέμονται, τούτων τῶν ἐθνέων τριήκοντα μυρεάδας δοκέω γενέσθαι" αὗται ὧν αἱ μυριάδες κείνῃσι προσ- τεθεῖσαε τῇσι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης γίνονται αἱ πᾶσαι ἀνδρῶν αἱ μάχιμοι μυριάδες διηκόσιαι καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ τέσσερες ™*, ἔπεισι δὲ ταύτῃσι ἑκατοντάδες ἑκκαίδεκα " καὶ δεκάς. Τοῦ μαχίμου δὲ τούτου ἐόντος ἀρεθμὸν τοσούτου, τὴν θεραπηΐην τὴν ἑπομένην τούτοισι, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖσι σιταγωγοῖσι ἀκάτοισι ἐόντας, Kal μάλα ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι πλοίοισι τοῖσι ἅμα πλέουσι τῇ στρατιῇ, τούτους τῶν μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν οὐ δοκέω εἶναι ἐλάσσονας, ἀλλὰ πλεῦνας" καὶ δή σφεας The ξόπα: ποιέω ἴσους ἐκείνοισε εἶναι, καὶ οὔτε πλεῦνας, οὔτε ἐλάσσονας Timer ΠΟ οὐδέν: ἐξισούμενοι δὲ οὗτοι τῷ μαχίμῳ, ἐκπληροῦσι τὰς ἴσας Me μυριάδας ἐκείνῃσι οὕτω πεντηκοσίας τε μυριάδας καὶ εἴκοσι * συμβαλλόμενοί σφι τὸν Βορῆν γαμβρὸν εἶναι, ναυλοχέοντες τῆς Εὐβοίης ἐν Χαλκίδι, ds ἔμαθον αὐξόμενον τὸν χειμῶνα, (ἢ καὶ πρὸ τούτον, ἐθύοντό τε καὶ ἐπεκαλέοντο τόν τε Βορῆν καὶ τὴν ᾽Ωρείθνιαν, τιμωρῆσαί σφι καὶ διαφθεῖραι τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς νέας, ὡς καὶ πρότερον περὶ "Adwy. εἰ μέν νυν διὰ ταῦτα τοῖσι βαρβάροισι ὁρμέουσι ὁ βορῆς ἐπέπεσε, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν" οἱ δ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αθηναῖοί σφι λέγουσι βοηθήσαντα τὸν Βορὴν πρότερον, καὶ τότε ἐκεῖνα κατεργάσασθαι: καὶ ἱρὸν ἀπελθόντες Βορέω ἱδρύσαντο παρὰ ποταμὸν ᾿Γλισσόν ** Ἔν τούτῳ τῷ πόνω νέας of ἐλαχίστας λέγουσι διαφθαρῆναι, 190 τετρακοσιέων οὐκ ἐλάσσονας ἄνδρας τε ἀναριθμήτους, χρημάτων Four alee τε πλῆθος ἄφθονον: ὥστε ᾿Αμεινοκλέϊ τῷ Kpntivew ἀνδρὶ Ma- at eat ΤῊ γνητε, ὙΠ χεῦντι περὶ Σηπιάδα, μεγάλως ἡ νανηγίη ἐγένετο χρηστή" the gale, ὃς πολλὰ μὲν χρύσϑα ποτηρια ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐκ βασθομενα amount of ἀνείλετο, πολλὰ δὲ ἀργύρεα: θησαυρούς τε τῶν Περσέων εὗρε, eee ἄλλα τε χρύσεα ἄφατα χρήματα περιεβάλλετο. (GAN ὁ μὲν On the other side of $10 πρὸς Ἱπνούς. One manuscript (V) (Phadrus, § 6.) has πρὸς Ὕπνους, and in some MSS of Sreaso (ix. c. 5, p. 316) the reading πρὸς Ἱπνοῦντα has a variant, πρὸς Ὑ:- νοῦντα. But the reading in the text is tly the only genuine one. apparen $11 τὸν γαμβρόν. This word is used in t he general sense of κηδεστὴν, “ connexion by 512 παρὰ ποταμὸν ᾿ἵλισσόν. PLATO makes Socrates, in his conversation with Pheedrus, speak of an altar set up to Boreas in this spot, where, according to the tradition, the damsel was carried off. the river there was a spot called “Aypa (or “Aypa:), and 8 fane of Artemis Agrotera (Pausanias, i. 19. 6), to which, in the time of Pausanias, the legend attached, that in that spot the goddess first com- menced hunting on her arrival from Delos, and the image was therefore repre- sented with a bow in the hand. But Socrates speaks of “Aypa as the name of the goddess herself. Another Athenian legend made Orithyia carried off from the Areopagus. (Phedrus, § 7.) 191 Of trans- ports, the number lost is not known. The storm lasts for three days. 192 On hear- ing of the euemy's loss, the allied fleet moves to Artemt- stum. The sur- name Pre- server is from this time given to Posei- don. 294 HERODOTUS τἄλλα οὐκ εὐτυχέων, εὑρήμασι μέγα πλούσιος ἐγένετο" ἦν yap τις καὶ τοῦτον ἄχαρις συμφορὴ λυπεῦσα παιδοφόνος "3.) Σιτωγωγῶν δὲ ὁλκάδων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλοίων διαφθειρομένων οὐκ ἐπῆν ἀριθμός: ὥστε δείσαντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ τοῦ ναντικοῦ στρατοῦ μή σφι κεκακωμένοισι ἐπιθέωνται οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ, ἕρκος ὑψηλὸν ἐκ τῶν ναυηγίων περιεβάλοντο! ἡμέρας γὰρ δὴ ἐχείμαξε """ τρεῖς" τέλος δὲ, ἔντομά τε ποιεῦντες καὶ καταείδοντες γόησι"" τῷ ἀνέμῳ οἱ Μάγοι, πρός τε τούτοισι, καὶ τῇ Θέτι καὶ τῇσι Νηρηΐσι θύοντες, ὄπαυσαν τετάρτῃ ἡμέρῃ: ἢ ἄλλως κως αὐτὸς ἐθέλων ἐκόπασε" τῇ δὲ Θέτι ἔθνον, πυθόμενοι παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τὸν λόγον, ὡς ἐκ τοῦ χώρου τούτου ἁρπασθείη ὑπὸ Πηλέος, εἴη τε ἅπασα ἡ ἀκτὴ ἡ Σηπιὰς ἐκείνης τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Νηρηΐϊδων' ὁ μὲν δὴ τετάρτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἐπέπαυτο. Τοῖσι δὲ “Ελλησι οἱ ἡμεροσκόποι ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῶν EvBoixav καταδραμόντες δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπ᾽ ἧς ὁ χειμὼν ὁ πρῶτος ἐγένετο, ἐσήμαινον πάντα τὰ γενόμενα “τερὶ τὴν νανηγίην" οἱ δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο, Ποσειδέωνι Σωτῆρι εὐξάμενοι, καὶ σπονδὰς προχέαντες, τὴν ταχίστην ὀπίσω ἠπεύγοντο ἐπὶ τὸ ’ Apte- μίσιον" ἐλπίσαντες ὀλύγας τινάς ode ἀντιξόους ἔσεσθαι νέας. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὸ δεύτερον ἐλθόντες, περὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐναυλόχεον, Ποσειδέωνος Σωτῆρος ἐπωνυμίην ἀπὸ τούτου ἔτει καὶ ἐς τόδε νομέζοντες. Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι, ὡς ἐπαύσατό τε ὁ ἄνεμος καὶ τὸ κῦμα ὄστρωτο, κατασπάσαντες τὰς νῆας ἔπλεον παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον κάμψραντες δὲ τὴν ἄκρην τῆς Μαγνησίης, ἰθεῖαν ἔπλεον ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν ἐπὶ Παγασέων φέροντα. ἔστι δὲ χῶρος ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ τούτῳ τῆς Μαγνησίης, ἔνθα λέγεταε τὸν Ἡρακλέα καταλειφθῆναε ὑπὸ ᾿Ιήσονός τε καὶ τῶν συνεταίρων ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς ἐπ᾽ ὕδωρ πεμφθέντα, εὖτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ κῶας ἔπλεον ἐς Αἶαν τὴν Κολχίδα' ἐνθεῦτεν γὰρ ἔμελλον ὑδρευσάμενοι ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀφήσειν" ἐπὶ If this read- 513 συμφορὴ .. παιδοφόνος, “a misfor- tune by which a child of his was killed ;” _—not however necessarily by himself, as some both in ancient and modern times have assumed. 514 φχείμαζε, ‘there was stormy wea- ther.’’ See notes on viii. 113 and 133 for the use of this word, and of χειμερί- (ev, by Herodotus. 515 καταείδοντες γόησι. ing is sound, the expression must be inter- preted, ‘‘laying the wind by means of chants of sorcerers,” the Magians not themselves reciting the sacred spells, but employing other subordinate functionaries for this purpose. Reiske proposed to read χοῇσι for γόησι, and Bekker -yogo: in the sense of γόοισι. ΡΟΙΥΜΝΙΑ. VII. 191—196. 295 τούτου δὲ τῷ χώρῳ οὔνομα γέγονε ᾿Αφέται. ἐν τούτῳ ὧν ὅρμον ot Ἐξρξεω ἐποιεῦντο. Tlevrexa®exa δὲ τῶν νηῶν τουτέων ἔτυχόν τε ὕσταται πολλὸν 194 ἐξαναχθεῖσαι, καί κως κατεῖδον τὰς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ τῶν Ελλήνων With the exception “ ΕΝ ’ \ / e ΄ f fi teen νῆας, ἔδοξάν τε δὴ τὰς σφετέρας εἷναι οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ πλέοντες ἑαλρ θῇ > » 3 \ λε ’ a 3 , . 2 Ko which were ἐσέπεσον ἐς TOUS πολεμίους: THY ἐστρατήγεε ὁ ἀπὸ Κύμης τῆς captured by Αἰολίδος ὕπαρχος Σανδώκης ὁ Oapaclou τὸν δὴ πρότερον τούτων ὃς alien! rtemi- βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος, ἐπ᾽ αἰτίῃ τοιῇδε λαβὼν a ἀϑεσταυρώσδε: ἐόντα τῶν sium. βασιληΐων δικαστέων ".- ὁ Σανδώκης ἐπὶ χρήμασι ἄδικον δίκην édixace ἀνακρεμασθέντος ὧν αὐτοῦ, λογιζόμενος ὁ Δαρεῖος εὗρέ οἱ πλέω ἀγαθὰ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων πεποιημένα "Ἷ ἐς οἶκον τὸν βασι- | mes εὑρὼν δὲ τοῦτο ὁ Δαρεῖος, καὶ γνοὺς ὡς ταχύτερα αὐτὸς ἢ Anecdote of €pa ἐργάσμένος εἴη, ἔλυσε. βασιλέα μεν δὴ Δαρεῖον οὕτω ais Sade μὴ ἀπολέσθαι, περιῆν: τότε δὲ ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας κατα- | πλώσας, ἔμελλε οὐ τὸ δεύτερον διαφυγὼν ἔσεσθαι: ws γάρ σφεας εἶδον προσπλέοντας οἱ “Ελληνες, μαθόντες αὐτῶν τὴν γινομένην ἁμαρτάδα, ἐπαναχθέντες, εὐπετέως σφέας εἶλον. Ev τουτέων μιῇ 10 ᾿Αρίδωλις πλέων ἥλω, τύραννος ᾿Αλαβάνδων τῶν ἐν Kaply ἐν ἑτέρῃ δὲ, ὁ Πάφιος στρατηγὸς Πενθύλος ὁ Δημονόον, ὃς ἦγε μὲν δυώδεκα νῆας ἐκ Πάφου, ἀποβαλὼν δέ σφεων τὰς ἕνδεκα τῷ χειμῶνι τῷ γενομένῳ κατὰ Σηπιάδα, μιῇ τῇ περιγενομένῃ κατα- πλέων ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἥλω. τούτους οἱ “Ελληνες, ἐξιστορήσαντες τὰ ἐβούλοντο πυθέσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐέρξεω στρατιῆς, ἀποπέμπουσι δεδεμένους ἐς τὸν Κορινθίων ᾿Ισθμόν. Ὃ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς ὁ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατὸς, πάρεξ τῶν πεν- 196 τεκαίδεκα νεῶν τῶν εἶπον Σανδώκεα στρατηγέειν, ἀπίκετο ἐς Xerxes arrives, ᾿Αφέτας. Ἐέρξης δὲ καὶ ὁ πεζὸς, πορευθεὶς διὰ Θεσσαλίης καὶ ster a ᾿Αχαιίης, ἐσβεβληκὼς ἦν καὶ δὴ τρίταιος ἐς Μηλιέας" ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ ne Ὁ μὲν ἅμῶλλαν ποιησάμενος ἕτχπων τῶν ἑωυτοῦ, ἀποπειβω μενος καὶ ire Ae τῆς Θεσσαλίης ἵππου, πυθόμενος ws ἀρίστη εἴη τῶν ἐν “Ελλησι" in Melis. ΣΝ He finds th ἔνθα δὴ αἱ ᾿Ελληνίδες ἵπποι ἐλίποντο πολλόν. τῶν μέν νυν ἐν Thessalian , cavalry very Θεσσαλίῃ ποταμῶν, ᾿Ονόχωνος μοῦνος οὐκ ἀπέχρησε τῇ στρατιῇ inferior to his own. 516 γῶν βασιληΐων δικαστέων. Of these 517 εὗρέ of πλέω ἀγαθὰ τῶν ἁμαρτημά- fanctionaries, answering pretty nearly to των πεποιημένα. See note 421 on iii. the Ulemah of the modern Turkish mo- 154. narchy, see jii. 31, above. 296 HERODOTUS τὸ ῥέεθρον, πινόμενος" τῶν δὲ ἐν ᾿Αχαιΐῃ ποταμῶν ῥεόντων, οὐδὲ ὅστις ὁ μέγιστος αὐτῶν ἐστὶ ᾿Ηπιδανὸς, οὐδὲ οὗτος ἀντέσχε, εἰ μὴ φλαύρως. "Es Αλον δὲ τῆς ᾿Αχαιΐης ἀπικομένῳ Ἐέρξῃ, οἱ κατηγεμόνες τῆς ὁδοῦ βουλόμενοι τὸ πᾶν ἐξηγέεσθαι "", ἔλεγόν of ἐπεχώριον λόγον, τὰ περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦ Λαφυστίου "" Διός: ὡς ᾿Αθάμας ὁ Αἰόλου ἐμηχανήσατο Φρίξῳ μόρον, σὺν ‘Ivot βουλεύσας" μετ- ἔπειτα δὲ, ὡς ἐκ θεοπροπίου ᾽Αχαιοὶ προτιθεῖσε τοῖσι ἐκείνου ἀπογόνοισι ἀέθλους τοιούσδε' ὃς ἂν ἦ τοῦ γένεος τούτου πρεσ- βύτατος, τούτῳ ἐπιτάξαντες ἔργεσθαι τοῦ mpvtavntov, αὐτοὶ φυλακὰς ἔχουσι" (λήϊτον δὲ καλέουσι τὸ πρυτανήϊον οἱ ᾿Αχαιοί) ἣν δὲ ἐσέλθῃ, οὐκ ἔστι ὅκως ἔξεισι πρὶν ἢ θύσεσθαι μέλλῃ. ὥστε ἔτι πρὸς τούτοισι, πολλοὶ ἤδη τῶν μελλόντων τούτων θύσεσθαι, δείσαντες, οἴχοντο ἀποδράντες ἐς ἄλλην χώρην' χρόνου δὲ προ- ἱόντος ὀπίσω κατελθόντες, ἣν ἁλίσκωνται ἐσέλθόντες ἐς τὸ πρυτα- νήϊον, ὡς θύεταί τε, ἐξηγέοντο, στέμμασι πᾶς πυκασθεὶς "" καὶ ὡς σὺν πομπῇ ἐξαχθείς: ταῦτα δὲ πάσχουσι οἱ Κυτισσώρου τοῦ Φρίξου παιδὸς ἀπόγονοι, διότι καθαρμὸν τῆς χώρης ποιευμένων "" ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐκ θεοπροπίου ᾿Αθάμαντα τὸν Αἰόλου, καὶ μελλόντων μὲν θύειν, ἀπικόμενος οὗτος ὁ Κυτίσσωρος "3" ἐξ Αἴης τῆς Κολ- χίδος ἐρρύσατο' ποιήσας δὲ τοῦτο, τοῖσι ἐπυγενομένοισε ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ μῆνιν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνέβαλε". Ἐξέρξης δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας, ὡς κατὰ 8:18 οἱ κατηγεμόνες. .... ἐξηγέεσθαι. altar, and saved by Heracles just as the These words are omitted in S. $19 Λαφυστίου. Some of the MSS have the form ᾿Αφλυστίον. 520 στέμμασι πᾶς πυκασθείς. This was an essential part of the particular ritual, with which the Athenians were so fami- liarized through Sopuoc.es’s play of Atkamas, as to suggest the allusion in ARISTOPHANES :— ΣΩΚΡΑΤΗΣ. κάθιζε τοίνυν ἐπὶ τὸν ἱερὸν σκίμποδα. ΣΤΡΕΨΙΑΔΗΣ. ἰδοὺ κάθημαι. ΣΩΚ. τοντονὶ τοίνυν λαβὲ. τὸν στέφανον. ΣΤΡΕΨ. ἐπὶ τί στέφανον ; οἴμοι, Σώκρατες, ὥσπερ με τὸν ᾿Αθάμανθ' ὅπως μὴ θύ- σετε. (Clouds, 256.) The Scholiast on this passage says that Sophocles represented Athamas as sitting crowned and ready to be sacrificed at the fatal blow was about to be given. 521 καθαρμὸν... ποιευμένων. to be slain for the purpose of removing the plague of drought which had been brought upon the land by his injurious treatment of Nephele, the mother of his children Phrizus and Helle. (ScHo.sast on Aristopk. Nub. 256.) $22 ὁ Κυτίσσωρος. This personage ap- pears in the local legend to take the part filled by Heracles in Sophoclee’s play. 523 μῆνιν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνέβαλε. He brought upon himself the anger of the deity by interrupting the course of vengeance. At Peyliis or Phyllis in Bithynia, the legend prevailed that Phrixus first landed there with the ram, and there also sacrificed him on the altar of Zeus Laphystius. (Scnoxrast on Apollonius Rhodtus, ii. 652.) The Scholiast adds: καὶ μέχρι νῦν νόμος εἰσελθόντα els τὸ πρυτανεῖον ἕνα He was POLYMNIA. VII. 197—200. 297 TO ἄλσος ἐγένετο, αὐτός τε Epyero αὐτοῦ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ πάσῃ παρήγγειλε" τῶν τε ᾿Αθάμαντος ἀπογόνων τὴν οἰκέην ὁμοίως καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἐσέβετο. Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ καὶ τὰ ἐν ᾿Αχαιΐῃ" ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων 198 τῶν χώρων ἤϊε ἐς τὴν Μηλίδα παρὰ κόλπον θαλάσσης, ἐν τῷ ΤΟΡΟΡΤΩΡΕΥ ἄμπωτές τε καὶ ῥηχίη ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην γίνεται" περὶ δὲ τὸν tate κόλπον τοῦτόν ἐστι χῶρος πεδινὸς, TH μὲν εὐρὺς, TH δὲ καὶ κάρτα στεινός" περὶ δὲ τὸν χῶρον οὔρεα ὑψηλὰ καὶ ἄβατα περικληΐει πᾶσαν τὴν Μηλίδα γῆν, Τρηχίνιαι πετθαι καλεόμεναι. πρώτη μέν νυν πόλις ἐστὶ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ ἰόντι ἀπὸ ᾿Αχαιΐης, ᾿Αντικύρη" Anticyra on the παρ᾽ ἣν ποταμὸς & περχήϊος ῥίων ἐξ ᾿Ενιήνων ἐς θάλασσαν brook ἐκδιδοῖ: ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου, διὰ εἴκοσί κου σταδίων, ἄλλος ποταμὸς, twenty a Υ̓͂ a ’ὔ Ἁ , ae = r stades fur- τῷ οὔνομα κεῖται Avpas, τὸν βοηθέοντα τῷ ᾿Ἡρακλέϊ καιομένῳ ther, the λόγος ἐστὶ ἀναφανῆναι: ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου, δι’ ἄλλων εἴκοσι σταδίων, Doe ἄλλος ποταμός ἐστι, ὃς καλέεται Μέλας. Τρηχὶς δὲ πόλις ἀπὸ 199 twenty τοῦ Μέλανος τούτου ποταμοῦ πέντε στάδια ἀπέχει' ταύτῃ δὲ καὶ sade stades far εὐρύτατον ἐστι πάσης τῆς χώρης ταύτης ἐκ τῶν οὐρέων ἐς θάλασ- σαν, κατ᾽ ἃ Τρηχὶς ποπόλισται' δισχίλιά τε γὰρ καὶ δισμύρια frome πλέθρα τοῦ πεδίου ἐστί τοῦ δὲ οὔρεος τὸ περικληΐει τὴν γῆν τὴν which | ein Τρηχινίην, ἔστε διασφὰξ πρὸς ἡεσάμβριην Τρηχῖνος διὰ δὲ τῆς oie διασφώγος ᾿Ασωπὸς ποταμὸς péet παρα τὴν shes aad τοῦ οὔρεος. Plain. Ἔστι δὲ ἄλλος Φοίνιξ ποταμὸς οὐ μέγας, πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τοῦ 200 ᾿Ασωποῦ" ὃς ἐκ τῶν οὐρέων τούτων ῥέων, ἐς τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν ἐκδιδοῖ. vag pee \ \ \ , ri? . Α͂ λ ‘ : to the south κατὰ δὲ τὸν Φοίνικα ποταμὸν στεινότατόν ἐστι' ἁμαξιτὸς yap pia of ΤΈΚΟΝ μούνη δέδμηται" ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Φοίνικος ποταμοῦ πεντεκαίδεκα στάδιά ea ae ἐστι ἐς Θφρμοπυλαν' ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ Φοίνικος ποταμοῦ καὶ wa πε the P. ii μοπυλέων κώμη τέ ἐστι, TH οὔνομα ᾿Ανθήλη κεῖται, παρ᾽ ἣν ἡ fifteen stades south of the τἀραρῥεῶν ὁ ᾿Ασωπὸς ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκδιδοῖ, καὶ χῶρος περὶ αὐτὴν Phoenix, εὐρὺς, ἐν τῷ Δήμητρός τε ἱρὸν ᾿Αμφικτυονίδος ἵδρυται, καὶ ἕδραι pyla; be- ’ tween which εἰσὶ ᾿Αμφικτυόσι, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ᾿Αμφικτυόνος ἱρόν. and the τῶν Φρίξου ἀπογόνων θύειν τῷ εἰρημένῳ Ail. The ErymMoLtocicum MAGNu™ gives Aaptorios as a name of Dionysus. This must have been the Dionysus ὠμηστὴς or wuddios, to whom in ancient times a man used to be offered as a victim in Chios and Tenedos, the mode of sacrifice being the tearing him in pieces (Por- PHYRY, de Abstinentid, ii. 55); and to VOL. Il. whom Themistocles was said to have im- molated three nephews of Xerxes imme- diately before the action at Salamis. (PHA- NIAS, ap. Plutarch. Themist. § 13.) The ritual of Ζεὺς Avxaios in Arcadia was of the same kind with that mentioned in the text, and is coupled with it in the pseudo- platonic dialogue Minos, § 5. 2a 298 HERODOTUS 901 Βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Ἐέρξης ἐστρατοπεδεύετο τῆς Μηλίδος ἐν τῇ ie illus Τρηχινίῃ" οἱ δὲ δὴ “Ἕλληνες, ἐν τῇ διόδῳ" (καλέεται δὲ ὁ “χῶρος Anthele, and , 5 ¢ a t e , .: κι « the temple, οὗτος ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν πλεόνων Ελλήνων Θερμοπύλαει, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν " airing ἐπιχωρίων καὶ περιοίκων Πύλαι.) ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο μέν νυν ᾿ς ee ἑκάτεροι ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι χωρίοισι ἔπεκράτεε δὲ ὃ μὲν τῶν πρὸς the Per βορὴν ἄνεμον ἐχόντων πάντων μέχρι Τρηχῖνος, οἱ δὲ τῶν πρὸς Greeks. γργότον καὶ μεσαμβρίην φερόντων, τὸ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς ἠπείρου. 202 ἮΗσαν δὲ οἵδε Ελλήνων οἱ ὑπομένοντες τὸν Πέρσην ἐν τούτῳ Roll of the τῷ χώρῳ' Σπαρτιητέων τε τριηκόσιοι ὁπλῖται, καὶ Τεγεητέων καὶ The nee Μαντινέων χίλιοι, ἡμέσεες ἑκατέρων" ἐξ ᾿Ορχομενοῦ τε τῆς ’Apxa- pyle, Sins εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν, καὶ ἐκ τῆς λοιπῆς ᾿Αρκαδίης χίλιοι. τοσοῦτοι μὲν ᾿Αρκάδων: ἀπὸ δὲ Κορίνθου τετρακόσιοι" καὶ ἀπὸ Φλιοῦντος διηκόσιοι: καὶ Μυκηναίων ὀγδώκοντα. οὗτοι μὲν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου παρῆσαν: ἀπὸ δὲ Βοιωτῶν, Θεσπιέων τε ἕπτα- 203 κόσιοε καὶ Θηβαίων τετρακόσιοι. Πρὸς τούτοισι ἐπίκλητοι ἐγένοντο" Aoxpot τε οἱ ᾿᾽Οπούντιοι πανστρατιῇ, καὶ Φωκέων χίμεοι. αὐτοὶ γάρ σφεας ἐπεκαλέσαντο οἱ “Ελληνες, λέγοντες δι’ ἀγγέλων ὡς αὐτοὶ μὲν ἥκοιεν πρόδρομοι τῶν ἄλλων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων προσδόκιμοι πᾶσαν εἶεν ἡμέρην" ἡ θάλασσά τέ σφι εἴη ἐν φυλακῇ, ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων τε φρουρεομένη καὶ Αἰὐγινη- τέων καὶ τῶν ἐς τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν ταχθέντων, καί σφι εἴη δεινὸν οὐδέν" οὐ γὰρ θεὸν εἶναι τὸν ἐπιόντα ὀπὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνθρωπον" εἶναι δὲ θνητὸν οὐδένα, οὐδὲ ἔσεσθαι, τῷ κακὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γινομένῳ οὐ συνεμίχθη" τοῖσι δὲ μεγίστοισε αὐτῶν μέγιστα" ὀφείλειν ὧν καὶ τὸν ἐπελαύνοντα, ὡς ἐόντα θνητὸν, ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης πεσέειν ay οἱ δὲ ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι ἐβοήθεον ἐς τὴν Τρηχῖνα. 204 Τούτοισι ἦσαν μέν νυν καὶ ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ κατὰ πόλιας ee Leo- ἑκάστων" ὁ δὲ θωμαξόμενος μάλιστα καὶ παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος cides τος ἡγεόμενος Λακεδαιμόνιος ἦν Λεωνίδης ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, τοῦ Aéov- of Lacede- ros, τοῦ Εὐρυκρατίδεω, τοῦ ᾿Αναξάνδρου, τοῦ Εἰὐρυκράτεος, τοῦ His pedi- Πολυδώρου, τοῦ ᾿Αλκαμένεος ᾽“", τοῦ Τηλέκλου, τοῦ ᾿Αρχέλεω, τοῦ aan eg ᾿Ηγησίλεω, τοῦ Δορύσσου "", τοῦ Λεωβότεω, τοῦ ᾿Εχεστράτου ™, δ14 ἐπίκλητοι ἐγένοντο. See note 201 526 Δορύσσον. Some of the MSS have on v. 76. Aopudyov. 533 od Πολνδώρον, τοῦ ᾿Αλκαμένεοςς. 4527 'Exerrpdrov. One manuscript (ὁ) These two names are omitted in 8. has ᾿Αρχεστράτου. POLYMNIA. VII. 201—206. 299 τοῦ “Heysos**, τοῦ Εὐρυσθένεος, τοῦ ᾿Αριστοδήμου, τοῦ ᾿Αριστο- μάχου, τοῦ Κλεοδαίου, τοῦ Ὕλλου, τοῦ Ἡρακλέος, κτησάμενος τὴν βασιληΐην ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἐξ ἀπροσδοκήτου. Διξῶν γάρ οἱ ἐόντων 205 πρεσβυτέρων ἀδελφεῶν, Κλεομένεός τε καὶ Δωριέος, ἀπελήλατο His succes- sion to the τῆς φροντίδος περὶ τῆς βασιληΐης: ἀποθανόντος δὲ Κλεομένεος Kinston ἄπαιδος ἔρσενος γόνου, Δωριέος τε οὐκέτι ἐόντος ἀλλὰ τελευτή- oo σαντος καὶ τούτου ἐν Σικελίῃ **, οὕτω δὴ ἐς Λεωνίδην ἀνέβαινε ἡ i = aace βασιληΐη" καὶ διότε πρότερὸς ἐγεγόνεε Κλεομβρότου, (οὗτος yap μοί ἢ ἣν νεώτατος ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω παῖς,) καὶ δὴ καὶ εἶχε Κλεομένεος riage with the daugh θυγατέρα "5 ὃς τότε Hie ἐς Θερμοπύλας, ἐπιλεξάμενος ἄνδρας sid heres τε TOUS κατεστεῶτας τριηκοσίους δ καὶ τοῖσε ἐτύγχανον παῖδες ha ἐόντες" παραλαβὼν δὲ ἀπίκετο καὶ Θηβαίων τοὺς és τὸν ἀριθμὸν λογισάμενος εἶπον, τῶν ἐστρατήγεε Δεοντιάδης ὁ Evpupdyou*™. τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκα τούτους σπουδὴν ἐποιήσατο Λεωνίδης μούνους ᾿Ἑλλήνων παραλαβεῖν, ὅτε σφέων μεγάλως κατηγόρητο μηδί- Cav “5. παρεκάλεε ὧν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, θέλων εἰδέναι εἴτε συμπέμψουσι, εἴτε καὶ ἀπερέουσι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος τὴν Ελλήνων συμμαχίην" οἱ δὲ ἀλλοφρονέοντες ἔπεμπον. Τούτους μὲν τοὺς ἀμφὶ Δεωνίδην πρώτους ἀπέπεμψαν Σ΄ παρ- 528 "Ἤγιος. have Ἡγήσιος. 539 χελευτήσαντος καὶ τούτου ἐν Σικε- λίῃ. See v. 42—46. 538 καὶ δὴ καὶ εἶχε Κλεομένεος Ovya- τέρα. By marrying the daughter, the only surviving child (v. 48) of his half-brother, Leonidas doubtless conciliated the party to which the family of his father’s second wife belonged. If he were, as some ac- counts stated (v. 41), born a twin with his brother Cleombrotus, this marriage would decisively turn the scale in his favour. The importance of the fact is suggested by the particles καὶ δὴ καί. (See note 6 on i. 1.) Although the au- thor here distinctly states that Cleombro- tas was the youngest of the brothers, it is remarkable that where he mentions the report of the twins, he puts him before Leonidas. It seems therefore not impro- bable that Leonidas, when asserted to be ἃ twin at all, was represented as the last born. His absence from Lacedemon at the time of the festival of the Carnea (see note 534, below) was perhaps not an un- welcome compliment to the Achean party. § and some other MSS 531 ὀχιλεξάμενος ἄνδρας te τοὺς κατ- εστεῶτας τριηκοσίους. The guard of ho- nour for a Lacedemonian king seems to have been three hundred; and while act- ing in this capacity they were probably called his knights. See viii. 124, and compare THUCYDIDES, v. 72, where they form the body guard of the king Agis. What Leonidas appears to have done on this occasion was, to select his ‘‘ regular guard ” (ἄνδρας τοὺς καθεστεῶταΞ), to the number of three hundred, taking none for the purpose but men who had children. See note 130, a, on vi. 56. 533 Λεοντιάδης ὁ Εὐρυμάχου. PLUTARCH (de Malign. Herodoti, § 33) states on the suthority of Aristophanes, the Alexandrine grammarian, that the commander of the Theban detachment was named, not Le- ontiades, but Anazander. This he does simply for the purpose of shaking the credit of Herodotus in what he says of the temper of the Thebans. 833 ὅτι σφέων μεγάλως κατηγόρητο μη- δίζειν, ‘‘ because strong charges οὗ sympa- thy with Median interests had been brought against them.’ 2a2 206 800 HERODOTUS “A i 4 . Cause as- τιῆται, ἵνα τούτους ὁρῶντες οἱ ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι στρατεύωνται signed why only asmall μηδὲ καὶ οὗτοι μηδίσωσι, ἣν αὐτοὺς πυνθάνωνται ὑπερβαλλο- force was a μένους" μετὰ δὲ, Κάρνεια γάρ σφι ἣν ἐμποδὼν "", ἔμελλον ὁρτά- under Leo- σαντες καὶ φυλακὰς λιπόντες ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, κατὰ τάχος βοηθέειν πανδημεί. ὡς δὲ καὶ οἱ λουποὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἐνενῶντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ποιήσειν' ἦν γὰρ κατὰ τὠντὸ ᾿Ολυμπιὰς "" τούτοισι τοῖσι πρήγμασι συμπεσοῦσα' οὔκων δοκέοντες κατὰ τάχος οὕτω διακριθήσεσθαι τὸν ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι πόλεμον, ἔπεμπον τοὺς προ- 207 δρόμους. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ οὕτω διενενῶντο ποιήσειν" οἱ δὲ ἐν Θερ- μοπύλῃσι “Ελληνες, ἐπειδὴ πέλας ἐγένετο τῆς ἐσβολῆς ὁ Πέρσης, καταρρωδέοντες, ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ ἀπαλλωγῆς" τοῖσι μέν νυν ἄλλοισε Πελοποννησίοισι ἐδόκεε, ἐλθοῦσι ἐς Πελοπόννησον τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἔχειν ἐν φυλακῇ" Δεωνίδης δὲ, Φωκέων καὶ Λοκρῶν περι- σπερχεόντων τῇ γνώμῃ ταύτῃ" ", αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἐψηφίζετο πέμπειν τε ἀγγέλους ἐς τὰς πόλιας κελεύοντάς σφι ἐπιβοηθέειν, ὡς ἐόντων αὐτῶν ὀλύγων στρατὸν τῶν Μήδων ἀλέξασθαι. 208 Ταῦτα βουλενομένων σφέων, ἔπεμπε Ἐέρξης κατάσκοπον ἕππέα, cl ria ἰδέσθαι ὁκόσοι τέ εἰσι καὶ ὅ τι ποιέοιεν ; ἀκηκόεε δὲ Ere ἐὼν ἐν Xerxes ὁ Θεσσαλίῃ, ws ἁλισμένη εἴη ταύτῃ στρατιὴ ὀλύγη, καὶ τοὺς sye- finds Ὁ μόνας ὡς εἴησαν Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ Λεωνίδης ἐὼν γένος “Hpa- inn του κλείδης: ὡς δὲ προσέλασε ὁ ἱππεὺς πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἐθηεῖτό combing τε καὶ κατώρα πᾶν μὲν οὐ τὸ στρατόπεδον" τοὺς γὰρ ἔσω τετα- their hair in ee front of their γμένους τοῦ τείχεος, TO ἀνορθώσαντες εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, οὐκ οἷά τε lines. ͵ e Low > “ a . a " \ ἣν κατιδέσθαι" ὁ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω ἐμάνθανε τοῖσι πρὸ τοῦ τείχεος τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειτο" ἔτυχον δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Δακεδαιμόνιοι ἔξω τεταγ- 53¢ Κάρνεια γάρ σφι ἣν ἐμποδών. There πηάοοϊρηοὰ in the existing crisis. See was an especial reason why this festival should not have been interrupted. In it Apollo was celebrated under the title of “< Leader of the army” (ἡγήτωρ), with a particular reference to the voyage from Naupactus to the Peloponnese on the occasion of the great invasion. To cut short the ritual of a deity viewed in such 8 relation would be more than an act of irreverence ; it would be in itself an #/ omen for the very expedition about to be undertaken. And for the extreme im- portance of this point, see notes on viii. 132 and ix. 92. But the absence of Leo- nidas from this festival was possibly not note 530, above, and note 555, below. 825 ἦν yap κατὰ τὠντὸ Ὀλυμπιάς. Hence the answer of the Arcadian refa- gees, below, viii. 26. 536 περισπερχεόντων τῇ γνώμῃ ταύτῃ. Valcknaer proposes to περισπερ- χθέντων, EO being substituted for ΘΕ by the negligence of the copyist, on the ground of the active form σπέρχω being no where used by Herodotus, but always the passive σπέρχεσθαι. Thus: ἐσπέρχετο τῷ ᾿Αριστογόρῃ (v.33). Ἐροῖσος δὲ σπερχθεὶς εἶπε (i. 82). Suipas says: σπερχθεὶς τὴ Ἡροδότῳ ἀντὶ τοῦ ταραχθεὶς, θυμω- θείς. POLYMNIA. VII. 207—210. 301 μένοι' τοὺς μὲν δὴ ὥρα γυμναζομένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τοὺς δὲ τὰς κόμας κτενιζομένους" ταῦτα δὴ θεώμενος ἐθώμαζξε, καὶ τὸ “τλῆθος ἐμάνθανε, μαθὼν δὲ πάντα ἀτρεκέως ἀπήλαυνε ὀπίσω κατ᾽ ἡσυχίην" οὔτε γάρ τις ἐδίωκε ἀλογίης τε ἐνεκύρησε "᾽ πολλῆς" ἀπελθὼν δὲ ἔλεγε πρὸς Ἐέρξεα τάπερ ὀπώπεε πάντα. ᾿Ακούων 209 δὲ Ἐέρξης οὐκ εἶχε συμβαλέσθαι τὸ ἐὸν, ὅτε παρασκευάξοιντο ὡς ζοανοτιαν ἀπολεύμενοί τε καὶ ἀπολέοντες κατὰ δύναμιν" ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῷ γελοῖα Yen γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο ποιέειν, μετεπέμψατο Δημάρητον τὸν ᾿Αρίστωνος τιὰ De ἐόντα ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ" ἀπικόμενον δέ μὲν εἰρώτα Ἐέρξης ἕκαστα one a τούτων, ἐθέλων pabéew τὸ ποιεύμενον πρὸς τῶν Aaxedaipovioy enka ὁ δὲ clare“ ἤκουσας μέν μευ Kal πρότερον, εὖτε ὁρμῶμεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων" ἀκούσας δὲ, γέλωτά με ἔθευ """ λέγοντα τάπερ ὥρων ἐκβησόμενα πρήγματα ταῦτα" ἐμοὶ γὰρ τὴν ἀληθηΐην ἀσκέειν ἀντία σεῦ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀγὼν μέγιστός ἐστι ἄκουσον δὲ καὶ νῦν" οἱ ἄνδρες οὗτοι ἀπίκαταε μαχεσόμενοι ἡμῖν περὶ τῆς ἐσόδου, καὶ ταῦτα παρασκευάζονται" νόμος γάρ σφι οὕτω ἔχων ἐστί: ἐπεὰν μέλλωσι κινδυνεύειν τῇ ψυχῇ, τότε τὰς κεφαλὰς κοσμέονται" ἐπίσταο δὲ, εἰ τούτους τε καὶ τὸ ὑπομένον ἐν Σπάρτῃ καταστρέψεαι, ἔστι οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων τὸ σὲ, βασιλεῦ, ὑπομενέει χεῖρας ἀνταειρόμενον' νῦν γὰρ πρὸς βασιληΐην τε καὶ καλλίστην πόλιν τῶν ἐν “Ἕλλησι προσφέρεαι, καὶ ἄνδρας ἀρίστους." κάρτα τε δὴ ἄπιστα Ἐέρξῃ ἐφαίνετο τὰ λογόμενα εἶναι, καὶ δεύτερα ἐπειρώτα ὅντινα τρόπον τοσοῦτοι ἐόντες τῇ ἑωυτοῦ στρατιῇ μαχέσονται ; ὁ δὲ εἶπε' “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐμοὶ χρᾶσθαι ὡς ἀνδρὶ ψεύστῃ “5, ἣν μὴ ταῦτά tow ταύτῃ ἐκβῇ τῇ eyo Neyo.” Ταῦτα λέγων οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν Ἐέρξεα' τέσσερας μὲν δὴ παρ- 210 εξῆκε"" ἡμέρας, ἐλπίζων αἰεί σφεας ἀποδρήσεσθαι: πέμπτῃ δὲ, Hert after four 37 évexdpnoe. The use of the com- pound verb éyxdpew in the regimen of the simple verb κυρεῖν is not easily ex- plained. Perhaps the preposition has the force of the English “ withal,” as it some- times does when used without a case, in the manner of a conjunction. See note 63 on vi. 28, above. Bekker reads éxd- Puce from conjecture. 888. γέλωτά με %ev. Compare iii. 29: ἀτάρ τοι ὑμεῖς γε ob χαίροντες γέλωτα ἐμὲ θήσεσθε. 539 ὡς ἀνδρὶ ψεύστῃ. In the Persian view, falsehood was the lowest vice in the scale of depravity ; 80 that the imprecation of the Spartan king on himself was as strong as if he had said ἀνοσιωτάτῳ. See i. 138: αἴσχιστον δὲ αὐτοῖσι τὸ ψεύδεσθαι νενόμισται" δεύτερα δὲ τὸ ὀφείλειν χρέος, πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων εἵνεκα, μάλιστα δὲ ἀναγκαίην φασὶ εἶναι τὸν ὀφείλοντα καί τι ψεῦδος λέγειν. δ40 παρεξῆκε. S and V have παρῆκεν. 302 HERODOTUS days’ delay, ὡς οὐκ ἀπαλλάσσοντο, ἀλλά οἱ ἐφαίνοντο ἀναιδείῃ τε καὶ ἀβουλίῃ orders an attack on the pass, 211 which en- tirely fails 212 διαχρεώμενοι μένειν, πέμπει ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς Μήδους τε καὶ Κισσίους θυμωθεὶς, ἐντείλάμενός σφεας ζωγρήσαντας ἄγειν ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἑωντοῦ' ὡς δ᾽ ἐπέπεσον φερόμενοι ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας οἱ Μῆδοι, ἔπιπτον πολλοί: ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐπεσήϊσαν, καὶ οὐκ ἀπελαύνοντο καίπερ μογάλως προσπταίοντες" δῆλον δ᾽ ἐποίευν παντί τεῳ καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα αὐτῷ βασιλέϊ, ὅτε πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνθρωποι εἶεν ὀλύγοι δὲ ἄνδρες. ἐγίνετο δὲ ἡ συμβολὴ δι’ ἡμέρης. ᾿Επεί τε δὲ of Μῆδοι τρηχέως περιείποντο, ἐνθαῦτα οὗτοι μὲν ὑπεξήϊσαν, οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐκδεξάμενοι ἐπήϊσαν τοὺς ἀθανάτους ἐκάλεε βασιλεὺς, τῶν ἦρχε Ὑδάρνης "", ὡς δὴ οὗτοί γε εὐπετέως κατεργασόμενοι" ὡς δὲ καὶ οὗτοι συνέμισγον τοῖσι" Ελλησι, οὐδὲν πλέον ἐφέροντο τῆς στρα- τιῆς τῆς Μηδικῆς ἀλλὰ τὰ αὐτὰ, ἅτε ἐν στεινοπόρῳ τε χώρῳ μαχόμενοι καὶ δόρασι βραχντέροισι χρεώμενοι ἤπερ οἱ “Ελληνες, καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες πλήθεϊ χρήσασθαι. Δακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐμάχοντο ἀξίως λόγου, ἄλλα τε ἀποδεικνύμενοι ἐν οὐκ ἐπισταμένοισε μάχε- σθαι ἐξεπιστάμενοι, καὶ ὅκως ἐντρέψειαν τὰ νῶτα, ἁλέες φεύγε- σκον δῆθεν' οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ὁρέωντες φεύγοντας βοῇ τε καὶ πατάγῳ ἐπήϊσαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἂν καταλαμβανόμενοι ὑπέστρεφον ἀντίοι εἶναι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι: μεταστρεφόμενοι δὲ κατέβαλλον πλήθεϊ ἀναριθμήτους τῶν Περσέων' ἔπιπτον δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν Σπαρτιη- τέων ἐνθαῦτα ὀλίγοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν ἐδυνέατο παραλαβεῖν οἱ "2 καὶ παντοίως προσβάλλοντες, ἀπήλαυνον ὀπίσω. ἐν ταύτῃσι τῇσι προσόδοισι τῆς μάχης λέγεται βασιλέα θηεύμενον τρὶς ἀναδραμεῖν ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου "", δείσαντα περὶ τῇ στρατιῇ. Τότε μὲν οὕτω ἠγωνίσαντο: τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίῃ οἱ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἄμεινον ἀέθλεον' ἅτε γὰρ ὀλέγων ἐόντων, ἐλπίσαντές σφεας κατατετρωματίσθαε τε καὶ οὐκ οἵους τε ἔσεσθαι ἔτι χεῖρας ἀνταείρασθαι, συνέβαλλον; οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες κατὰ τάξις τε καὶ κατὰ ἔθνεα κεκοσμημένοι ἦσαν, καὶ ἐν μέρεϊ Πέρσαι τῆς ἐσόδου πειρεώμενοι, καὶ κατὰ τέ ὅκαστοι ἐμάχοντο, πλὴν Φωκέων" οὗτοι δὲ ἐς τὸ οὖρος ἐτάχθησαν 541 'γδάρνης. See note 254 on § 83, is described as ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου ἀναπηδήσας above. when Zopyrus presents himself mutilated $42 κατὰ τέλεα, “ by squadrons.” See before him (iii. 155). With the grave note on ix. 24, below. orientals nothing could so completely in- 543 ἀναδραμεῖν ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου. This act dicate an all-engrossing feeling of fear or expresses sudden consternation. So Darius horror as a gesture of this kind. POLYMNIA. VII. 211—215. 303 φυλάξοντες τὴν ἀτραπόν: ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν εὕρισκον ἀλλοιότερον οἵ for two Πέρσαι ἢ τῇ προτεραίῃ ἐνώρων, ἀπήλαυνον. ἡ ᾿Απορέοντος δὲ βασιλέος ὅ τι χρήσεται" τῷ παρεόντι πρή- 213 γματι, ᾿Επιάλτης ὁ Εὐρυδήμου ἀνὴρ Μηλιεὺς ἦλθέ οἱ ἐς λόγους, The per- 4 lexity of as μέγα Te παρὰ βασιλέος δοκέων οἴσεσθαι' ἔφρασέ re τὴν Xerxes is ? λῚ A σι Ν ? a x put an end ἀτραπὸν τὴν διὰ τοῦ οὔρεος φέρουσαν és Θερμοπύλας, καὶ to by the ; ᾿ ᾿ be Σ ᾿ Ἐ " treachery of διέφθειρε τοὺς ταύτῃ ὑπομείναντας ᾿Ελλήνων' ὕστερον δὲ δείσας a Melian, " > ge oe ; e . «α« Who shows Λακεδαιμονίους ἔφυγε ἐς Θεσσαλίην καί οἱ φυγόντι ὑπὸ τῶν him a path over the Πυλωγόρων (τῶν ᾿Αμφικτυόνων és τὴν Πυλαίην συλλογομένωνῚ mountains. ἀργύριον ἐπεκηρύχθη" χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον, κατῆλθε γὰρ ἐς ᾿Αντι- κύρην, ἀπέθανε ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηνάδεω ἀνδρὸς Τρηχινίου' ὁ δὲ ᾿Αθηνάδης οὗτος ἀπέκτεινε μὲν ᾿Επιάλτεα δι’ ἄλλην αἰτίην, τὴν ἀγὼ ἐν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι" σημανέω: ἐτιμήθη μέντοι ὑπὸ “Δακεδαιμονίων οὐδὲν ἧσσον. ᾿Επιάλτης μὲν οὕτω ὕστερον τούτων ἀπέθανε. Ἔστι δὲ ἕτερος λεγόμενος λόγος, ὧς ᾿Ονήτης τε ὁ Φαναγόρεω 214 ἀνὴρ Καρύστιος καὶ Κορυδαλλὸς ᾿Αντικυρεὺς εἰσὶ οἱ εἴπαντες πρὸς βασιλέα τούτους τοὺς λόγους, καὶ περιηγησάμενοι τὸ οὖρος τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι, οὐδαμῶς ἐμοί γε πιστός" τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τῷδε χρὴ σταθμώσασθαε, ὅτι οἱ τῶν Ελλήνων Πυλαγόροι ἐπεκήρυξαν οὐκ ἐπὶ ᾿Ονήτῃ te καὶ Κορυδαλλῷ ἀργύριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ᾿Επιάλτῃ τῷ Τρηχινίῳ, πάντως κου τὸ ἀτρεκέστατον πυθόμενοι" τοῦτο δὲ, φεύγοντα τὸν ᾿Επιάλτην ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην οἴδαμεν" εἰδείη μὲν γὰρ ἂν, καὶ ἐὼν μὴ Μηλιεὺς, ταύτην τὴν ἀτραπὸν ᾿Ονήτης εἰ τῇ χώρῃ πολλὰ ὡὧμιληκὼς εἴη: GAN ᾿Επιάλτης γάρ ἐστι ὁ περιηγησάμενος τὸ οὖρος κατὰ τὴν ἀτραπὸν, τοῦτον αἴτιον γράφω. Ξέρξης δὲ, ἐπεί οἱ ἤρεσε" τὰ ὑπέσχετο ὁ ᾿Επιάλτης κατεργά- 215 σεσθαι, αὐτίκα περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἔπεμπε Ὑδάρνεα, καὶ τῶν ΤΌΣΩΝ , ε 2 -. ,Ι,Ἅ ’ δ δ ’ \ 2 . divisi ἐστρατήγεε "Ὑδάρνης" ὡρμέατο δὲ περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἐκ τοῦ στρα- dexpatched 4 \ . » \ , 2.» le’ \ ς 9 , wit i~ chara τὴν δὲ ἀτραπὸν ταύτην ἐξεῦρον μὲν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι pe alies by the Mées, ἐξευρόντες δὲ Θεσσαλοῖσι κατηγήσαντο ἐπὶ Φωκέας τότε, a ὅτε οἱ Φωκέες φράξαντες τείχεϊ τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἦσαν ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ ὁ χρήσεται. Gaisford has given this δὲ ἐν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι. Herodotus reading on the authority of one manuscript does not fulfil this promise. See note 620 (8). The others are divided between χρή- οἱ i. 184. σηται and χρήσαιτο. See note 3donv. κζκἐ [ Ξέρξης δὲ, ἐπεί of ἤρεσε. 8. has 12, Hépty δὲ ἐπεὶ ἤρεσε. - 210 Description of it. 217 They reach the top of the moun- tain at day- break. 304 HERODOTUS 4 πολέμου "Ἶ: ἔκ τε τόσου δὴ κατεδέδεκτο ἐοῦσα οὐδὲν χρηστὴ Μηλιεῦσι". Ἔχει δὲ ὧδε ἡ ἀτραπὸς αὕτη" ἄρχεται μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ διὰ τῆς διασφάγος ῥέοντος" οὔνομα δὲ τῷ οὔρεϊ τούτῳ καὶ τῇ ἀτραπῷ τὠντὸ κεῖται ᾿Ανόπαια' τείνει δὲ ἡ ᾿Ανόπαια αὕτη κατὰ ῥάχιν τοῦ οὔρεος" λήγει δὴ κατά τε ᾿Αλπηνὸν πόλιν, πρώτην ἐοῦσαν τῶν Aoxpidwy πρὸς τῶν Μηλιέων, καὶ κατὰ Μελάμπυγόν τε καλεόμενον λίθον “5 καὶ κατὰ Κερκώπων ὅδρας" τῇ καὶ τὸ στεινότατόν ἐστι. Κατὰ ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἀτραπὸν καὶ οὕτω ἔχουσαν οἱ Πέρσαι τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν διαβάντες ἐπορεύοντο πᾶσαν τὴν νύκτα, ἐν δεξιῇ μὲν ἔχοντες οὔρεα τὰ Οἰταίων ἐν ἀριστερῇ δὲ τὰ Τρηχινίων' ἠώς τε δὴ διέφαινε **, καὶ ἐγένοντο ἐπ᾽ ἀκρωτηρίῳ τοῦ οὔρεος. κατὰ δὲ τοῦτο τοῦ οὔρεος ἐφύλασσον, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται, Φωκέων χίλιοι ὁπλῖται, ῥνόμενοί τε τὴν σφετέρην χώρην καὶ φρουρέοντες τὴν ἀτραπόν: ἡ μὲν γὰρ κάτω ἐσβολὴ ἐφυλάσσετο ὑπὸ τῶν εἴρηται τὴν δὲ διὰ τοῦ οὔρεος ἀτραπὸν ἐθελονταὶ Φωκέες ὑποδεξάμενοι Δεωνίδῃ ἐφύλασσον. Ο18 Ἔμαθον δέ σφεας οἱ Φωκέες ὧδε ἀναβεβηκότας: ἀναβαίνοντες γὰρ ἐλάνθανον οἱ Πέρσαι τὸ οὖρος πᾶν ἐὸν δρυῶν ἐπίπλεον" ἦν μὲν δὴ νηνεμίη, ψόφου δὲ γινομένου πολλοῦ ὡς οἰκὸς ἦν φύλλων ὑποκεχυμένων ὑπὸ τοῖσι ποσὶ, ἀνά τε ἔδραμον οἱ Φωκέες καὶ ἔδυντο τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ αὐτίκα οἱ βάρβαροι παρῆσαν """ ὡς δὲ εἶδον 847 ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ πολέμου. See note 487 on i. 143. 48 ἔκ τε τόσου... Mndredoi, “ from so long back had the Melians been made aware of its capabilities for mischief.” The euphemism of οὐδὲν χρηστὴ in the sense of ‘extremely pernicious’’ is very common. There seems no record of any particular occasion on which the Thessalians suc- ceeded, by means of this path, in turning the position of the Phocians. It was doubtless in the very early times, when the Thessalian tribes came first into the region which they inhabited in the time of Herodotus (above, § 176). The wall, said to be built by the Phocians on that occasion, had fallen with age. 349 MeAduruydy τε καλεόμενον λίθον. Melampygus seems to have been a sur- name of Heracles, who is represented as having in wrath slain two brothers called Cercopes for ridiculing him. The term κέρκωψ appears to have been the name of 8 kind of monkey (into which one version of the legend made the brothers to be metamorphosed: ZENOBIUS, Prover6d. iv. 50), and hence the term is used both to denote a person of extreme cunning, and one who delights in mischievous annoy- ance. AESCHINES (De failsd legatione, § 43) uses it in the former sense: 8 τι μὲν ody ποθ᾽ ὁ Κέρκωψ, } τὸ καλούμενον παιπάλημα, ἣ τὸ παλίμβολον, ἣ τὰ τοι- atta ῥήματα, οὐκ ἥδειν πρότερον. An- other version of the legend made the brothers changed into stone, a form of the story which probably prevailed in the locality described in the text, although the catastrophe is laid in Lydia at the court of Omphale. (See Gaisford’s Par- @MIoGRAPHI Gratcri: Bodleian Pro- verbs, No. 537.) 550 ἠώς τε δὴ διέφαινε. This is the reading of the majority of the MSS. Gaisford, following P, F, and 5, omits δή. S has ἠώς re δὴ ἔφαινε. 551 ἀνά τε ἔδραμον... of βάρβαροι παρ- σαν, “just as the Phocians got on the POLYMNIA. VII. 216—220. 305 ἄνδρας évdvopévous ὅπλα, ἐν θώματι éyévovro: ἐλπόμενοι yap οὐδέν σφι φανήσεσθαι ἀντίξοον ἐνεκύρησαν στρατῷ: ἐνθαῦτα Ὑδάρνης καταρρωδήσας μὴ οἱ Φωκέες ἔωσι Δακεδαιμόνιοι, εἴρετο τὸν ᾿Επιάλ- Téa ποδαπὸς εἴη ὁ στρατός ; πυθόμενος δὲ ἀτρεκέως, διέτασσε τοὺς Πέρσας ὡς ἐς μάχην οἱ δὲ Φωκέες, ὡς ἐβάλλοντο τοῖσι τοξεύμασι πολλοῖσί τε καὶ πυκνοῖσι, οἴχοντο φεύγοντες ἐπὶ τοῦ οὔρεος τὸν κόρυμβον, ἐπιστάμενοι ws ἐπὶ σφέας ὡρμήθησαν ἀρχὴν ", καὶ παρεσκευάδατο ὡς ἀπολεόμενοι" οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐφρόνεον, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ ᾿Επιάλτεα καὶ Ὑδάρνεα Πέρσαι Φωκέων μὲν οὐδένα λόγον ἐποιεῦντο, οἱ δὲ κατέβαινον τὸ οὖρος κατὰ τάχος. Τοῖσι δὲ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι ἐοῦσι Ελλήνων, πρῶτον μὲν 6 μάντις 910 Μεγιστίης ἐσιδὼν ἐς τὰ ἱρὰ ἔφρασε τὸν μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι ἅμα The Greeks in the ase not oe θάνατον’ ἐπὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτόμολοι ἤϊσαν οἱ ἐξωγγεΐλαντες TOV es m the, thee. moun- tain by the enemy Περσέων τὴν περίοδον" οὗτοι μὲν ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐσήμῃναν" τρίτοι δὲ οἱ ἡμεροσκόποι καταδραμόντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων, ἤδη διαφαινούσης ἡμέρης. ἐνθαῦτα ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ Ἕλληνες, καί σφεων ἐσχίξοντο αἱ γνῶμαι: οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔων τὴν τάξιν ἐκλιπεῖν, οἱ δὲ ἀντ- ἔτεινον" μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο διακριθέντες, οἱ μὲν ἀπαλλάσσοντο καὶ διασκεδασθέντες κατὰ πόλις ἕκαστοι ἐτράποντο, οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν ἅμα Λεωνίδῃ μένειν αὐτοῦ παρᾶσ Nee: Aéyeras δὲ ὡς αὐτός 990 σφεας ἀπέπεμψε Λεωνίδης, μὴ ἀπόλωνται κηδόμενος" αὐτῷ δὲ καὶ ἜΒΑ κεν κε Σπαρτιητέων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι οὐκ ἔχειν εὐπρεπέως ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν ΣΤ Oe τάξιν ἐς τὴν ἦλθον φυλάξοντες ἀρχήν " τῇ ΣΝ γνώμῃ πλεῖστός εἰμι, Αεωνίδην, ἐπεί τε ἤσθετο τοὺς συμμάχους éovras ἀπροθύμους καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλοντας συνδιακινδυνεύειν, κελεῦσαί σφεας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι αὐτῷ δὲ ἀπιέναι οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν. μένοντι δὲ αὐτοῦ κλέος μέγα ἐλείπετο, καὶ ἡ Σπάρτης εὐδαιμονίη οὐκ ἐξη- ταύτῃ καὶ μᾶλλον alert, and armed themselves, on that in- stant the barbarians were upon them.” The synchronism of the two facts is indi- cated by the particles τε--- καὶ, which connect the clauses; just as above: ἠώς τε δὴ διέφαινε καὶ ἐγένοντο ἐπ᾿ ἀκρωτηρίῳ τοῦ οὔρεος, “ just as day broke, now, they arrived on the summit of the mountain.” See note 472 on iv. 181. 332 ὡς ἐπὶ σφέας ὡρμήθησαν ἀρχὴν, “that they were making an attack upon them in the first instance,” ἐ. 6. that the crushing the Phocian force was the first i of the movement. See the next n VOL. II. 333 ds τὴν ἦλθον φυλάξοντες ἀρχήν. The use of the ποτὰ ἀρχὴν here and above (§ 218) is nearly, but not exactly, the same as that in i. 9; ii. 98, and iii. 39, which is illustrated in note 42 oni. 9. In these the English, “ in the first instance,” or “at all events,” is an appropriate trans- lation. Leonidas puts forward the duty of maintaining his post as the first thing which had to be done, whatever else might follow. ® ταύτῃ Kal μᾶλλον TH γνώμῃ πλεῖστός εἶμι. Compare i. 120: καὶ αὐτὸς, ὦ μά- you, ταύτῃ πλεῖστος γνώμην εἰμί. 9 aad R 306 HERODOTUS λείφετο' ἐκέχρητο γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίης τοῖσε Σπαρτιήτησι, χρεωμένοισι περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τούτου αὐτίκα Kat ἀρχὰς ἐγειρο- μένον, ἢ Δακεδαίμονα ἀνάστατον γενέσθαε ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἣ τὸν βασιλέα σφεων ἀπολέεσθαι * τροισε ἔχοντα χρᾷ, λέγοντα ὧδε' *, ταῦτα δέ σφι ἐν ἔπεσι ἑξαμέ- Ὑμῖν δ', ὦ Σπάρτης οἰκήτορες εὑρυχόροιο, ἣ μέγα ἄστυ ’ρικυδὲς ὑπ᾽ ἀνδράσι Περσεΐδῃσι πέρθεται' ἢ τὸ μὲν οὐχὶ, ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέους δὲ γενέθλης πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος. od γὰρ τὸν ταύρων σχήσει μένος οὐδὲ λεόντων ἀντιβίην. Ζηνὸς γὰρ ἔχει μένος" οὐδέ E φημὶ σχήσεσθαι, πρὶν τῶνδ᾽ ἕτερον διὰ πάντα δάσηται. ταῦτά τε δὴ ἐπιλεγόμενον Λεωνίδην, καὶ βουλόμενον κλέος καταθέσθαι μοῦνον "" Σπαρτιητέων, ἀποπέμψαι τοὺς συμμάχους μᾶλλον, ἢ γνώμῃ διενεχθέντας οὕτω ἀκόσμως οἴχεσθαι τοὺς 554 ἐκέχρητο. Here all the MSS, with scarcely an exception, have this form in- stead of the more usual ἐκέχρηστο. But see the note 437 on ii. 147. δδδ ἣ Λακεδαίμονα ἀνάστατον... ἀπ- ολέεσθαι. The notion which gave rise to this oracle seems to be the one, that in a dire extremity the anger of the deity was only to be propitiated by a most costly offering. (See note 676 on i. 199.) Leo- nidas is the Hellenic Decius, who, as Livy describes it, seemed “ sicut coelo missus, piaculum omnis deorum ire, qui pestem 8 suis aversam in hostes ferret.” Com- pare the case of Hamilcar (above, § 167). It was no doubt this superstitious feeling, and not mere vanity (as some have inter- preted the proceeding), which determined him to stay after his position was turned. Some of the stories which were current in after days proceed on the supposition that at the time he left Sparta he never éx- pected to return. PLuranca, for instance, says that his wife asked instructions for her conduct in her widowhood from him ; and that funeral games were performed, as over him, in his presence. (De Malign. Herod. § 32.) It may be observed that these human sacrifices belonged to a primeval system of religion, as may be seen by the formula with which the elder Decius devotes himself. (Livy, viii. 9.) Now the attachment of Leonidas’s father- in-law and half-brother Cleomenes to this religious system has been above remarked. (See especially note 189 on v. 72, and notes 172, 177, 186, and 190 on Book +i.) And it is a curious circumstance, that to Leonidas it was allowed as a special favour by the Thebans to pass the night in their temple of Heracles, where he consulted the deity bya dream. (Piutarca, Jbid. §31.) The mode of consultation proves that the religious ideas on which the service was originally founded belonged to the same system (see note 164 on i. 52), 80 that in the fact of the privilege conferred on Leo- nidas there is presumptive evidence that he shared the religious predilections of his half-brother, and on this account was per- haps allowed access to a temple which would have been otherwise closed against him. On the same principle we may per- haps account for his absence from the Carnea, the festival especially appropriate to the Dorian Apollo, and commemora- tive of the successful invasion of the Pelo- ponnese. See notes 530 and 534, above. $36 μοῦνον. PioTaRcH (de Malign. HT. § 31) quotes this passage as if he found μούνων in his copy, and censures Herodotus for attributing such unworthy motives to his hero. But all the MSS have μοῦνον, and the sense afforded by that reading is more in accordance with the context. Leonidas wished the glo- rious story of the Spartan deed to remain pure and unmiced with any discordant incidents, such as those of flight or re- cusancy on the part of their companions. POLYMNIA. VII. 221—223. 807 οἰχομένους. Μαρτύριον δέ μοι καὶ τόδε οὐκ ἐλάχιστον τούτου πέρι γέγονε" οὐ γὰρ μοῦνον τοὺς ἄλλους ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν μάντιν ὃς εἵπετο τῇ στρατιῇ ταύτῃ, Μεγιστίην τὸν ᾿Ακαρνῆνα λεγόμενον εἶναι τὰ ἀνέκαθεν ἀπὸ Μελάμποδος, τοῦτον εἴπαντα ὧς τῶν ἱρῶν τὰ μελλοντά σφι ἐκβαίνειν φανερός ἐστε Λεωνίδης ἀποπέμπων, ἵνα μὴ συναπόληταί ody 6 δὲ ἀποπεμπόμενος αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἀπελίπετο, τὸν δὲ παῖδα συστρατευόμενον ἐόντα οἱ μουνογενέα ἀπέπεμψε. Οἱ μέν νυν σύμμαχοι of ἀποπεμπόμενοι οἴχοντό τε ἀπιόντες, 9.9.0 καὶ ἐπείθοντο Λεωνίδῃ" Θεσπιέες δὲ καὶ Θηβαῖοι κατέμειναν The Thes 221 ᾿ , : piean and μοῦνοι παρὰ “Μακεδαιμονίοισι" τούτων δὲ Θηβαῖοι μὲν aéxovtes ronan ag ἔμενον, καὶ ov βουλόμενοι: κατεῖχε γάρ σφεας Λεωνίδης ἐν ὁμήρων alone τὶ ᾿ ? air P : main Wil λόγῳ ποιεύμενος" Θεσπιέες δὲ ἑκόντες μάλιστα ", of οὐκ ἔφασαν the Spartans : “ under ἀπολιπόντες Λεωνίδην καὶ τοὺς pet αὐτοῦ ἀπαλλάξεσθαι, ἀλλὰ nidas. καταμείναντες συναπέθανον: ἐστρατήγεε δὲ αὐτῶν Anpodiros Διαδρόμεω. Ἐέρξης δὲ ἐπεὶ ἡλίου ἀνατείλαντος σπονδὰς ἐποιήσατο, ἐπισχὼν 2928 χρόνον, ἐς ἀγορῆς κου μάλιστα πληθώρην πρόσοδον ἐποιέετο' ἤπερ ἡ περίοδός τε καὶ ἀνάβασις. οἵ τε δὴ βάρβαροι οἱ ἀμφὶ Ἐέρξεα προσήϊσαν, καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην "EdAnves, ὡς τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἔξοδον ποιεύμενοι, ἤδη πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἢ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐπεξήϊσαν ἐς τὸ εὐρύτερον τοῦ αὐχένος" τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔρυμα τοῦ τείχεος ἐφυλάσσετο, οἱ δὲ ἀνὰ τὰς προτέρας ἡμέρας ὑπεξιόντες ἐς τὰ στεινόπορα ἐμάχοντο. τότε δὴ συμμίσγοντες ἔξω τῶν στεινῶν, ἔπιπτον πλήθεϊ πολλοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων: ὄπισθε γὰρ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῶν τελέων ἔχοντες μάστυγας, ἐρράπιξζον πάντα ἄνδρα αἰεὶ ἐς τὸ πρόσω ἐποτρύνοντες. πολλοὶ μὲν δὴ ἐσέπιπτον αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ διεφθείροντο πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλεῦνες κατεπατέοντο δ" Θεσπιέες δὲ ἑκόντες μάλιστα. In in the pass; the other half embarked on times the credit of a share in the board the Athenian galleys, and fought at action was attributed at Athens, not to Com- pare equally varying statements of facts which must have been notorious, in note 213 on i. 63, and 138 on iii. 47. Pavu- SANIAS, possibly by a slip of the me- mory, makes, instead of the Thespieans, eighty Mycenians participators in Leoni- das’s exploit (x. 20. 1). the Thespieans, but the Plateans. The author of the Oration against Ne@ra says of these: μόνοι τῶν ἄλλων Bowrav.... μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Λεωνίδου ἐν Θερ- βμοπύλαις παραταξάμενοι τῷ βαρβάρῳ ἐπ- Tt συναπώλοντο. Half of the adult zens, according to the orator, perished Artemisium and Salamis (§ 125). 2R22 224 225 308 HERODOTUS ζωοὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων" ἦν δὲ λόγος οὐδεὶς TOU ἀπολλυμένον. ἅτε yap ἐπιστάμενοι τὸν μέλλοντά σφι ἔσεσθαι θάνατον ἐκ τῶν περιϊόντων τὸ οὖρος, ἀπεδείκνυντο ῥώμης ὅσον εἶχον μέγιστον ἐς τοὺς βαρ- βάρους, π᾿παραχρεώμενοί τε καὶ ἀτέοντες “"". Δόρατα μέν νυν τοῖσι πλεόνεσιν αὐτῶν τηνικαῦτα ἤδη ἐτύγχανε κατεηγότα, οἱ δὲ τοῖσι ξίφεσι διεργάζοντο τοὺς Πέρσας: καὶ Λεωνίδης τε ἐν τούτῳ τῷ “τόνῳ πίπτει, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος ἄριστος, καὶ ἕτεροι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὀνομα- στοὶ Σπαρτιητέων, τῶν ἐγὼ ὡς ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων γενομένων ἐπυθόμην τὰ οὐνόματα: ἐπυθόμην δὲ καὶ ἁπάντων τῶν τριηκοσίων “"" καὶ δὴ καὶ Περσέων πίπτουσι ἐνθαῦτα ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ὀνομαστοὶ, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Δαρείου δύο παῖδες, ᾿Α βροκόμης τε καὶ ‘TrrepavOns ™, ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρτάνεω θυγατρὸς Φραταγούνης γεγονότες Δαρείῳ" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτάνης Aapeiov μὲν τοῦ βασιλέος ἦν ἀδελφεὸς, ‘Tordareos δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρσάμεω παῖς" ὃς καὶ ἐκδιδοὺς τὴν θυγατέρα Δαρείῳ, τὸν οἶκον πάντα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ ἐπέδωκε, ὡς μούνου οἱ ἐούσης ταύτης τέκνου. Ἐξρξεώ τε δὴ δύο ἀδελφεοὶ "5 ἐνθαῦτα πίπτουσι μαχεύ- μενοι ὑπὲρ τοῦ νεκροῦ τοῦ Λεωνίδεω: Περσέων τε καὶ Aaxedas- 558 ἀγτέοντες. The meaning of this word appears to be something like “ fran- tic,” i.e. acting as if by an ἄτη, a spirit of self-destruction. The true reading of Iliad. xx. 332 is probably ἀτέοντα, used in this sense. So too παρα- χρᾶσθαι is to act as having no care about the result: ἐκ wapépyou χρᾶσθαι. It is applied to the Egyptian soldiers, who, never having come into contact with Hel- lenes, thought they could overwhelm them without any difficulty (iv. 159), and to the conduct of the Lacedemonians in not scrupling to force a dynastic form of government on their allies, although in their own case they would shrink from such a thing: παραχρᾶσθε ἐς robs συμ- pdxous (v. 92). 539 ἁπάντων τῶν τριηκοσίων. In the time of Pausanias there was 8 column standing at Sparta on which the names of all the combatants, together with those of their fathers, were inscribed (iii. 14. 1). This can hardly have existed in the time of Herodotus, or he would not have men- tioned his knowledge of the names in the way he does. According to Pausanias (I. c.) the bones of Leonidas were brought to Sparta forty years after he fell at Ther- mopyle. 560 "ABpoxduns τε καὶ Ὑπεράνθης. These names, like Phaedime (iii. 88), are ob- viously of Hellenic origin. e former of them is the name of the hero in the novel of XENOPHON OF ErHEsvs. It is however just possible that they may be the translation of Persian names or sur- names. 561 "Aprdyns. Some of the MSS have "Ardpyns. In § 66, above, three of the MSS have ᾿Αρτάνης in the place of ’A(d- yns, which is the reading of the rest. 562 Ἐέξρξεώ re δὴ δύο ἀδελφεοί. These ‘“ brothers ” of Xerxes cannot be brothers by both parents; for of the four sons of Atossa (vii. 2), Masistes was put to death by Xerxes after his return to Susa (ir. 113), and Achzemenes was killed by Ina. rus in Egypt at a much later period (iii. 12). Yet the way in which they are men- tioned seems to indicate that in the mind of the narrator they were regarded as different persons from Abrocomas and Hyperanthes ; and if 80, it seems strange that they should not be described, like those, as sons of Darius, rather than sim- ply as brothers of Xerzes. It is not im- possible that Herodotus is here uniting, without suspecting the fact, two different versions of the same story. For the com- plete pedigree of the family of Darius , according to Herodotus, see Excursus. POLYMNIA. VII. 224—227. 309 μονίων ὠθισμὸς ἐγένετο πολλός" ἐς ὃ τοῦτόν τε ἀρετῇ οἱ “Ελληνες ὑπεξείρυσαν, καὶ ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς ἐναντίους τετράκις. τοῦτο δὲ συνεστήκεε μέχρι οὗ οἱ σὺν ᾿Επιάλτῃ παρεογένοντο' ὡς δὲ τού- τους ἥκειν ἐπύθοντο οἱ “EdAnves, ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ νεῖκος δ. ἔς τε γὰρ τὸ στεινὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀνεχώρεον ὀπίσω, καὶ παραμειψάμενοι τὸ τεῖχος ἐλθόντες ἵζοντο ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν πάντες ἁλέες οὗ ἄλλοι, πλὴν Θηβαίων" ὁ δὲ κολωνός ἐστι ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ ὅκου νῦν 6 ALOwos λέων ἕστηκε ἐπὶ Λεωνίδῃ" ἐν τούτῳ σφέας τῷ χώρῳ ** ἀλεξομένους μαχαίρῃσει, τοῖσι αὐτῶν ἐτύγχανον ἔτι περι- and are all eodoat, καὶ “χερσὶ καὶ στόμασι, κατέχωσαν οἱ βάρβαροι βάλλοντες, 95. οἱ μὲν ἐξ ἐναντίης ἐπισπόμενοι καὶ τὸ ἔρυμα τοῦ τείχεος συγχώ- σαντες, οἱ δὲ περιελθόντες πάντοθε περισταδόν. Δακεδαιμονίων δὲ καὶ Θεσπιέων τοιούτων γενομένων, ὅμως 996 λέγεται ἀνὴρ ἄριστος γενέσθαι Σ᾽ παρτιήτης Διηνέκης" τὸν τόδε renal ” φασὶ εἶπαε τὸ ἔπος πρὶν ἢ συμμίξαι σφέας τοῖσι Μήδοισι, πυθό- τὴ πατεῖς μενον πρός τευ τῶν Τρηχινίων ὡς ἐπεὰν οἱ βάρβαροι ἀπιέωσι τὰ hundred, τοξεύματα, τὸν ἥλιον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθεος τῶν ὀϊστῶν ἀποκρύπτουσι' ere! τοσοῦτό TL πλῆθος αὐτῶν εἶναι" τὸν δὲ οὐκ ἐκπλαγέντα τούτοισι, sayings εἰπεῖν, ἐν ἀλογίῃ ποιεύμενον τὸ τῶν Μήδων πλῆθος, ὡς πάντα σφι ἀγαθὰ ὁ Τρηχίνιος ξεῖνος ἀγγέλλοι, εἰ ἀποκρυπτόντων τῶν Μήδων τὸν ἥλιον ὑπὸ σκιῇ ἔσοιτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡ μάχη, καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἡλίῳ. ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα ered φασι Διηνέκεα τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον λεπέσθαι μνημόσυνα. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον dpr- στεῦσαι λέγονται Δακεδαιμόνιοι δύο ἀδελφεοὶ, ᾿Αλῴφεός τε καὶ Μάρων, ᾿Ορσιφάντου παῖδες. Θεσπιέων δὲ εὐδοκίμεε μάλιστα τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Διθύραμβος ᾿Δρματίδεω. 227 8 ξνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ νεῖκος. Similarly below, ix. 102: ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα. δδὲ ἐν τρύτῳ σφέας τῷ χώρῳ. Diopo- Rus (χὶ. 9) and Ῥιυτάποη (de Malign. H. § 32) give an entirely different account of the particulars of the death of the Greeks, According to them, they, on finding themselves taken in the rear, broke up from their lines at night and advanced into the midst of the Persian camp, hoping to reach the quarters of the Persian king and to slay him. It is plain that such a Proceeding is incompatible with the cir- cumstances of time as given by Herodotus. But all the details of the affair must ne- cessarily have been very uncertain if really hone survived ; and it is only to be ex- pected that they should be varied in the cur- rent accounts. A parallel instance, singu- larly instructive as showing how the kernel of a true story remains while almost every particular is altered, is afforded by the heroic feat of the centurion, who alone preserved his fidelity to Galba at the time when he was assassinated. The accounts given by Tacitus (Hist. i. 43) and Prvu- TARCH (Galé. § 26) both seem to rest on the authority of actual eye-witnesses ; and yet they differ remarkably from each ο 910 HERODOTOS 2998 Θαφθεῖσι δέ σφι αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇπερ ἔπεσον "“", καὶ τοῖσε πτρό- Tnscriptions +enoy τελευτήσασι ἢ ὑπὸ Δεωνίδεω ἀποπεμφθέντας οἴχεσθαε, ἐπι- over t dead. γέγραπταε γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε: Μυριάσιν ποτὲ τῇδε τριηκοσίαις ἐμάχοντο ἐκ Πελοκοννάσον χιλιάδες τέτορες 56, ταῦτα μὲν δὴ τοῖσι πᾶσι ἐπυγέγραπταε' τοῖσι δὲ Σ΄ ταρτιήτησι ἰδίῃ" Ὦ ξεῖν᾽, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις, ὅτι τῇδε κείμεθα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. “Δακεδαιμονίοισι μὲν δὴ τοῦτο' τῷ δὲ μάντει, τόδε" ΜΜνῆμα τόδε κλεινοῖο Μεγιστία, ὅν ποτε Μῆδοι Σπερχειὸν ποταμὸν κτεῖναν ἀμειψάμενοι, μάντιος, ὃς τότε κῆρας ἐπερχομένας σάφα εἰδὼς, οὐκ ἔτλη Σπάρτης ἡγεμόνας προλιπεῖν. ἐπυγράμμασι μέν νυν καὶ στήλῃσι, ἔξω ἢ τὸ τοῦ μάντιος ἐπί- γραμμα, ᾿Αμφικτυόνες εἰσί σφέας οἱ ἐπικοσμήσαντες" τὸ δὲ τοῦ μάντιος Μεγιστίεω, Σιμωνίδης ὁ ΔΜεωπρέπεός ἐστι κατὰ ξεινίην ὁ ἐπυγράψας. 229 Avo δὲ τούτων τῶν τριηκοσίων λέγεται Εὔρυτόν τε καὶ ᾿Αρεστό- Story of two Q > A 9 Pa 1 ᾿ Pt individuals δημον, Ταρεον auvTouwst apport ἐροισ. ι, Κούνῳ λόγῳ XEN ἀμενοιίσ ἔ, } th 3 n e a 3 , e ld 67 @ 3 “ nape seat ἀποσωθῆναι ὁμοῦ ἐς Σπάρτην, ὡς μεμετιμένοι " τε ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ oh Spar- στρατοπέδου ὑπὸ Acewvidew, καὶ κατεκέατο ἐν ᾿Αλπηνοῖσι ὀφθαλ- μιῶντες ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον" ἢ, εὔγε μὴ ἐβούλοντο νοστῆσαι, ἀποθανέειν ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι παρεόν oft τούτων τὰ ἕτερα ποιέειν, οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι ὁμοφρονέειν. ἀλλὰ γνώμῃ διενειχθέντας, Εὔρυτον μὲν πυθόμενον τῶν Περσέων τὴν περίοδον, αἰτήσαντά τε τὰ ὅπλα καὶ ἐνδύντα, ἄγειν αὐτὸν κελεῦσαι τὸν εἵλωτα ἐς τοὺς μαχομένους" ὅκως δὲ αὐτὸν ἤγαγε, τὸν μὲν ἀγωγόντα οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα, τὸν δὲ ἐσπεσόντα ἐς τὸν ὅμιλον διαφθαρῆναι: ᾿Αριστόδημον δὲ λειποψυχέοντα "δ" λειφθῆναι. εἰ μέν νυν ἦν μοῦνον ᾿Αριστόδημον 563 αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇπερ ἔπεσον. The 567 μεμετιμένοι. See note 309 on v. bones of Leonidas were carried to Sparta 108. - forty years afterwards. See above, note °° λειποψνχέοντα. This word appears 559 to be used in the sense of “ failing in cou- 566 χιλιάδες réropes. See viii. 25, be~ rage,” not in its usual meaning of “" faint- low. ing’ from physical exhaustion. POLYMNIA. VII. 228—233. 911 ἀλγήσαντα ἀπονοστῆσαι ἐς Σπάρτην ἢ καὶ ὁμοῦ σφέων ἀμφο- τέρων τὴν κομιδὴν γενέσθαι, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ, οὐκ ἄν σφι Σπαρτιήτας μῆνιν οὐδεμίαν προσθέσθαι" νυνὶ δὲ, τοῦ μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπολομένου, τοῦ δὲ τῆς μὲν αὐτῆς ἐχομένου προφάσιος οὐκ ἐθελήσαντος δὲ ἀποθνήσκειν, ἀνωγκαίως σφι ἔχειν pnvicas μεγάλως ᾿Αριστοδήμῳ. Οἱ μέν νυν οὕτω σωθῆναι λέγουσι ᾿Αριστόδημον ἐς Σπάρτην, καὶ διὰ πρόφασιν τοιήνδε" οἱ δὲ ἄγγελον πεμφθέντα "" ἐκ τοῦ στρατο- πέδου, ἐξεὸν αὐτῷ καταλαβεῖν τὴν μάχην γινομένην, οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι ἀλλ᾽ ὑπομείναντα ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ περυγενέσθαι' τὸν δὲ συνάγγελον αὐτοῦ ἀπικόμενον ἐς τὴν μάχην ἀποθανεῖν. ᾿Απονοστήσας δὲ ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ὁ ᾿Αριστόδημος ὄνειδός τε εἶχε καὶ ἀτιμίην, πάσχων δὲ τοιάδε ἠτίμωτο" οὔτε οἱ πῦρ οὐδεὶς ἔνανε "5 Σπαρτιητέων οὔτε διελέγετο, ὄνειδός τε εἶχε ὁ τρέσας ᾿Αριστόδημος καλεόμενος" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐν τῇ ἐν Πλαταιῇσε μάχῃ ἀνέλαβε πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπενεχθεῖσάν οἱ αἰτίην "". “Λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἄλλον ἀποπεμφθέντα ἄγγελον ἐς θεσσαλίην τῶν τριηκοσίων τούτων περυγενέσθαι, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Παντίτην' νοστήσαντα δὲ τοῦτον ἐς Σπάρτην, ὡς ἠτίμωτο, ἀπάγξασθαι. Οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι, τῶν ὁ Λεοντιάδης ἐστρατήγεε, τέως μὲν μετὰ 233 τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐόντες ἐμάχοντο ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης ἐχόμενοι πρὸς Hote of the τὴν βασιλέος στρατιήν: ὡς δὲ εἶδον κατυπέρτερα τῶν Περσέων πῶς were γινόμενα τὰ πρήγματα, οὕτω δὴ τῶν σὺν Aewrldy “Ἑλλήνων rides ἐπευγομένων ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν, ἀποσχισθέντες τούτων, χεῖράς τε προέτεινον καὶ ἤϊσαν ἄσσον τῶν βαρβάρων, λέγοντες τὸν ἀλη- θέστατον τῶν λόγων, ὡς καὶ μηδίξζουσι καὶ γὴν τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐν 290 291 292 369 ἄγγελον πεμφθέντας. PLUTARCH (. ς.) relates that Leonidas, desirous of saving the lives of two persons of his own family who were with him, ordered them to take a report home of the state of things. The one answered that his office was that of a soldier, not a courier; the other took his arms, saying that the facts would report themselves. The ethopceic character of these stories is obvious. Who survived to report them ? 510 οὔτε of wip οὐδεὶς Evave. This act symbolized the cutting him off from the people. (See note 187 on v. 72.) To refuse fire or water, or to show the right road to one who had lost it, or to pass by a dead body without aiding to bury it, were offences against which a commination (attributed to a primeval legislator, Buzy- ges, ) was formally pronounced at Athens. 57' ἀνέλαβε πᾶσαν Thy ἐπενεχθεῖσάν of αἰτίην. This expression is analogous to τοῦτο τὸ τρῶμα ἀνέλαβον (v. 121), and ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν προτέρην κακότητα (viii. 109). The metaphor is taken from a per- son who recals that which he has said, or takes up again what has been laid down. Such an act undoes that which has been done. Translate: “he did away with the whole of the blame which had been imputed to him.” 294 Xerxes much struck ne the ᾿ ravery 0 the Spar. tans, has another conversa- tion with Demaratus, 312 HERODOTUS πρώτοισι ἔδοσαν βασιλέϊ, ὑπὸ δὲ avayxains ἐχόμενοι ἐς Θερμο- πύλας ἀπικοίατο, καὶ ἀναίτιοι εἶεν τοῦ τρώματος τοῦ γεγονότος βασιλέϊ: ὥστε ταῦτα λέγοντες, πτεριεγίνοντο' εἶχον γὰρ καὶ Θεσ- σαλοὺς τῶν λόγων τούτων μάρτυρας: οὐ μέντοι τά γε πάντα εὐτύχησαν' ὡς γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἔλαβον οἱ βάρβαροι ἐλθόντας, τοὺς μέν τινας καὶ ἀπέκτειναν προσιόντας, τοὺς δὲ πλεῦνας αὐτῶν, κελεύσαντος Ἐέρξεω, ἔστιξον στίγματα βασιλήϊα "3, ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Δεοντιάδεω' τοῦ τὸν παῖδα Εὐρύμαχον χρόνῳ μετέπειτα ἐφόνευσαν Πλαταιέες, στρατηγήσαντα ἀνδρῶν Θη- βαίων τετρακοσίων καὶ σχόντα τὸ ἄστυ τὸ Πλαταιέων ™. Οἱ μὲν δὴ περὶ Θερμοπύλας "EdAnves οὕτω ἠγωνίσαντο: Ξέρξης δὲ καλέσας Δημάρητον, εἰρώτα ἀρξάμενος ἐνθένδε" “ An- μάρητε, ἀνὴρ εἷς ἀγαθός" τεκμαίρομαι δὲ τῇ adnOnix ὅσα yap εἶπας, ἅπαντα ἀπέβη otra νῦν δέ μοι εἰπὲ, κόσοι τινές εἶσι οἱ λουποὶ Δακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τούτων ὁκόσοι τοιοῦτοι τὰ πολέμια, εἴτο καὶ ἅπαντες =” ὁ δ᾽ εἶπε' “ὦ βασιλεῦ, πλῆθος μὲν πάντων τῶν “Μακεδαιμονίων πολλὸν καὶ πόλις πολλαὶ, τὸ δὲ θέλεις ἐκ- μαθέειν εἰδήσεις" ἔστι ἐν τῇ Δακεδαίμονε Σπάρτη, πόλις ἀνδρῶν ὀκτακισχιλίων μάλιστά κη" οὗτοι πάντες εἰσὶ ὁμοῖοι τοῖσι ἐνθάδε μαχεσαμένοισι' οἵ γε μὲν ἄλλοι Δακεδαιμόνιοι τούτοισε μὲν οὐκ ὁμοῖοι, ἀγαθοὶ δέ." εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα Ἐέρξης" “ Δημάρητε, τέῳ τρόπῳ ἀπονητότατα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ἐπικρατήσομεν ; ἴθι ἐξηγέο' σὺ γὰρ ἔχεις αὐτῶν τὰς διεξόδους τῶν βουλευμάτων "", 512 ἔστιζον στίγματα βασιλήϊα. The tatowing of slaves to indicate the property in them probably originated in those cases in which they were dedicated to some deity. See note 319 on ii. 113. The Persian sovereign would however in the time of Xerxes be regarded as sacro-sanct; and hence a mark would be set upon his slaves,—or those who were considered as such. I do not imagine that private indi- viduals ever put their mark upon their serfs. PLuTarcn (de Malign. Her. § 33) adduces this statement of Herodotus as a presumptive proof of the falsehood of his story of the Theban disloyalty. The brand of Xerxes would, he considers, never have been set upon members of a state well affected to Persian interests. 573 σχόντα τὸ ἄστυ τὸ Πλαταιέων. This expression refers to that surprise οὗ Platea by the Thebans, which was the first overt act of the Peloponnesian war, and which THucypipgEs describes at length (ii. 2, 8egq.). 574 σὺ γὰρ ἔχεις αὐτῶν τὰς διεξόδου: τῶν βουλευμάτων. The same expression is used above, iii. 156. Translate: “ for you are master of the ins and outs of their plans.” The words διέξοδοι, διεξελθεῖν, and διεξοδεύω all rest on the same funda- mental notion of a complicated system of paths leading to a given end,—such, for instance, as those in the labyrinth de- scribed ii. 148. Hence διεξελθεῖν is the proper phrase for telling a story where there are several points to be taken up one after another, all bearing upon the main one, or for going through a scientific exposition of a theory; διεξοδεύειν, that for communicating knowledge discursively, POLYMNIA. VII. 234—236. 313 ola βασιλεὺς γενόμενος." “O δὲ ἀμείβετο" “ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἰ μὲν 235 δὴ συμβουλεύεαί μοι προθύμως, δίκαιόν μέ σοί ἐστι φράζειν τὸ a ee ἄριστον. εἶ τῆς ναυτικῆς στρατιῆς νέας τριηκοσίας ἀποστείλειας ΠΣ Ὁ: ἐπὶ τὴν Δάκαιναν χώρην' ἔστι δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ νῆσος ἐπικειμένη τῇ οὔνομά ἐστε Κύθηρα, τὴν Χίλων, ἀνὴρ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν σοφώτατος γενόμενος, κέρδος μέζον, ἔφη, εἶναι Σ᾽ παρτιήτησι κατὰ τῆς θαλάσ- σης καταδεδυκέναι μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπερέχειν, αἰεί τι προσδοκῶν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς τοιοῦτο ἔσεσθαι οἷόν τι ἐγὼ ἐξηγέομαι" οὔτι τὸν σὸν στόλον προειδὼς, ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως φοβεόμενος ἀνδρῶν στόλον' ἐκ ταύτης ὧν τῆς νήσου ὁρμεώμενοι "7", φοβεόντων "5 τοὺς Aanedat- μονίους' παροίκον δὲ πολέμου ode ἐόντος οἰκηΐου, οὐδὲν δεινοὶ ἔσονταί τοι, μὴ τῆς ἄλλης Ελλάδος ἁλισκομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ πεζοῦ βοηθέωσι ταύτη καταδουλωθείσης δὲ τῆς ἄλλης ᾿Ελλάδος, ἀσθενὲς ἤδη τὸ Λακωνικὸν μοῦνον λεύτεται. ἢν δὲ ταῦτα μὴ ποιῇς, τάδε Tot προσδόκα ἔσεσθαι' ἔστι τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἰσθμὸς στεινός" ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ πάντων Πελοποννησίων συν- ομοσάντων ἐπὶ σοὶ, μάχας ἰσχυροτέρας ἄλλας τῶν γενομένων προσδέκεο ἔσεσθαί τοι" ἐκεῖνο δὲ ποιήσαντι ἀμαχητὶ ὅ τε ἰσθμὸς οὗτος καὶ αἱ πόλις προσχωρήσουσι." Aéyet μετὰ τοῦτον ᾿Αχαι- 236 μένης, ἀδελφεός τε ἐὼν Ἐέρξεω "7 καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ aed oF στρατηγὸς, παρατυχών τε τῷ λόγῳ, Kal δείσας μὴ ἀναγνωσθῇ Achemenes, Ἐέρξης ποιέειν ταῦτα" “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὁρέω σε ἀνδρὸς ἐνδεκόμενον λόγους ὃς φθονέει τοι εὖ πρήσσοντι, ἢ καὶ προδιδοῖ πρήγματα τὰ od: καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τρόποισι τοιούτοισι χρεώμενοι οἱ “ EXAnves χαίρουσι' τοῦ τε εὐτυχέειν φθονέουσε καὶ τὸ κρέσσον στυγέουσι. εἰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇσι παρεούσῃσι τύχησι, τῶν νέες νεναυηγήκασε τετρα- κύσιαι, ἄλλας ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τριηκοσίας ἀποπέμψεις περι- —carrying the learner on through one path pomnesian war by capturing the island. after another, hither and thither, till at It was the more important to the Lace- last he finds himself master of the subject, deemonians as being exactly in the run —teaching διὰ μεθόδου and not δι᾽ ἐνδεί-. from Libya or Egypt to Laconia. (THu- ξεως, by direct manifestation. Thus Ciz- ΟΥ̓ΡΙΡΕΒ, iv. 53.) MENS ALEXANDRINUS uses the term 576 poBedyrev. Compare λογόντων διέξοδος for a chain of logical reasoning, (i. 89). leading step by step to a conclusion. 517 ἀδελφεός τε ἐὼν Héptew. Ache- (Strom. iv. 25.) menes was the son of Atossa as well as 573 ἐκ ταύτης ὧν τῆς νήσου ὁρμεώμενοι. of Darius, and therefore whole brother of The Athenians fulfilled the apprehensions ‘Xerxes (vii. 97). of Chilon in the eighth year of the Pelo- VOL. II. 28 297 whose ad- vice is fol- lowed. 238 Xerxes orders the dead bod of Leonidas to be deca- pitated. 314 HERODOTUS πλώειν *" Πελοπόννησον, ἀξιόμαχοί τοι γίνονται οἱ ἀντίπαλοι" ἁλὴς δὲ ἐὼν ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς δυσμεταχείριστός τε αὐτοῖσι γίνεται, καὶ ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἀξιόμαχοί τοι ἔσονται' καὶ πᾶς ὁ ναυτικὸς τῷ πεζῷ ἀρήξει καὶ ὁ πεζὸς τῷ ναντικῷ, ὁμοῦ πορευόμενος" εἰ δὲ διασπάσεις, οὔτε σὺ ἔσεαι κείνοισι χρήσιμος οὔτε κεῖνοι σοί. τὰ σεωντοῦ δὲ τιθέμενος εὖ, γνώμην ἔχε τὰ τῶν ἀντυπολέμων "5" μὴ ἐπιλέγεσθαι πρήγματα, τῇ τε στήσονταξζ τὸν πόλεμον, TA τε ποιήσουσι, ὅσοι τὲ πλῆθός εἰσι ἱκανοὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοί γε αὐτοὶ ἑωντῶν πέρι φροντίζειν εἰσὶ, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέων ὡσαύτως. Aaxedai- μόνιοε δὲ ἣν ἴωσι ἀντία Πέρσῃσι ἐς μάχην, οὐδὲ ἕν τὸ παρεὸν τρῶμα ἀνιεῦνται." ᾿Αμείβεται Ἐέρξης τοῖσδε: “’Ayaipeves, εὖ τέ μοι δοκέεις λέγειν, καὶ ποιήσω ταῦτα. Δημάρητος δὲ λέγει μὲν τὰ ἄριστα ἔλπεται elvat ἐμοὶ, γνώμῃ μέντοι ἑσσοῦται ὑπὸ σεῦ" οὐ γὰρ δὴ κεῖνό γε ἐνδέξομαι, ὅκως οὐκ εὐνοέει τοῖσι ἐμοῖσε πρήγμασι, τοῖσί τε λεγομένοισι πρότερον ἐκ τούτου σταθμώμενος, καὶ τῷ ἐόντι, ὅτε πολιήτης μὲν πολιήτῃ εὖ πρήσσοντι φθονέει, καὶ ἔστι δυσμενὴς τῇ συγῇ" οὐδ᾽ ἂν, συμβουλενομένον τοῦ ἀστοῦ, πολεήτης ἀνὴρ τὰ ἄριστά οἱ δοκέοντα εἶναι ὑποθέοιτο, εἰ μὴ πρόσω ἀρετῆς ἀνήκοι' σπάνιοι δ᾽ εἰσὶ οἱ τοιοῦτοι" ξεῖνος δὲ ξείνῳ εὖ πρήσσοντί ἐστι εὐμενέστατον πάντων, συμβουλενομένου τε ἂν συμβουλεύσειε τὰ ἄριστα' οὕτω ὧν κακολογίης πέρι τῆς ἐς Δημάρητον, ἐόντος ἐμοὶ ξείνου, ἔχεσθαί τινα τοῦ λοιποῦ κελεύω." Ταῦτα εἴπας Ἠέρξης διεξήϊε διὰ τῶν vexpov καὶ Δεωνίδεω, ἀκηκοὼς ὅτι βασιλεύς τε ἣν καὶ στρατηγὸς Δακεδαιμονίων, ἐκέλευσε ἀποταμόντας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀνασταυρῶσαι", δῆλά μοι πολλοῖσι μὲν καὶ ἄλλοισι τεκμηρίοισι, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τῷδε οὐκ ἥκιστα γέγονε, ὅτε βασιλεὺς Ἐέρξης πάντων δὴ μάλιστα ἀνδρῶν ἐθυμώθη ζώοντι Δεωνίδῃ: οὐ γὰρ ἄν κοτε ἐς τὸν νεκρὸν ταῦτα “παρενόμησε' ἐπεὶ τιμᾶν μάλιστα νομίζουσι τῶν ἐγὼ οἷδα ἀνθρώ- 578 περιπλώειν. 8, V, K, F, and a tion of antiquity except the Hellenes. have the common form περιπλέειν. 579 τῶν ἀντιπολέμων. See note 364 on iv. 140. 580 ἀποταμόντας Thy κεφαλὴν ἀνασταυ- ρῶσαι, “ ἴο cut off the head and set it on a pole.” The practice of treating the bodies of conquered enemies in this way seems to have been common to every na- And it must be remembered how very recently even in England portions of the body of a rebel were placed on the gates of the principal cities. Xerxes, asserting a claim to universal sovereignty, would of course treat al] resistance to this as a case of rebellion. POLYMNIA. VII. 237—239. S15 nov Πέρσαι ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐποίευν τοῖσι ἐπετέτακτο ποιέειν. ἤάνειμι δὲ ἐκεῖσε τοῦ λόγου, τῇ μοι τὸ πρότερον ἐξέλιπε. 939 ἐπύθοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅτι βασιλεὺς στέλλοιτο ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα, The Spar- πρῶτοι: καὶ οὕτω δὴ ἐς τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέπεμψαν, teicliemes ἔνθα δή ode ἐχρήσθη τὰ ὀλύγῳ πρότερον eizroy**" ἐπύθοντο δὲ sr τρύπῳ θωμασίῳ᾽ Δημάρητος yap ὁ Apiotwvos φυγὼν ἐς Μήδους, peaioneh ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκέω καὶ τὸ οἰκὸς ἐμοὶ συμμάχεταε, οὐκ ἦν εὔνοος against Λακεδαιμονίοισι "3. πάρεστι δὲ εἰκάζειν, εἴτε εὐνοίῃ ταῦτα ἐποίησε meane of a εἴτε καὶ καταχαίρων" ἐπεί τε yap Ἐέρξῃ ἔδοξε στρατηλατέειν ἐπὶ Demaratus, τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἐὼν ἐν Σούσοισι ὁ Δημάρητος δ καὶ πυθόμενος pat abe ταῦτα, ἠθέλησε Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐξαγγεῖλαι. ἄλλως μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἀρὰν ταν, εἶχε σημῇναι' ἐπικίνδυνον γὰρ ἦν μὴ λαμφθείη- ὁ δὲ μηχανᾶται 9° τοιάδε" δελτίον δίπτυχον λαβὼν τὸν κηρὸν αὐτοῦ ἐξέκνησε, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ τοῦ δελτίου ἔγραψε τὴν βασιλέος γνώμην" ποιήσας δὲ ταῦτα ὀπίσω ἐπέτηξε τὸν κηρὸν ἐπὶ τὰ γράμματα, ἵνα φερόμενον κεινὸν τὸ δελτίον μηδὲν πρῆγμα παρέχοι οἱ πρὸς τῶν ὁδοφυλάκων᾽ ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα, οὐκ εἶχον συμβαλέσθαι οἱ Μακεδαιμόνιοι, πρίν γε δή σφι, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνο- μαι, Κλεομένεος μὲν θυγάτηρ Λεωνίδεω δὲ γυνὴ, Γοργὼ, ὑπέθετο, ἐπιφρασθεῖσα αὐτὴ, τὸν κηρὸν κνᾶν κελεύουσα, καὶ εὑρήσειν σφέας γράμματα ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ" πειθόμενοι δὲ εὗρον καὶ ἐπελέξαντο, ἔπειτα δὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι“ Ελλησι ἐπέστείλαν. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω λέγεται γενέσθαι. 381 +a ὀλίγῳ πρότερον εἶπον. This favourably. See the citation from Photius seems a reference to the oracle which is in note 134 on vii. 37. given above (§ 220). 583 ἐὼν ἐν Σούσοισι ὃ Δημάρητος. See $82 οὐκ ἦν εὕνοος Λακεδαιμονίοισι. Cre- note 162 on vi. 70. 8148 seems to have represented him more ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩ͂Ν ἩΡΟΔΟΤΟΥ͂ 2’. EXCURSUS ON VII. 225. Hépfed τε δὴ δύο ἀδελφεοὶ ἐνθαῦτα πίπτουσι. Tue following tables show the pedigree of the royal family of Darius, exclusively according to the traditions embodied in Herodotus. picice Senin ΕΝ ἜΝ ΡΞ eee eldest son whose only (iv. 33.143), who had a __half-brother of Hystas- child and who had son Smerdo- only to Da- pes, twenty heiress, issue menes or _rius (v. 25), Smerdones satrap of the narrative of Hystaspes (an Achemenid, i. 209). | A ἀρ λῆς Anather wife of Go- daughiz, bryas, by wife of whom she _ Teispes had issue (iv. 43). years old at Phrataguna, the time of married her hes 82); Sardis (vi. Mardonius, Cyrus’s fatal uncle Da- another, 42), who son-in-law expedition rius (vii. Anaphes or _had a s0n of Darius against the 224). Anaphanes Artaphernes, (vii. 5). Maseagetee (vii. 62); and the co (i. 209). adaughter, οἵ Datis at Amestris, Marathon sultana of (vi. 94). XERXES (vii. 61) 1] | ae Me | Tritantechmes { Tigranes (viii. 26, [Artyphius Ariomardus [ Bassaces or (vii. 82). according to all (vii. 66, 67, (vii. 67). Bagasaces the MSS except 8, called Artydius (vil. 75).] which has Tyi- _—iby 8, V, and @).] tantechmes). | Hystaspes had also a brother, whose name is not given, but who had a son Aegabates (v.82). The Megabazus of vii. 97, is probably the son of this Megabates. 1 ‘Where the connexion is not positively established, brackets are used. It is not certain that the Ofanes who was the father of Amestris, or the Arfabanus who was the father of Artyphius, Bassaces, and Tigranes (or Tritantechmes of viii. 26) are identical with the sons of Hystaspes who bore these names. EXCURSUS ON VII. 225. 317 Darrus, before his accession to the imperial throne, married a daughter of Gobryas, by whom he had issue— (1) Artabazanes (vii. 2). (2) Ariabignes (vii. 97). (3) A son, perhaps named Arsamenes (vii. 68). After his accession he married— First, Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, who had been before sultana of Cambyses, and of the Peeudo-Smerdis (iii. 88), and who was at the time immediately before his death (86 years afterwards), all- powerful (vii. 3, 4). By her he had issue— (1) XeExss, his successor in the empire (vii. 2. 4). (2) Hystaspes (vii. 64). (3) Masistes (vii. 82), put to death by his brother Xerxes (ix. 107). (4) Achemenes, satrap of Egypt (vii. 7), and commander of the Egyptian naval contingent in the expedition against Hellas (vii. 97), subsequently destroyed by Inarus at the time of the revolt of Egypt (iii. 12). (5) Artazostra, who married her cousin Mardonius, son of Gobryas (vii. 5), ἃ young man five years before the battle of Marathon (vi. 43). | Secondly, Artystone, daughter of Cyrus (iil. 88), his mount wife (vii. 69); by whom he had issue— (1) Arsames (vii. 69). (2) Gobryae (vii. 72). Thirdly, Parmys, daughter of the true Smerdis (111. 88), by whom he had issue— (1) Ariomardus (vii. 78). Fourthly, Phedime, daughter of Otanes (son of Pharnaspes) the conspirator, previously an inmate of the harem of the Pseudo- Smerdis (ii. 88), by whom it does not appear from Herodotus whe- ther he had, or had not, issue. He also married, either before or after his accession, his niece Phrataguna, heiress of his brother Artanes, by whom he had issue two sons, Abrocomas and Hyperanthes, who fell at Thermopyle (vii. 224). Besides the above-named, he had a daughter married to Daurises 918 EXCURSUS ON VII, 225. (v. 116), another to Hymeas (v. 116), a third to Otanee (v. 116), a fourth to Arsamenes (vii. 68), a fifth to & πολέμου ὁμοφρονέοντος τοσούτῳ κάκιόν ἐστι, ὅσῳ πόλεμος εἰρή- 8 3 ? 4 > N a 3 3 ? > 4 νῆς -] ἐπιστάμενοι WY AUTO τοῦτο, οὐκ ἀντέτεινον, ἀλλ᾽ εἶκον μέχρι Scov' κάρτα ἐδέοντο αὐτῶν, ὡς διέδεξαν' ὡς γὰρ δὴ ὠσά- N “A w XN > A 3 “" μενοι τὸν Πέρσεα περὶ τῆς ἐκείνον ἤδη τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐποιεῦντο, πρόφασιν τὴν Παυσανίεω ὕβριν προϊσχόμενοι", ἀπείλοντο τὴν / ‘ 4 ἡγεμονίην τοὺς “Λακεδαιμονίους. νετο. called Zgilea, had served as a ἀέρος for the Eretrian captives during the time that the Persian fleet made the attempt on Attica (vi. 107). 4 ἐπεβώθεον. Gaisford prints this form on the authority of S, but the great ma- jority of the MSS have the common form éweBohGeov. In § 72, below, the same MS has the common form βοηθήσαντες, and Gaisford retains it without the note of any variation whatever. In ix. 23, S and V have ἐβώθεε (which Gaisford adopts), but all the other MSS ἐπεβοήϑεε, and in the same section, all, without ex- ception, have the common form ἐπεβοή- θησαν. 5 πρὶν ἣ καὶ ἐς Σικελίην πέμπειν. This is the embassy to Gelon related below (vii. 157— 162). 6 [στάσις yap.... πόλεμος elphyns]. I have placed this sentence in brackets, believing it to be an interpolation of a ical common place. The στάσις: ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐγέ- περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίης was not an ἔμφυλος στάσις, for the contending parties would never have been regarded as ὁμοφύλιοι. 7 μέχρι ὅσον, “until.”” So Gaisford prints on the authority of several MSS. But some have μέχρι ob or μέχρις οὗ, and others μέχρι ὅσον. 8 πρόφασιν τὴν Παυσανίεω ὕβριν προ- ἰσχόμενοι. THUCYDIDES agrees with the author in making the offensive conduct of Pausanias the moving cause for the allies rejecting the supremacy of Sparta: παρα- λαβόντες [οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι) τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἑκόντων τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ τὸ Παυσα- ylov μῖσος (i. 96). In later times the worth of Aristides was represented as having influenced them to the step even more than the faults of the Spartan gene- ral. (Dioporus, xi.44. Nepos, Aristid. c.2.) But there is no trace of such a tribute to virtue in the contemporary records. URANIA. VIII. 2—3. 92] Τότε δὲ οὗτοι οἱ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον Ελλήνων ἀπικόμενοι, ὡ 4 i 3 , 2 : ) a. The allies εἶδον νέας τε πολλᾶς καταχθείσας ἐς τὰς Αφέτας Καὶ στρατιῆς οι artemi- Ψ Ἃ 3 A , 4 A as sium are ἅπαντα dia ἐπεὶ eo ape δόξαν τὰ πρήγματα τῶν βαρ inti ale , 4 y the pape: one ω os αὐτοὶ Χατεθόχεον; ξαταρβωθηξαντεν, secant st δρησμὸν ἐβούλευον ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίον ἔσω ἐς τὴν “EdAdéa: the Persian orce, an γνόντες δέ σφεας οἱ Εὐβοέες ταῦτα βουλενομένους, ἐδέοντο Evpv- prepare to reure. βιάδεω προσμεῖναε χρόνον ὀλύγον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ τέκνα τε καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ὑπεκθέωνται- ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθον, μεταβάντες τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγὸν πείθουσι Θεμιστοκλέα ἐπὶ μισθῷ τριήκοντα ταλάντοισι, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε καταμείναντες πρὸ τῆς Εὐβοίης ποιήσονται τὴν ναυμαχίην. Ὃ δὲ Θεμιστοκλέης τοὺς “Ελληνας ἐπισχεῖν ὅ 4 / ᾽ , ’ aA ,ὕ a , Themisto- ὧδε ποιέει' Εὐρυβιάδῃ τούτων τῶν χρημάτων μεταδιδοῖ πέντε yoo , € » ε a a σις e , e φ 3 " the influ- τάλαντα, ὡς παρ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ sid δόν: ὡς δέ οἱ ΩΣ κα ΣΤ ἐπέπειστο, (᾿Αδείμαντος γὰρ ὁ ᾿᾽Ωκύτου, Κορίνθιος στρατηγὸς, τῶν pee ae λοιπῶν ἤσπαιρε povves”’, φάμενος ἀποπλώσεσθαίζ"" τε ἀπὸ τοῦ fleet for ᾽ 3 , \ \ a Φφ ς 5 time, Αρτεμιεσίον καὶ ov παραμενέειν,) πρὸς δὴ τοῦτον εἶπε ὁ Qeps- buying off , ἢ ; ’ , ς; ’ > 7 » . the oppo- στοκλέης ἐπομόσας" “οὐ σύ ye ἡμέας ἀπολείψεις, ἐπεί TOL ἐγὼ Samer a ΄ ury clades μέζω δῶρα δώσω ἢ βασιλεὺς ἄν τοι ὁ Μήδων πέμψειε ἀπολιπόντι and ΨΥΤᾺ \ , 49 a 7 σ΄ > 2 } ‘ Ἢ ’ ᾿ mantus with τοὺς TUppLdyous” ταῦτά Te ἅμα ἠγόρευε, Kal πέμπει ἐπὶ τὴν νέα « part of it τὴν ᾿Αδειμάντον τάλαντα ἀργυρίου τρία. οὗτοί τε δὴ πληγέντες δώροισι " ἀναπεπεισμένοι ἦσαν, καὶ τοῖσι Εὐβοέεσι ἐκεχάριστο" αὐτός τε ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἐκέρδῃνε, ἐλάνθανε δὲ τὰ λοιπὰ ἔχων" 9 ὑπεκθέωνται. Compare v. 65: ὑπεκ- τιθέμενοι γὰρ ἔξω τῆς χώρης οἱ παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν, and § 4], below: ἔσπευσαν δὲ ταῦτα ὑπεκθέσθαι. The word ὑπεκκομίζεσθαι is used in the same sense, ix. 6: οὕτω δὴ ὑπεξεκομίσαντό τε πάντα καὶ αὐτοὶ διέβησαν ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. The correlative of ὑπεκτίθεσθαι is ὑπεκ- κεῖσθαι, which is used below, § 60: ZadAa- μὶς περιγίνεται, ἐς Thy ἡμῖν ὑπέκκειται τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκες. 10 ᾿Αδείμαντος γὰρ 5 ᾿Ωκύτου .... ἤσκαιρε μοῦνος. While the reputation of Themistocles as a successful manager of secret service money seems to have been universally allowed, the details of the transaction were variously reported. Plutarch, following the authority of Pua- NEAS OF Lessos, represents a country- man of Themistocles (one Architeles) who commanded the sacred ship Salaminia, as the principal obstacle to the plan of re- maining. His crew dissatisfied at not VOL, 11. getting their pay, assaulted him at supper- time and took his provisions. Themisto- cles sent him a fresh supply in a box which had a talent at the bottom, and bade him make a good supper and pay his men the next day, menacing him with a false accusation if he did not take the hint. (Themist. § 7.) Of this story there is nothing in Herodotus; while, on the other hand, Plutarch does not mention Adimantus. 1] ἀποπκλώσεσθαι. This is the reading of Sand V. All the other MSS have the - common form ἀποπλεύσεσθαι. See note 409 on iv. 156. 12 πληγέντες δώροισι. This expression is a very strange one, and without any parallel in the classical times. The later writers have something like it. PLuTARCH (Demosth. § 25) has πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς δωροδοκίας, and THEMISTIUS (ii. p. 26), ταλάντοις οὐκ ἔτρωσε. 27 0 The Per- siams detach 8 squadron of “UU ships from A pieia to circum- Helienic 7 322 HERODOTUS ἄλλ᾽ ἠπιστέατο οἱ μεταλαβόντες τούτων τῶν χρημάτων ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ τὰ χρήματα. Οὕτω δὴ κατέμεινάν τε ἐν τῇ Εὐβοίῃ, καὶ ἐναυμάχησαν. δ @ ὄγένετο δὲ ὧδε: ἐπεί τε δὴ ἐς τὰς ᾿Αφέτας περὶ δείλην πρωΐην γινομένην ἀπίκατο οἱ βάρβαροι, πυθόμενοι μὲν ἔτι καὶ πρότερον περὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ναυλοχέειν νέας “Ἑλληνίδας ὀλύγας, τότε δὲ αὐτοὶ ἰδόντες, πρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἐπιχειρέειν, εἴ κως ἕλοιεν αὐτάς. ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς ἀντίης προσπλώειν οὔκω ode ἐδόκεε τῶνδε εἵνεκα, feet inthe μή κως ἰδόντες οἱ “Ελληνες προσπλώοντας ἐς φυγὴν ὁρμήσειαν, ᾿ φεύγοντάς τε εὐφρόνη καταλάβοι: καὶ ἔμελλον δῆθεν ἐκφεύ- ξεσθαι"", ἔδεε δὲ μηδὲ πυρφόρον, τῷ ἐκείνων λόγῳ, ἐκφυγόντα περυγενέσθαε "δ. , le) φ [4 3 ’ ‘ “ “᾿ σρος Ττάνυτα ὧν τάδε εἐμηχαάνμεοντο TOV νξέῶὼν» ἁπασέων ἀποκρίναντες διηκοσίας περιέπεμπον ἔξωθεν Σκιάθου, ὡς ἂν μὴ ὀφθέωσι" ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων περιπλώουσαι Εὔβοιαν, κατά τε Καφηρέα καὶ περὶ Γεραιστὸν, ἐς τὸν Εὔριπον: ἵνα δὴ “περίλάβοιεν, οἱ μὲν ταύτῃ ἀπικόμενοι καὶ φράξαντες αὐτῶν τὴν ὀπίσω φέρουσαν ὁδὸν, σφεῖς δὲ βουλευσάμενοι ἀπέπεμπον τῶν 13 περὶ δείλην πρωΐην, “in the early pert of the afternoon.” See note on § 10, ow. 14 ἔμελλον δῆϑεν ἐκφεύξεσθαι. The employment of the word δῆθεν indicates a sort of irony in the writer, smiling at the fact which he is relating. See iii. 74: ταῦτα δὲ οὕτω ἐνετέλλοντο, ὧς πιστο- τάτῳ δῆθεν ἐόντος αὐτοῦ ἐμ Πέρσῃσι. And in the last section: ὡς wap’ ἑωυτοῦ δῆθεν διδούς. It is used pretty much in the same way as the expression “ si diis placet” by the Latin writers. 13 μηδὲ πυρφόρον περιγενέσθαι, ““ not even a torch-bearer should escape.”’ This proverbial expression is explained by the proverb collectors (DioGEN14Nvs vii. 15. ZENOBIUS v. 34) as originating in the practice of each army to be preceded by & seer with a wreath of laurel and a fillet on his head. He was considered under all circumstances as having a claim to quarter. The Sco trast on Euripides’ Phan. 1386 gives another account of the matter. He says that anciently the signal to engage was given by torch-bearers throwing down a flambeau between the armies; and that the persons so employed were regarded as sacred to Ares, and consequently spared even when all others were put to death. ἐπισπόμενοι ἐξ ἐναντίης ταῦτα νεῶν τὰς ταχθείσας, αὐτοὶ οὐκ These explanations appear to me doubtful. There are many instances of seers perish- ing with their army, without any thing to intimate that such a catastrophe was a violation of the law of nations; and it seems more likely that the proverb arose from the fact, that the πυρφόρος, only having to carry fire, would, from the nature of the case, be less mixed up in the fray than any others; and not being encumbered with armour, would be more likely to save himself by flight than one of the rank and file. The duty of this functionary in the Lacedemonian armies was to carry a light kindled at the altar of Zeus in Sparta along with the army. From this fire the pile was kindled on which the sacrifices were burnt. (XENo- PHON, Rep. Lac. xiii. 3.) 16 ὀδρθέωσι. The MSS appear to be nearly equally divided between this read- ing and the optative ὀφθείησαν. See note 40 on i. 8. The detachment rounded Sciathus in order to avoid the observation of the ἡμεροσκόποι of the allies, who, from the high points of the north end of Eu- boea, would have been able to signal their movements if they had taken the direct course. URANIA. VIII 6--9. 323 ἐν νόῳ Eyovres ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρης τοῖσι “EdAnot ἐπιθήσεσθαι, οὐδὲ πρότερον ἢ τὸ σύνθημά σφι ἔμελλε φανήσεσθαι "Ἶ παρὰ τῶν ταύτας μὲν δὴ περιέπεμπον' τῶν δὲ λοιπέων νεῶν ἐν τῇσι ᾿Αφέτῃσι ἐποιεῦντο ἀρεθμόν. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐν ᾧ οὗτοι ἀριθμὸν ἐποιεῦντο τῶν νεῶν, 8 ἦν γὰρ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τούτῳ Σκυλλίης Σκιωναῖος, δύτης τῶν δγἴαε, ἃ τότε ἀνθρώπων ἄριστος" ὃς καὶ ἐν τῇ νανηγίῃ τῇ κατὰ τὸ Πήλιον diver, brings περιπλωόντων ὡς ἡκόντων. information γενομένῃ πολλὰ μὲν ἔσωσε τῶν χρημάτων τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι "", ener πολλὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς περιεβάλετο οὗτος ὁ Σκυλλίης ἐν νόῳ μὲν snd of ere εἶχε ἄρα καὶ πρότερον αὐτομολήσειν ἐς τοὺς “EAXnvas, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ by the γάρ οἱ παρέσχε ὡς τότε: ὅτεῳ μὲν δὴ τρόπῳ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη " ἜΝ ἀπίκετο ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας, οὐκ ἔχω εἶπαι ἀτρεκέως" θωμάξω δὲ εἰ τὰ λογόμενά ἐστι ἀληθέα' λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἐξ ᾿Αφετέων δὺς ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, οὐ πρότερον ἀνέσχε πρὶν ἢ ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ Td’ Apte- μίσιον, σταδίους μάλιστά Kn τούτους ἐς ὀγδώκοντα διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διεξελθών. λέγεται μέν νυν καὶ ἄλλα ψευδέσι εἴκελα περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου τὰ δὲ μετεξέτερα ἀληθέα" περὶ μέντοι τούτου γνώμη μοι ἀποδεδέχθω, πλοίῳ μιν ἀπικέσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Δρτεμίσιον: ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο, αὐτίκα ἐσήμῃνε τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι τήν τε νανηγίην ws γένοιτο, καὶ τὰς περυπεμφθείσας τῶν νεῶν περὶ Εὔβοιαν. Τοῦτο δὲ ἀκούσαντες οἱ “Ελληνες, λόγον σφίσε 9 αὐτοῖσι ἐδίδοσαν. πολλῶν δὲ λεχθέντων, ἐνίκα, τὴν ἡμέρην The confe- derates re- , [οἱ y ἐκείνην αὐτοῦ μείναντάς τε καὶ αὐλισθέντας, μετέπειτα νύκτα κόρην oak ? , , 4 a A ? tr e μέσην mapevras, ποβεύξο θαι καὶ cidade τῇσι Hoke headin ode ia Dec τῶν νεῶν μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο, ws οὐδείς σφι ἐπέπλωε Ἶ", δείλην τὴν ΠΡ u ing Ὁ πρότερον 4 τὸ σύνθημά σφι ἔμελλε Pelium, by loosening the anchors and φανήσεσθαι. A similar combination of other holdfasts! The statue of Hydna movements appears to have been at- a in Cyprus. See note 317 on v. 13. Δ πρλλὰ μὲν ἔσωσε τῶν χρημάτων τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι. In the time of Pausa- ΝΙΑΒ, ἃ statue of this person existed at Delphi, set up by the Amphictyons,—pro- ly on account of the service ren to the Hellenic cause by the information he conveyed. But Pausanias, no doubt folowing the prevalent tradition of Ais time, says that the services thus rewarded were those performed by himself and his daughter Hydna (whom he had taught to dive) in assisting the destruction of the Persian vessels during the storm off had been carried off to Rome by Nero. Pausanias adds, that the power of diving is possessed by females who continue vir- gins, but by no others (x. 19. 2). 19 ἤδη. Some MSS have ἔτι instead of this word, and one or two omit both. 20 sotrovs. This word is omitted in S and V. 21 ὡς οὐδείς σφι ἐπέπλωε. The adver- saries whose advance they bad ex were the two hundred gallies, which they learnt on the preceding afternoon had been sent on round Eubcea. It is not, however, to be assumed that the allies actually made a retrograde movement to such an extent as themselves to reconnoitre the whole 272 the detach- ment is not near, 10 attack the enemy in front, 11 in which skirmish 324 HERODOTUS ὀψίην ᾽᾽ γινομένην τῆς ἡμέρης φυλάξαντες, αὐτοὶ ἐπανέπλωον ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἀπόπειραν αὐτῶν ποιήσασθαι βουλόμενοι τῆς τε μάχης καὶ τοῦ διεκπλόον. ‘Opéovres δέ σφεας οἵ τε ἄλλοι στρατιῶται οἱ Ἐέρξεω καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐπιπλώοντας νηυσὶ ὀλί- ynot, πάγχυ σφι μανίην ἐπενείκαντες, ἀνῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς νέας ἐλπίσαντές σφεας εὐπετέως αἱρήσειν οἰκότα κάρτα ἐλπίσαντες τὰς μέν γε τῶν Ελλήνων ὁρέοντες ὀλύγας νέας, τὰς δὲ ἑωυτῶν πλήθεξ τε πολλαπλασίας καὶ ἄμεινον πλωούσας: καταφρονή- σαντες ταῦτα, ἐκυκλοῦντο αὐτοὺς ἐς μέσον: ὅσοι μέν νυν τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἦσαν εὔνοοι τοῖσε “Ελλησι, ἀέκοντές τε ἐστρατεύοντο συμφορήν τε ἐποιεῦντο μεγάλην, ὁρέοντες περιεχομένους αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐπιστάμενοι ὧς οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἀπονοστήσει' οὕτω ἀσθενέα σφι ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τὰ τῶν Ελλήνων πρήγματα: ὅσοισι δὲ καὶ ἡδο- μένοισι ἦν τὸ γινόμενον ᾿5, ἅμίλλαν ἐποιεῦντο ὅκως αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρῶτος νέα ᾿Αττικὴν ἑλὼν παρὰ βασιλέος δῶρα λάμψεται' ᾿Αθηναίων γὰρ αὐτοῖσι λόγος ἦν πλεῖστος ἀνὰ τὰ στρατόπεδα. Τοῖσι δὲ “Ἕλλησι ὡς ἐσήμῃνε, πρῶτα μὲν, ἀντίπρωροι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι γενόμενοι ἐς τὸ μέσον τὰς πρύμνας συνήγωγον ἧ" channel north of Chalcis: for the words of the text are compatible with the view, that the intelligence of the enemy not being in sight was telegraphed to them. See note 16, above. On the other supposi- tion, the exhaustion from rowing 80 far would have quite disqualified them for fighting in the evening. Leake (Ap- pendix II. to Athens and the Demi of Al- tica, p. 245) maintains that these words apply to the Persian fleet at Aphete, and supposes that the engagement took place on the day on which the council was held. But there is nothing in the text to imply, or to justify, a change of opinion on the part of the allies. When they formed their plan, they could not possibly have expected the squadron at Aphete to attack them the same day; and consequently could not have changed their plan (which Leake’s interpretation assumes) on finding that it did not. Leake’s view is also irreconcile- able with the position of the Persian detachment at the time the storm caught them. See note 36, below. 22 δείλην olny. Larcher considers this expression to mean “ three o’clock in the afternoon.’’ But it is an error to inter- pret such expressions as these as if the limits of the time denoted were at all de- finitely fixed. The divisions of the day which πρωΐ, ἑσπέρα, μεσημβρία, δείλη, and the like indicate, are such as strike the sense of the common man, not certain portions of an artificial period. The con- federates watched the time when it be- came lale in the afternoon, i.e. when the descent of the sun became obvious. It should not be overlooked, that one effect of the time selected would be, that the sun would shine in the eyes of the steerers of the Persian ships. 33 ὅσοισι δὲ καὶ ἡδομένοισι ἦν τὸ γινό- μενον. The same construction is used below (§ 14): ὥς σφι ἀσμένοισι ἡμέρη ἐπέλαμψε, and (ix. 461): ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὧν... ἡδομένοισι ἡμῖν οἱ λόγοι γεγόνασι. So too Tacitus (Agricola, ὃ 18): ‘“‘quibus autem bellum volentibus erat.’’ 34 ἐς τὸ μέσον τὰς πρύμνας συνήγαγον. The operation denoted by these words seems to have been the backing the gallies in a direction which would have made their sterns (had the proceeding been con- tinued) converge in a single point, the centre (τὸ μέσον) of the circle of which they occupied a segment while retreating with their beaks turned upon the ad- vancing enemy. But when they changed this movement for a charge, it must not URANIA. VIII. 10—12. 325 δεύτερα δὲ σημήναντος, ἔργου εἴχοντο, ἐν ὀλέγῳ περ ἀπολαμ- ΠΣ τς φθέντες καὶ κατὰ στόμα. ἐνθαῦτα τριήκοντα νέας αἱρέουσι τῶν pallies ead: βαρβάρων καὶ τὸν Topyou τοῦ Σαλαμινίων βασιλέος aderAdedy™, soner of a Φιλάονα τὸν Χέρσιος, λόγιμον ἐόντα ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἄνδρα. ae πρῶτος δὲ “Ελλήνων νέα τῶν πολεμίων εἷλε ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος Δυκομήδης *° Αἰσχρέου, καὶ τὸ ἀριστήϊον ἔλαβε οὗτος. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ταύτῃ ἑτεραλκέως Ἶ ἀγωνιζομένους νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα διέλυσε. οἱ μὲν δὴ “Ελληνες ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἀπέπλωον, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐς τὰς ᾿Αφέτας πολλὸν παρὰ δόξαν ἀγωνισάμενοι. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ᾿Αντίδωρος Λήμνιος, μοῦνος τῶν σὺν βασι- λέ “Ελλήνων ἐόντων, αὐτομολέει ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας" καὶ οἱ ᾿Αθη- ναῖοι διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἔδοσαν αὐτῷ χώρον ἐν Σαλαμῖνι. ‘Qs δὲ εὐφρόνη ἐγεγόνεε, ἦν μὲν τῆς ὥρης μέσον θέρος, ἐγίνετο 12 δὲ ὕδωρ τε ἄπλετον διὰ πάσης τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ oxdnpal βρονταὶ A storm of ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηλίου ot δὲ νεκροὶ καὶ τὰ νανήγια ἐξεφορέοντο és τὰς sonar ᾿Αφέτας, καὶ περί τε τὰς πρώρας τῶν νεῶν εἱλέοντο Kal ἐτάρασσον with nian τοὺς ταρσοὺς τῶν κωπέων. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται οἱ ταύτῃ ἀκούοντες slarms the ταῦτα ἐς φόβον κατιστέατο, ἐλπίζοντες πώγχυ ἀπολέεσθαι, ἐς οἷα πος κακὰ ἧκον" πρὶν γὰρ ἢ καὶ ἀναπνεῦσαί σφεας ἔκ τε τῆς νανηγίης καὶ τοῦ χειμῶνος τοῦ γενομένου κατὰ Πήλιον, ὑπέλαβε ναυμαχίη be supposed that they diverged, “ like rays,” from the same centre; but that they moved in comparatively close order parallel to one another, and thus over- whelmed the small portion of the enemy opposed to them. The Persian line of battle had been greatly extended in order to surround the Greeks; and the effect of the movement of the latter was to render its flanks useless through their position in the circumference of too large a circle. Before the mistake could be remedied, a direct charge (κατὰ στόμα) upon the central ships had overwhelmed them. Leaxe’s notion of the Hellenic force forming a complete circle, and actually surrounded by the Persian ships, is to me inconceivable. 5 Γόργου τοῦ Σαλαμινίων βασιλέος ἀδελφεόν. See v. 115. Possibly Phi- laon, if captured alive, may be the ori- tinal source of the narrative which the author bas given of the proceedings in Cyprus (v. 108--- 115). 7 Λυκομήδης. PLUTARCH considers that Themistocles was connected by blood with the family to which persons of this name belonged, arguing from the circum- stance that a τελεστήριον in Phyle which belonged to them, and was burnt by Xerxes, had been restored and decorated with paintings by him,—a fact recorded by Srmonrwes (Themist. ὃ 1). He also makes this Lycomedes sink the first ship of the enemy in the engagement at Sala- mis (§ 35). Of course it is possible to suppose that he gained this distinction in both engagements; but it is not likely that, if this were the case, Herodotus should only mention the one, and Plu- tarch only the other. See note 185 on i. δ. 27 éreparnéws. This is the reading of all the MSS here; but in ix. 103: ὡς εἶδον avrixa κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς γινομένην érepad- κέα τὴν μάχην, S and V have ὑπεραλκέα. It has been interpreted to mean, “ with doubtful issue ;’’ but this sense seems an unsatisfactory one for a case where the one side loses thirty gallies and the other, so far as appears, none at all. 326 HERODOTUS καρτερή' ἐκ δὲ τῆς ναυμαχίης, ὄμβρος te λάβρος καὶ ῥεύματα ἰσχυρὰ ἐς θάλασσαν ὡρμημένα, βρονταί τε σκληραί. καὶ τούτοισι 13 μὲν τοιαύτη νὺξ ἐγίνετο. Τοῖσι δὲ ταχθεῖσι αὐτῶν περυπλώειν The detsch- Εὔβοιαν ἡ αὐτή περ ἐοῦσα νὺξ πολλὸν ἦν ἔτε ἀγριωτέρη, τοσούτῳ ment des- patched ὅσῳ ἐν πελάγεϊ φερομένοισι ἐπέπιπτε. καὶ τὸ τέλος σφι ἐγένετο ὅσα is to ἄχαρι" ὡς yap δὴ πλώουσι᾽ αὐτοῖσι χειμών τε καὶ TO ὕδωρ e- εἰτο γεὰ. ἐπεγίνετο, ἐοῦσι κατὰ τὰ Κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίης, φερόμενοι τῷ πνεὺύ- ματι καὶ οὐκ εἰδότες τῇ ἐφέροντο, ἐξέπυπτον πρὸς τὰς πέτρας. ἐποιέετό τε πᾶν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅκως ἂν ἐξισωθείη τῷ ᾿Ελληνικῷ τὸ Περσικὸν, μηδὲ πολλῷ πλέον εἴη. 14 Οὗτοι μέν νυν περὶ τὰ Κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίης “" διεφθείροντο" οἱ δ᾽ Th 4 9 , ’ σ 3 ¢ 2? 2 ᾿ ἰὰ next ἐν ᾿Αφέτῃσι βάρβαροι, ὥς oft ἀσμένοισι ἡμέρη ἐπέλαμψε, alice are ἀτρέμας τε εἶχον τὰς νέας, καί σφι ἀπεχρέετο κακῶς πρήσσουσι Ὁ fift oa f bg 3 a 4 = a a 2 ΄ 41. fais oor ἡσυχίην ἄγειν dy τῷ raptors mane Oe Badge spb cguatind γέες ships, and τρεῖς καὶ πεντήκοντα ᾿Αττικαί. αὗταί τε δή σῴεας ἐπέρρωσαν make & suc- cessful at- ἀπικόμεναι, καὶ ἅμα ἀγγελίη ἐλθοῦσα ὡς τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ tack on the ’ ςο κν a Cilician περιπλώοντες τὴν Εὔβοιαν πάντες εἴησαν διεφθαρμένοι ὑπὸ τοῦ squadron. yevopévou χειμῶνος: φυλάξαντες δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ὥρην, πλώοντες ἐπέπεσον νηυσὶ Κιλίσσῃσι᾽"- ταύτας δὲ διαφθείραντες, ὡς εὐφρόνη ἐγένετο, ἀπέπλωον ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον. 16 Τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ, δεινόν τι ποιησάμενοι of στρατηγοὶ τῶν βαρ- On the third Q/ o 3. J / . 2 A ἢ day the inn βάρων νέας οὕτω oft ὀλύγας λυμαίνεσθαι, Kal τὸ ἀπὸ Béptew vading fleet δειμαίνοντες, οὐκ ἀνέμειναν ἔτι τοὺς “Ελληνας μάχης ἄρξαι, ἀλλὰ attack, σπαρακελευσάμενοι κατὰ μέσον ἡμέρης ἀνῆγον τὰς νέας" συν- Twenty-four hours later they would nstu- rally be there. Caphareus obtained the name of EvAogdyos (plank-swallower) from the number of ships wrecked upoa it. (Tzetzes, ad Lycophron. 373.) The current from the Dardanelles sets on to it 38 +d τέλος σφι ἐγένετο ἄχαρι. Com- pare i. 4] : συμφορῇ πεπληγμένον ἀχάρι, and vii. 190: ἦν γάρ τις καὶ τοῦτον ἄχαρις συμφορὴ λυπεῦσα παιδοφόνος. 39 πλώουσι. Gaisford prints this form on the sole authority of S and V, all the other MSS having the common form πλέουσι. 80 χὰ Κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίης. This is the of the coast between the promon- tories of Caphareus and Gerestus. It is this bay of which Evunripipes speaks (Troad. 84): πλῆσον δὲ νεκρῶν κοῖλον Εὐβοίας μυχόν. It may be observed with reference to the interpretation of Leake, discussed in note 21, above, that it is phy- sically impossible for ships detached from Aphetse in the afternoon to have gone round Sciathus and arrived off this part of Eubcea in the course of the same night. But even the s.w. shores of the island are extremely dangerous. See note 227 on vi. 99 31 ἐπεβώθεον. 80 Gaisford prints oa the authority of 8 and V, although the majority of MSS have ἐπεβοήθεο». 32 γῃυσὶ Κιλίσσῃσι. The Cilician con- tingent consisted of no less than a bun- dred gallies. It can hardly be supposed that the whole, or any thing like the whole, of them can be meant, as the author seems to represent them as being annihilated by the allied fleet, URANIA. VIII. 18—17. 327 ἔπιπτε δὲ ὥστε ταῖς αὐταῖς ἡμέραις τάς τε ναυμαχίας γίνεσθαι ταύτας καὶ τὰς πεζομαχίας τὰς ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι: ἦν δὲ πᾶς ὁ ἀγὼν τοῖσι κατὰ θάλασσαν περὶ τοῦ Εὐρίπου, ὥσπερ τοῖσι ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδεα τὴν ἐσβολὴν φυλάσσειν" οἱ μὲν δὴ παρεκελεύοντο, ὅκως μὴ παρήσουσι ἐς τὴν “Ελλάδα τοὺς βαρβάρους" οἱ δ᾽, ὅκως τὸ ᾿Ἑλληνικὸν στράτευμα διαφθείραντες, τοῦ πόρου κρατήσουσι. Ὥς δὲ ταξάμενοι οἱ Ἐέρξεω ἐπέπλωον, οἱ “Ελληνες ἀτρέμας 16 εἶχον πρὸς τῷ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ' οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι μηνοειδὲς πτοιήσαντες Which istues τῶν νεῶν, ἐκυκλέοντο ὡς περίλάβοιεν αὐτούς" ἐνθεῦτεν οἱ “Ελλη- 9 both ves ἐπανέπλωόν τε καὶ συνέμισγον. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ παρα- om πλήσιοι ἀλλήλοισι eyivoyro** ὁ γὰρ Héptew στρατὸς ὑπὸ peyd- Geos τε καὶ πλήθεος αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ ἔπιπτε, ταρασσομενέων τε τῶν νεῶν καὶ περυπιπτουσέων περὶ ἀλλήλας: ὅμως μέντοι ἀντεῖχε καὶ οὐκ εἶκε' δεινὸν γὰρ χρῆμα ἐποιεῦντο ὑπὸ νεῶν ὀλίγων ἐς φυγὴν τραπέσθαι. πολλαὶ μὲν δὴ τῶν Ελλήνων νέες διεφθείροντο, πολλοὶ δὲ ἄνδρες" πολλῷ δ᾽ ὅτι πλεῦνες νέες τε τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ ἄνδρες. οὕτω δὲ ἀγωνιζόμενοι διέστησαν χωρὶς ἑκάτεροι. Ἔν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν τῶν Ἐέρξεω στρατιωτέων 17 ἡρίστευσαν "" of ἄλλα τε μεγάλα ἔργα ἀπεδέξαντο, καὶ νέας sons in the αὐτοῖσι ἀνδράσι εἷλον ᾿Ελληνίδας πέντε: τῶν δὲ Ελλήνων κατὰ fleet highly ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην ἠρίστευσαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων ΚΚλεινέης distinguish ὁ ᾿Αλκιβιάδεω, ὃς δαπάνην οἰκηδην παρεχόμενος ἐστρατεύετο snd fo ἀνδράσι τε διηκοσίοισι καὶ οἰκηΐῃ νηΐ. ans. 3 παραπλήσιοι ἀλλήλοισι éylvorvro. they obtained at the Hellespont (vii. 44), Not ‘‘ they had equal forces,” but “ they came to be on an equal footing ;” i. e. the invaders were so confused by their own nambers that they could not bring & superior force to bear upon their ene- mies. Qn the other hand, the same cir- cumstance prevented the Greeks from availing themselves of their superior skill. They were hemmed in before they had made a sufficient offing to be able to manceuvre. δι Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν τῶν Héptew orpa- τιωτέων ἠρίστευσαν. Dioporvs (xi. 13), In relating this action, makes not the Egyptians but the Sidonians distinguish themselves above all others in the in- Vading fleet. Possibly this is a confusion on his part with the distinction which but it is more probable that he is follow- ing a distinct authority. From the de- scription which is given of the armament of the crews of the Egyptian gallies (vii. 89), it is likely that in a mélée (ταρασσο- μενέων τῶν νεῶν καὶ περιπιπτούσεων περὶ ἀλλήλας) they would have a great advan- tage. And if the ships, although manned by Egyptians, were of Sidonian build, and possibly commanded by a Sidonian chief (see notes 262 and 288 on vii. 89. 98), the statement of Diodorus is readily explained, and in its turn confirms the conjecture put forward in the notes referred to, as to the cause of the divergency of Aschylus and Herodotus in the numbers of the Persian fleet. 928 HERODOTUS 18 Ως δὲ διέστησαν *, ἄσμενοι ἑκάτεροι ἐς ὅρμον ἠπεύγοντο" οἷ δὲ The allies, ed e ’ ’ a f 3 c “ Ελληνες, ὡς διακριθέντες ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίης ἀπηλλάχθησαν, τῶν having suf- ἘΠῚ de. μὲν νεκρῶν καὶ τῶν νανηγίων ἐπεκράτεον" τρηχέως δὲ περιεφθέντες, termine to καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῶν αἱ ἡμίσεαε τῶν νεῶν τετρωμέναι 19 ἧσαν᾽"", δρησμὸν δὴ ἐβούλευον ἔσω ἐς τὴν “Ελλάδα. Now δὲ Theniste. λαβὼν ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης, ὡς, εἰ ἀπορραγείη ἀπὸ τοῦ βαρβάρου ri ae τό τε Iwvixdy φῦλον καὶ τὸ Καρικὸν, οἷοί τε εἴησαν τῶν λοιπῶν up the spi- , , , α »Ω, 2 , yoy oA ee ofthe κατύπερθε γενέσθαι, ἐλαυνόντων τῶν Εὐβοέων πρόβατα ἐπὶ τὴν me θάλασσαν, ταύτῃ συλλέξας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς, ἔλεγέ og ὡς δοκέοι ἔχειν τινὰ παλάμην τῇ ἐλπίζοι τῶν βασιλέος συμμάχων ἀποστή- σειν τοὺς ἀρίστους" ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐς τοσοῦτο παρεγύμνου" ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι κατήκουσι πρήγμασι τάδε ποιητέα σφι εἶναι EXeye τῶν τε ΄ προβάτων τῶν Εὐβοϊκῶν " καταθύειν ὅσα τις ἐθέλοι (κρέσσον γὰρ εἶναι τὴν στρατιὴν ἔχειν ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους.) παραίνεέ τε προειπεῖν τοῖσι ἑωυτῶν ἑκάστους πῦρ ἀνακαίειν: κομιδῆς δὲ πέρι τὴν ὥρην αὐτῷ μελήσειν, ὥστε ἀσινέας ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν “Ελλάδα. ταῦτα ἤρεσέ σφι ποιέειν" καὶ αὐτίκα πῦρ ἀνακαυσάμενοι ἐτρά- 20 ποντο πρὸς τὰ πρόβατα. Οἱ γὰρ EvBoées™ παραχρησάμενοι τὸν phe Eu er Βάκιδος χρησμὸν ὡς οὐδὲν λέγοντα, οὔτε τι ἐξεκομίσαντο οὐδὲν for their Ν , ς i , ‘or their οὔτε προεσάξαντο ὡς παρεσομένου opt πολέμον, περιπετέα τε foresight. ἀηριήσαντο σφίσι αὐτοῖσι τὰ πρήγματα: Βάκιδι γὰρ ὧδε ἔχει περὶ τούτων ὁ χρησμός" Φράζεο βαρβαρόφωνον ὅταν (νγὸν εἰς ἅλα βάλλῃ βύβλινον, Εὐβοΐης ἀπέχειν πολυμηκάδας αἶγας. τούτοισι δὲ οὐδὲν τοῖσι ἔπεσι χρησαμένοισι ἐν τοῖσι τότε παρεοῦσι τε καὶ προσδοκίμοισι κακοῖσι, παρῆν od. συμφορῇ χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ μέγιστα. 2] Οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔπρησσον, παρῆν δὲ ὁ ἐκ Τρηχῖνος κατά- News is σκοπὸς. ἣν μὲν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ κατάσκοπος, Πολύας, γένος the cisaster ” 4 γγικυρεὺς, τῷ προσετέτακτο, (καὶ εἶχε πλοῖον κατῆρες ἑτοῖμον,) 85 ὡς δὲ διέστησαν. Sand V have of 180 strong at least. δὲ ὡς διέστασαν». 37 Εὐβοϊκῶν. Gaisford prints Εὐβοει- 36 τῶν al ἡμίσεαι τῶν νεῶν τετρωμέναι κῶν, following the majority of MSS. But cay. One cannot help suspecting con- S and V have the form in the text, which siderable exaggeration here. The action is the reading of all in vii. 192. off Salamis took place too soon afterwards 38 of γὰρ EvBoées, κιτιλ. Schweighau- to allow the supposition that there was ser well remarks, that the proper place time to refit their crippled vessels, and for this section appears to be immediately yet the Athenian contingent there was following § 4, above. URANIA. VIII. 18---22. 329 εἰ παλήσειε" ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς, σημαίνειν τοῖσι ἐν Θερμο- p Im, and πύλῃσι ἐοῦσι ds 8 αὕτως ἣν ᾿Αβρώνυχος ὁ Λυσικλέος, ᾿Αθηναῖος, an orderly καὶ παρὰ Aewvldn ἑτοῖμος τοῖσι ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ἐοῦσι ἀγγέλλειν aes τριηκοντέρῳ, ἤν τι καταλαμβάνῃ νεώτερον τὸν πεζόν. οὗτος ὧν ὁ ᾿Αβρώνυχος ἀπικόμενός σφι ἐσήμαινε τὰ γεγονότα περὶ Acwvidea καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ: οἱ δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, οὐκέτι ἐς ἀναβολὰς ἐποιεῦντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν' ἐκομίζοντο δὲ ὡς ὅκαστοι ἐτάχθησαν, Κορίνθιοι πρῶτοι ὕστατοι δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ᾿Αθηναίων 99 δὲ νέας τὰς ἄριστα πλωούσας ἐπιλεξάμενος Θεμεστοκλέης ee ἐπορεύετο περὶ τὰ πότιμα ὕδατα, ἐντάμνων ἐν τοῖσι AlBows Je ° νὸν γράμματα “", τὰ Ἴωνες ἐπελθόντες τῇ ὑστεραίῃ ἡμέρῃ ἐπὶ τὸ pari ἰμρω ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐπελέξαντο' τὰ δὲ γράμματα τάδε ἔλεγε' “ ἄνδρες forces. Ἴωνες, οὐ ποιέετε δίκαια ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας στρατευόμενοι "᾿, καὶ τὴν Ελλάδα καταδουλούμενοι: ἀλλὰ μάλιστα μὲν πρὸς ἡμέων γίνεσθε + εἰ δὲ ὑμῖν ἐστι τοῦτο μὴ δυνατὸν ποιῆσαι, ὑμέες δὲ ere καὶ νῦν ἐκ τοῦ μέσον ἡμῖν ἕζεσθε" καὶ αὐτοὶ, καὶ τῶν Καρῶν δέεσθε τὰ αὐτὰ ὑμῖν ποιέειν: εἰ δὲ μηδέτερον τούτων οἷόν τε γίνεσθαι, GX ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης μέξζονος κατέζευχθε" ἢ ὥστε ἀπίστασθαι, ὑμέες γε ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ, ἐπεὰν συμμίσγωμεν, ἐθελοκα- κέετε, μεμνημένοι ὅτι ἀπ᾿ ἡμέων γεγόματε καὶ ὅτι ἀρχῆθεν ἡ ἔχθρη πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον ἀπ᾽ ὑμέων ἡμῖν γέγονε. Θεμιστοκλέης δὲ 89 χαλήσειε. Hesycuivs explains this similar plea on the part of the Phoenicians word by διαφθείρειε, where the true read- seems to have been allowed by Cambyses. ing has been supposed to be διαφθαρείη. (iii. 19.) . The word παλέω appears to be an Ionic 43 γίνεσθε. S has ἔσεσθε, which is un- form of waAale, used in that sense in questionably no corruption, but a genuine which the word κάμνω is ordinarily found. variant. Valcknaer doubtfully puts forward the 4 ἐκ τοῦ μέσον ἡμῖν ἔζεσθε, “ be neu- conjecture ΤΙΠΤΑΊΙΣΕῚΣ (τι πταίσειε) for tral.”” Compare iii. 83: οὗτος μὲν δή ΠΑΛΗΣΕῚΣΕ. σφι οὐκ ἐνηγωνίζετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ μέσου 4“ Λεωνίδεα. F, both here and in §15, καθῆστο. iv. 118: ὑμεῖς ὧν μηδενὶ τρόπῳ above, has Λεωνίδην. ἐκ τοῦ μέσου κατήμενοι περιΐδητε ἡμέας 41 ἐντάμνων ἐν τοῖσι λίθοισι γράμματα. διαφθαρέντας, and below, § 73: αἱ λοιπαὶ Compere iv. 87: ἐνταμὼν Ὑ τα ἐς πόλις ἐκ τοῦ μέσου éxatéaro. For the μὲν τὴν ᾿Ασσύρια ἐς δὲ τὴν Ἑλληνικά. use of ἡμῖν in combination with this Elsewhere the word ἐγκολάπτω is used in phrase, see note 318 on ii. 118. It is the same sense. i. 93: καί σφι γράμματα not pleonastic, for the interests of the ἐνεκεκόλαπτο. 187: ἐνεκόλαψε δὲ és τὸν European Greeks were much affected by τάφον γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε. The latter the neutrality of the Ionians. word is found in the SepruaGint (3 Mac- 45 ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης μέζονος κατέζευχθε. cab. ii. 27) and elsewhere, but the former This expression has a very poetical co- is peculiar to Herodotus. louring. Compare “scay.us (Prometh. 9 ἐπὶ robs κατέρας στρατευόμενοι. Seo 108: ἀνάγκαις ταῖσδ᾽ ὑπέζευγμαι τάλας. ἯΙ. 150: οὔτε ὧν ἡμέας οἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ϑΟΡΗΟΟΙΕΒ (Philoct. 1025): κλοπῇ τε ἡμετέρους προγόνους ἐκστρατεύεσθαι. A κἀνάγκῃ (υγεὶς ἔπλεις ἅμ᾽ αὐτοῖς. VOL. II. Qu 29 The next day the in- vading fleet advances as far as His- tiga, and overrun the hamlets on the coast. 24 Xerxes allows leave of absence to visit the field of Thermo- pyle. after urying nineteen- twentieths of his own 25 330 HERODOTUS ταῦτα ὄγραψε, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ, ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα νοέων' ἵνα ἢ λαθόντα τὰ γράμματα βασιλέα Ιωνας ποιήσῃ μεταβαλέειν καὶ γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑωυτῶν, ἢ, ἐπεί τε ἀνενειχθῇ καὶ διαβληθῇ πρὸς Ἐξέρξεα, ἀπίστους ποιήσῃ τοὺς Ιωνας “ καὶ τῶν ναυμαχιέων αὐτοὺς ἀπόσχῃ. Θεμιστοκλέης μὲν ταῦτα ἐνέγραψε" τοῖσι δὲ βαρβάροισε αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα πλοίῳ ἦλθε ἀνὴρ ‘Ioriaeds, ἀγγέλλων τὸν δρησμὸν τὸν ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίου τῶν Ελλήνων. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀπιστίης τὸν μὲν ἀγγέλλοντα εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, νῆας δὲ ταχείας ἀπέστειλαν προ- κατοψομένας: ἀπωγγειλάντων δὲ τούτων τὰ ἦν, οὕτω δὴ “ ἅμα ἡλίῳ σκιδναμένῳ " πᾶσα ἡ στρατιὴ ἔπλωε ἁλὴς ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτε- μίσιον: ἐπισχόντες δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ μέχρι μέσου ἡμέρης, τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου ἔπλωον ἐς ᾿Ιστιαίην' ἀπικόμενοι δὲ τὴν πόλεν ἔσχον τῶν ᾿Ιστιαιέων, καὶ τῆς ᾿Ελλοπίης μοίρης, γῆς δὲ τῆς δος “, τὰς παραθαλασσίας κώμας πάσας ἐπέδραμον. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὲ τούτων ἐόντων, Ἐέρξης ἑτοιμασάμενος τὰ περὶ τοὺς “Ιστιαιήτε- νεκροὺς, ἔπεμπε ἐς τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν κήρυκα’ προετοιμάσατο δὲ τάδε' ὅσοι τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἑωντοῦ ἦσαν νεκροὶ ἐν Θερμο- πύλῃσι: ἦσαν δὲ καὶ δύο μυριάδες: ὑπολυπόμενος τούτων ὡς χιλίους, τοὺς λοιποὺς, τάφρους ὀρυξάμενος, ἔθαψε, φυλλάδα τε ἐπιβαλὼν καὶ γῆν ἐπαμησάμενος, ἵνα μὴ ὀφθείησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ ναυ- τικοῦ στρατοῦ" ὡς δὲ διέβη ἐς τὴν ᾿“Ἱστιαίην ὁ κήρυξ, σύλλονον ποιησάμενος παντὸς τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἔλεγε τάδε: “ἄνδρες σύμ- μαχοι, βασιλεὺς Ἐέρξης τῷ βουλομένῳ ὑμέων παραδίδωσι, ἐκλε- πόντα τὴν τάξιν καὶ ἐλθόντα θεήσασθαι ὅκως μάχεται πρὸς τοὺς ἀνοήτους τῶν ἀνθρώπων, οἱ ἤλπισαν τὴν βασιλέος δύναμιν ὑπερ- βαλέεσθαι.᾽ Ταῦτα ἐπαγγειλαμένου, μετὰ ταῦτα οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο πλοίων σπανιώτερον' οὕτω πολλοὶ ἤθελον θεήσεσθαι: περαιωθέντες δὲ ἐθηεῦντο διεξιόντες τοὺς νεκρούς: πάντες δὲ ἠπιστέατο τοὺς κειμένους elvas πάντας Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ δια- 45 ἀείστους ποιήσῃ τοὺς “Iwvas. See note on ix. 98. 47 οὕτω δὴ, “then, af last.’’ See note 22 on i. 5. 48 ἅμα ἡλίῳ σκιδναμένῳ: The meta- phor is apparently the same as that which is expressed more fully by ASscHYLvus: πρὶν σκεδασθῆναι θεοῦ ἀκτῖνας (Pers. 502); and appears yet more distinctly in Lucretivs’s “‘ Sol lumine conserié arva,’’ and Mitton’s “ Morn sowing the earth with orient pearl.” 49 Ἱστιαιήτιδος. So Gaisford prints on the authority of 8 and V, the other MSS having the form Ἱστιαιώτιδος. See note 63 on iv. 20. URANIA. VIII. 23—27. 331 Θεσπιέας, ὁρέοντες καὶ τοὺς εἵλωτας: ov μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐλάνθανε τοὺς διαβεβηκότας Ἐέρξης ταῦτα πρήξας περὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ; καὶ γὰρ δὴ γελοῖον ἦν: τῶν μὲν χίλιοι ἐφαίνοντο νεκροὶ κείμενοι, of δὲ, πάντες ἐκέατο ἁλέες συγκεκομισμένοι ἐς τὠντὸ χωρίον, τέσσερες χιλιάδες ". ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην πρὸς θέην ἐτράποντο" τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίῃ οἱ μὲν ἀπέπλωον ἐς ‘Iotialny ἐπὶ τὰς νῆας, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Ἐέρξεα ἐς ὁδὸν ὁρμέατο. *Heov δέ σφι αὐτόμολοι ἄνδρες ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίης ὀλύγοι τινὲς, βίον 26 τε δεόμενοι καὶ ἐνεργοὶ βουλόμενοι εἶναι' ἄγοντες δὲ τούτους ἐς Anecdote of ὄψιν τὴν βασιλέος, ἐπυνθάνοντο οἱ Πέρσαι περὶ τῶν Ελλήνων τὰ MEAN ΠῚ ποιέοιεν" εἷς δέ τις πρὸ πάντων ἦν ὁ εἰρωτέων αὐτοὺς Taira: οἱ δέ of sdmira- tion to the € » , ” ’ λ Greeks on σφι ἔλογον, ὡς Ολυμπιὰ sided καὶ θεωρέοιεν ayers unseen Καὶ ted ae ἱππικόν" ὁ δὲ ἐπείρετο & τι τὸ ἄεθλον εἴη σφι κείμενον περὶ ὅτευ some Arce- lan merceé- ἀγωνίζονται ; οἱ δ᾽ εἶπον τῆς ἐλαίης τὸν διδόμενον στέφανον "". naries what Was a ἐνθαῦτα εἴπας γνώμην γενναιοτάτην Τριτανταίχμης 6 ᾿Αρτα- that time occupying Bavou™*, δειλίην ὦφλε πρὸς βασιλέος: πυνθανόμενος yap τὸ their atten- ν \ , 9, 7. » , Ν 9. ἡ a 4 , tion. ἄεθλον ἐὸν στέφανον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ χρήματα, οὔτε ἠνέσχετο σιγῶν εἶπέ τε ἐς πάντας τάδε" “ παπαὶ, Μαρδόνιε, κοίους ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οὗ οὐ περὶ χρημάτων τὸν ἀγῶνα ποιεῦνται, ἀλλὰ περὶ ἀρετῆς." τούτῳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα εἴρητο. Ἔν δὲ τῷ διὰ μέσου χρόνῳ, ἐπεί τε τὸ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι τρῶμα 27 ἐγεγόνεε, αὐτίκα Θεσσαλοὶ πέμπουσι κήρυκα ἐς Φωκέας, ἅτε σφι δε ξεως évéyovres®* αἰεὶ χόλον ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ὑστάτου τρώματος καὶ τὸ κάρτα" " O° long time back ἐσβαλόντες yap πανστρατιῇ αὐτοί τε οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ of σύμ- bed suffered ἽἍ ὶ Ρ ᾿ ; συ με. severe loss μαχοι αὐτῶν ἐς τοὺς Φωκέας, οὐ πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι πρότερον ταύτης from the Phocians τῆς βασιλέος στρατηλασίης, ἑσσώθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Φωκέων καὶ is given. See nete 490 on iv. 192. δὲ Τριτανταίχμης ὁ ᾿Αρταβάνον. See δὺ τέσσερες χιλιάδες. It would seem from these numbers (which are the same as those of the inscription, vii. 228), that in the apprehension of the writer, the Spartans were attended by at least. the fall complement of Helots, seven to each hoplite ; and also—a more difficult sup- position —that these were animated by the same spirit as their masters. 51 ris ἐλαίης, τὸν διδόμενον στέφανον. The use of the articles is not to be over- looked, showing the notorious character of the prize. ‘He asked further, what the ptize was which they staked? and they told him of fhe olive crown which note 251 on vii. 82. But the MSS, with the exception of S, which is followed by Valla, have Τιγράνης. I have given the reading of Gaisford, although by no means convineed that it is to be preferred to that of the majority of MSS. See note 494 on ii. 160, and 367 on iv. 144. 53 évéxovres. This is the reading of 8 and V, and is adopted by Gaisford. The other MSS have ἔχοντες. In vii. 119, all without exception have ἐνεῖχέ σφι δεινὸν χόλον. Ini. 118 there is an equal una- nimity for the anomalous form ἐνείχεε. 2u2 28 on two oc- casions 332 HERODOTUS περιεφθησαν τρηχέως" ἐπεί τε yap κατειλήθησαν ἐς τὸν Παρ- νησσὸν οἱ Φωκέες ἔχοντες μάντιν Τελλίην "" τὸν ᾿Ηλεῖον, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Τελλίης οὗτος σοφίζεταε αὐτοῖσι τοιόνδε' γυψώσας " ἄνδρας ἑξακοσίους τῶν Φωκέων τοὺς ἀρίστους, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τὰ ὅπλα αὐτῶν, νυκτὸς ἐπεθήκατο τοῖσι Θεσσαλοῖσι. προείπας αὐτοῖσι, τὸν ἂν μὴ λευκανθίζοντα ἴδωνται τοῦτον κτείνειν. τού- τους ὧν al τε φυλακαὶ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν πρῶται ἰδοῦσαι ἐφοβή- θησαν δόξασαι ἄλλο τι εἶναι τέρας, καὶ μετὰ τὰς φυλακὰς αὐτὴ ἡ στρατιὴ, οὕτω ὥστε τετρακισχιλίων κρατῆσαι νεκρῶν καὶ ἀσπί- δων Φωκέας" τῶν τὰς μὲν ἡμισέας és "Αβας " ἀνέθεσαν, τὰς δὰ ἐς Δελφούς: ἡ δὲ δεκάτη ἐγένετο τῶν χρημάτων ἐκ ταύτης τῆς μάχης οἱ μεγάλοι ἀνδριάντες οἱ περὶ τὸν τρίποδα συνεστεῶτες "", ἔμπροσθε τοῦ νηοῦ τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖσι" καὶ ἕτεροι τοιοῦτοι ev” AByoe ἀνακέαται. Ταῦτα μέν νυν τὸν πεζὸν ἐργάσαντο τῶν Θεσσαλῶν οἱ Φωκέες, ππολιορκέοντας ἑωνυτούς" ἐσβαλοῦσαν δὲ ἐς τὴν χώρην τὴν ἵππον αὐτῶν ἐλυμήναντο ἀνηκέστως ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἐσβολῇ δὲ Τελλίην. There appears to have been a family of Telliada at Elis, one of whom, Hegesistratus, was also a seer (ix. 37). i γυψώσας. It is an error to suppose that this device had no other object than that of terrifying the enemy. The instruc- tions given: τὸν ἂν μὴ λευκανθίζοντα ἴδωνται τοῦτον κτείνειν, show plainly that the aim of Tellias was to give his troops the means of recognizing one another without using the watchword, which would have destroyed the préstige of their ap- ance. 56 ἐς Αβας. See note 141 on i. 46. 57 of μεγάλοι ἀνδριάντες of περὶ τὸν τρίποδα συνεστεῶτες. For the use of the article see note 490 on iv. 192. Pavusa- ΝΙΑΒ describes two groups of figures set up at Delphi in commemoration of the successes of the Phocians over the Thes- salians. The one of these was the work of Aristomedon the Argive (whom SiLLie places in the 74th Olympiad). Its sub- ject is not named by Pausanias, but he describes it as containing statues of Apollo and Tellias the seer, of the leaders of the Phocian force, and some of the fpwes érixépio (x. 1. 10). But the occasion on which this group was set up was not, according to Pausanias, the defeat de- scribed by Herodotus in the text. That, according to him, took place afterwards (x. 1. 11). In another passage he de- scribes a second group, likewise set up by the Phocians in consequence of their sac- cess under Tellias. Apollo and Heracles are represented as contending for the tri- pod; while Athene is endeavouring to moderate the anger of Heracles, and An- temis and Leto that of Apollo. The figure of Athene was said to be the work of Chionis, the others of Diyllus and Amycleus,—all three Corinthians (x. 13. 7). Sillig cannot with any certainty “fix the dates of these three artists; but he assumes that the group was put up soon after the transaction. But if Herodotus had found ¢wo monuments of the fwo defeats, it is unlikely he should mention one, and only one. And if he only found one, it can scarcely have been any but the work of Aristomedon. (See note on ix. 81, below.) Supposing it to have been this, it will follow that between the time of Herodotus and that of Pausanias, the story of the Delphic ciceroni will have varied,— the same trophy being referred to dif- ferent events. That such should be the case is very natural; but its likelihood is a matter often lost sight of in esti- mating the historical value of temple- traditions. See note 449 on i. 148. a URANIA. VIII. 28—31. 333 ἥ ἐστι κατὰ “γάμπολιν", ἐν ταύτῃ τάφρον peyadny ὀρύξαντες, ἀμφορέας κεινοὺς ἐς αὐτὴν κατέθηκαν χοῦν δὲ ἐπιφορήσαντες καὶ ὁμοιώσαντες τῷ ἄλλῳ χώρῳ, ἐδέκοντο τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς ἐσβάλ- λοντας" οἱ δὲ, ws ἀναρπασόμενοι τοὺς Φωκέας, φερόμενοι ἐσέπεσον ἐς τοὺς ἀμφορέας" ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἵπποι τὰ σκέλεα διεφθάρησαν. Τούτων δή σῴφι ἀμφοτέρων ἔχοντες ἔγκοτον" οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ, πέμψαντες κήρυκα ἠγόρευον τάδε' “ὦ Φωκέες, ἤδη Te μᾶλλον γνωσιμαχέετε μὴ εἶναε ὁμοῖοι ἡμῖν: πρόσθεν τε γὰρ ἐν τοῖσι sate "EdAnot, ὅσον χρόνον ἐκεῖνα ἡμῖν ἥνδανε, πλέον αἰεί κοτε ὑμέων ἃ oe from ἐφερύμεθα' νῦν τε παρὰ τῷ βαρβάρῳ τοσοῦτον δυνάμεθα, ὥστε ἐπ᾿ ἡμῖν ἐστι τῆς γῆς τε ἐστερῆσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἠνδραποδίσθαι ὑμέας" ἡμέες μέντοι τὸ πᾶν ὄχοντες οὐ μνησικακέομεν" ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν γενέσθω ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν πεντήκοντα τάλαντα ἀργυρίου, καὶ ὑμῖν ὑπο- δεκόμεθα τὰ ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην ἀποτρέψειν." Ταῦτά σφι ἐπαγγέλλοντο οἱ Θεσσαλοί: (οἱ γὰρ Φωκέες μοῦνοι 90 τῶν ταύτῃ ἀὐθρωπαν οὐκ ἐμήδιζον, κατ᾽ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀλλο or " συμβαλλόμενος εὑρίσκω, κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Θεσσαλῶν "" εἰ δὲ Θεσσαλοὶ τὰ ᾿Ελλήνων ηὗξον, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, ἐμήδιζον ἂν οἱ Φωκέες") ταῦτα ἐπωγγελλομένων Θεσσαλῶν, οὔτε δώσειν ἔφασαν χρήματα παρέχειν τέ σφι Θεσσαλοῖσι ὁμοίως μηδίξειν, εἰ ἄλλως βουλοίατο' ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔσεσθαε ἑκόντες εἶναι" προδόται τῆς ᾿Ελλά- δος. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ἀνηνείχθησαν οὗτοι οἱ λόγοι, οὕτω δὴ οἱ Θεσ- 31 σαλοὶ sistas τοῖσι Φωκεῦσι, sar ἡγεμόνες τῷ βαρβάρῳ ἘΠῚ ΤΠ, 29 endeavour to extort a salians τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς Τρηχινίης = τὴν Δωρίδα ἐσέβαλον' τῆς serra ace yap Δωρίδος χώρης “τοδεὼν στεινὸς 5 ταύτῃ κατατείνει, ὡς τριή- one ehroupli κοντα σταδίων μάλιστά Kn edpos, κείμενος μεταξὺ τῆς Te Μηλίδος pe Doris ane 384 dor: κατὰ ‘Tduxodw. This is the high road which led from Opus in Locris over the mountains to Orchomenue in There was a branch from it near Hyampolis which led to Abe, lying at a short distance on the right hand. (Pav- SANIAS X. 35. 1.) 59 ἔχοντες ἔγκοτον. Exactly the same expression is used below (ix. 110): τῇ μὲν γυναικὶ ταύτῃ οὐκ εἶχε ἔγκοτον. The word ἔγκοτος is a substantive, exactl equivalent to κότος. See vi. 133: ard Twa καὶ ἔγκοτον εἶχε τοῖσι ΤΙαρίοισι. © κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Θεσσαλῶν, “ accordance with their hatred of the Thes- salians.”’” Compare ix. 37: κατὰ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων. δι ἑκόντες εἶναι. Compare ix. 7: οὐ μὲν οὐδ᾽ ὁμολογήσομεν ἑκόντες εἶναι, and above (vii. 104 and 164), ἑκὼν εἶναι. 62 πρδεὼν στεινὸς, ‘a narrow spur.” The same word (ποδεὼν) is used of the protruding corners of the wineskins (ii. 121), which, being the legs of the animal whose skin is used, jut out from the body in the same way that the ridge on which the Doric Tetrapolis lay does from the main range. 32 The Pho- cians them- selves most- ly escape, some to Parnassus, but most to A mphissa. The in- vaders over- run the whole of Phocis, 99 and takin the line of the valley of the Ce- phisus, burn the towns 334 HERODOTUS καὶ τῆς Φωκίδος χώρης, ἧπερ ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν Apvoris™: ἡ δὲ χώρη αὕτη ἐστὶ μητρόπολις Δωριέων" τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ. ταύτην ὧν τὴν Δωρίδα γῆν οὐκ ἐσίναντο ἐσβαλόντες οἱ βάρβαροι: ἐμήδιζόν τε γὰρ, καὶ οὐκ ἐδόκεε Θεσσαλοῖσι. ‘As δὲ ἐκ τῆς Δωρίδος ἐς τὴν Φωκίδα ἐσέβαλον, αὐτοὺς μὲν τοὺς Φωκέας οὐκ αἱρέουσι οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Φωκέων ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Παρνησσοῦ ἀνέβησαν" ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἐπιτηδέη δέξασθαι ὅμιλον τοῦ Παρνησσοῦ ἡ κορυφὴ κατὰ Νέωνα πόλιν" κειμένη ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῆς “- Τιυθορέα οὔνομα αὐτῇ" ἐς τὴν δὴ ἀνηνείκαντο "5, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀνέβησαν οἱ δὲ πλεῦνες αὐτῶν ἐς τοὺς ᾿Οζόλας Λοκροὺς ἐξεκομίσαντο, ἐς "Αμφισ- σαν πόλιν, τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κρισαίου πεδίον οἰκεομένην. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τὴν χώρην πᾶσαν ἐπέδραμον τὴν Φωκίδα Θεσσαλοὶ γὰρ οὕτω ἦγον τὸν στρατόν' ὁκόσα δὲ ἐπέσχον, πάντα ἐπέφλογον καὶ ἔκειρον, καὶ ἐς τὰς πόλιες ἐνιέντες πῦρ καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱρά“. ΠΟορευόμενοι γὰρ ταύτῃ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισσὸν ποταμὸν, ἐδηΐουν πάντα, καὶ κατὰ μὲν ἔκαυσαν Δρύμον πόλεν, κατὰ δὲ Χαράδρην, καὶ ΓἜρωχον, καὶ Τεθρώνιον, καὶ ᾿Αμφίκαιαν “", καὶ Νέωνα, καὶ Πεδιέας, καὶ Τριτέας, καὶ ᾿Ελάτειαν, καὶ «γάμπολιν “, καὶ Παρα- 55 Δρυοπίς. The manuscripts 8 and V have Δρυοπίης. But in i. 56 the form in the text is supported by all the MSS. δὲ ἡ δὲ χώρη αὕτη ἐστὶ μητρόπολις Δωριέων. The meaning of the writer is, apparently, not that this district was the primilive seat of the Peloponnesian Do- rians, but that they came into Pelopon- nesus from thence. Any stricter inter- pretation would be quite incompatible with the ethnographic notice in i. 56, from which it would appear that the re- puted primitive seat of the Dorian race was Phthiotis in Thessaly. Compare too the expression: ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες, § 43, below. δ κατὰ Νέωνα πόλιν. PAUSANIAS, who in his description of Phocis continually refers to this part of Herodotus’s work, remarks, that in the “ oracles of Bacis”’ the inhabitants of the neighbourhood are called T¥thoreans: and he conjectures that the town Tithorea (which existed in his time) was formed by the aggregation of their hamlets, and that its name ex- truded the one of Neon. As Neon was burnt by the invaders, this is not an im- probable conjecture; but the expression of Herodotus indicates that the town Neon existed in his time. In the time of Pausanias there was a fair held here twice a year in honour of Jsis,—e circum- stance which indicates considerable com- munication with Egypt. The staple of the place seems to have been perfumes made from the oil and the herbs grown in the vicinity (x. 32. 8—19). 65 κειμένη ἐπ’ ἑωντῆς, “insulated.” Compare ii. 2: ἐν στέγῃ δὲ ἐρήμῃ ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν κέεσθαι. 66 ἀνηνείκαντοο The words τὰ χρή- ματα, or τὴν οὐσίαν, or some analogous expression, are understood. Compare iii. 148: ἀπικόμενος δ᾽ és αὐτὴν καὶ dveveud- μενος τὰ ἔχων ἐξεχώρησε. A similar ΤΕΣ of the accusative appears below § 36). ( 67 καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱρά. Instead of these words, S has κατέκαιον. 68 ᾿Αμφίκαιαν. PAUsANIAS calls this town ᾿Αμφίκλεια, but intimates that it was corrupted by the local pronunciation into Ophitea, which Amphicea might, but Amphiclea hardly could have been. A legend was given for this corrupted name, connected with the worship of a Dionysus-Esculapius (x. 33. 9). ὃν καὶ Ἐλάτειαν, καὶ Ὑάμπολιν. The road from Elatea to Hyampolis and Abe was ἃ mere mountain-path. It is scarcely ΒΑΝΙΑ. VIII. 82---94. 335 motaptous”, καὶ “ABas: ἔνθα ἦν ἱρὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος πλούσιον, τὸ πρὸς θησαυροῖσί τε καὶ ἀναθήμασι πολλοῖσι κατεσκευασμένον" ἦν δὲ which is the καὶ τότε καὶ νῦν ἐστὶ, χρηστήριον αὐτόθι: καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν πο ve συλήσαντες évéerrpnoay™ καί τινας διώκοντες εἷλον τῶν Φωκέων πρὸς τοῖσε οὔρεσι' καὶ γυναῖκάς τινας διέφθειραν μισγόμενοι ὑπὸ πλήθεος. : Παραποταμίους δὲ παραμειβόμενοι οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀπίκοντο és 34 Πανοπέας" ἐνθεῦτεν δὴ ἤδη" διακρινομένη ἡ στρατιὴ αὐτῶν The main army then ᾽ , \ a ‘ ’ “ “- ἅν enters Bao- ἐσχίξετο. TO μὲν πλείστον καὶ δυνατώτατον TOU στρατοῦ, Aa tia by Or- αὐτῷ Ἐέρξη πορενόμενον ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας, ἐσέβαλε ἐς Βοιωτοὺς ἐς chomenus, γῆν ᾿Ορχομενίων. Βοιωτῶν δὲ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἐμήδιζε' τὰς δὲ conceivable that more than a detachment of the Persian army could have accompanied the Thessalians through Phocis. Pavusa- NIAS mentions the very great scarcity of water both at Charadra and at Hyampolis. In the latter place there was only one spring, and at the former the people were obliged to fetch what they wanted from the Charadrus, three stades off. The aaa likewise had no spring (x. 4. 1). ἴ9 Παραποταμίους. PAUSANIAS ques- tions the fact of there ever having been a town of this name, and says that the people called by the name were the inha- bitants of the banks of the Cephisus,—by far the most fertile land in all Phocis. He adds, that neither are there any ruins of Parapotamia, nor any tradition of its former site (x. 33.7). But the descrip- tion of Herodotus does not seem to imply atown. Probably the invaders burnt all the hamlets. 1! τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν συλήσαντες ἐνέπρησαν. This outrage was perhaps mainly owing to the hatred of the Thessalians, who re- membered the defeat they had suffered in the neighbourhood (§ 27, above). But the temple may also have had some import- ance as a military position ; for in the sacred war some fugitive Phocians took refuge in its ruins, and the Thebans burnt them, temple and all, which they would hardly have been obliged to do, had not the place proved a strong fortification. The emperor Hadrian built a smaller temple by the side of the old one. (Pav- SANIAR, x. 35. 3. 12 dyOetrey δὲ ἤδη. It is not easy to conceive that this statement is exactly a correct one. See note 69, above. The greater part of the army must have moved by the sea-road for the sake of supplies. Perhaps at the time Herodotus is now speaking of, we may conceive the front of the invading army extended along the line from Panopeus through Hyampolis to Opus. A portion of this,—that which He- rodotus has been describing,— would have come into position at Panopeus by march- ing through Doris and Phocis. From this portion the expedition sent against Delphi would necessarily be detached. It seems possible that the real object of the expedi- tion was rather to get the temple into the hands of the Thessalians than to destroy it. The Delphic oracle had, at any rate in later times, the reputation of not having been ill-affected towards the Persians. When Themistocles was desirous of making an offering at Delphi out of his share of the Persian spoils, the priestess desired him to take the offering out of the tem- ple, saying : μή μοι Περσῆος σκύλων περικαλλέα κόσμον νηῷ ἐγκαταθῇς" οἶκόνδ' ἀπόπεμπε τά- χιστα. Two accounts were given of this; the one, that the deity, being aware that Themistocles would at a future time be- come a suppliant of the Persian king, wished to prevent him from committing the offence of making an offering from Persian spoils; the other, that, if those who made offerings from this source had, like Themistocles, asked the deity’s per- mission beforehand, every one would have been ΠΥ rejected. (ΡΑΥΒΑΝΙΑΒ, X. 14. 5. 336 HERODOTUS πόλις αὐτῶν ἄνδρες Μακεδόνες διατεταγμένοι ἔσωζον, ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξ- ἄνδρου ἀποπεμφθέντες: ἔσωζον δὲ, τῇδε βουλόμενοι δῆλον ποιέειν Ἐέρξη ὅτι τὰ Μήδων Βοιωτοὶ φρονέοιεν. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τῶν 9ῦ βαρβάρων ταύτῃ ἐτράποντο. άλλοι δὲ αὐτῶν, ἡγεμόνας ἔχοντες, while ade- ς , 2 XY εν» ἌΡ. a 2 A \ x tachment ὁρμέατο ἐπὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐν δεξιῇ τὸν Παρνησσὸν proceeds ἀπέργοντες" ὅσα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἐπέσχον τῆς Φωκίδος, πάντα ἐσινα- pai, Xerxes μώρεον' καὶ γὰρ τῶν Πανοπέων τὴν πόλεν ἐνέπρησαν, καὶ Aav- ving heard much of the A/ay, καὶ Αἰολιδέων 7. ἐπορεύοντο δὲ ταύτῃ ἀποσχισθέντες τῆς treasures nah ied ἄλλης στρατιῆς τῶνδε εἵνεκα, ὅκως συλήσαντες TO ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν offerings of Δελφοῖσι, βασιλέϊ Ἐέρξῃ ἀποδέξαιεν τὰ χρήματα. πάντα δ᾽ Toesus. ἠπίστατο τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ ὅσα λόγου Ww ἄξια Ἐέρξης, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ἄμεινον ἢ τὰ ἐν τοῖσι οἰκίοισι ἔλυπε, πολλῶν αἰεὶ λεγόντων, καὶ μάλιστα τὰ Κροίσου τοῦ ᾿Αλνυάττεω ἀναθήματα. 36 Οἱ Δελφοὶ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκατο" ἐν δείματι δὲ μεγάλῳ κατεστεῶτες, ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων, εἴτε σφέα κατὰ γῆς κατορύξωσι εἴτε ἐκκομίσωσε ἐς ἄλλην χώρην ; ὁ δὲ θεός σφεας οὐκ ἔα κινέειν, φὰς αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι τῶν ἑωυτοῦ προκατῆσθαι"". Δελφοὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες, σφέων αὐτῶν πέρι ἐφρόντιζον. τέκνα μέν νυν καὶ γυναῖκας πέρην ἐς τὴν ᾿Αχαιΐην διέπεμψαν" αὐτῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἀνέβησαν ἐς τοῦ Παρνησσοῦ τὰς κορυφὰς, καὶ ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον "" avnveixavro οἱ δὲ ἐς Γάμφισσαν τὴν Λοκρίδα ὑπεξῆλθον: πάντες δὲ ὧν οἱ Δελφοὶ ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, πλὴν ἑξήκοντα ἀνδρῶν καὶ 37 τοῦ προφήτεω. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ τε ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιόντες Lads Wien kal ἀπώρεον τὸ ἱρὸν, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ προφήτης, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Ακή- Plea Paros, ὁρᾷ πρὸ τοῦ νηοῦ ὅπλα προκείμενα ἔσωθεν ἐκ τοῦ peydpou ἐμ μὴ ἐξενηνευγμένα ἱρὰ, τῶν οὐκ ὅσιον ἦν ἅπτεσθαι ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί: 73 Αἰολιδέων. This (or Αἰολίδων) is the reading of all the MSS, but it is cer- tainly corrupt. Valcknaer conjectures very ingeniously that the true word is AIAAIEON. as being very low and narrow, and opening out of a steep and bushy slope which is the northern boundary of a high table land, spreading out to a breadth of five or six miles. On getting in, the visitor finds 74 προκατῆσθαι. The metaphor is taken from a sentinel on duty, who takes up his position in front of the post over which he is watching. In ix. 106 the full exprés- sion is used: ᾿Ιώνων προκατῆσθαι φρου- péovras. 79 ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον. RaIKEs de- scribes the entrance of the Corycian cave himself at once in a large chamber 330 feet long by 200 wide, abounding in sta- lactites and stalagmites. A ,narrow, wet passage in a descending direction led out of this, but Raikes was deferred from going further by fear of the failure of ay "ὼς (ap. Walpole’s Thurkey, i. p. 313). \ ΥΒΑΝΙΑ. VIII 35—39. 337 ὁ μὲν δὴ ἤϊε Δελφῶν τοῖσι παρεοῦσι σημανέων τὸ tépas" οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο ἐπευγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προνηΐης » f 3 7 , 4 4 A Ἁ A A@nvains, ἐπυγίνεταί ode τέρεα ἔτι pélova τοῦ πρὶν γενομένου τέρεος:. θῶμα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο κάρτα ἐστὶ, ὅπλα ἀρήϊα αὐτό- ματα φανῆναι ἔξω προκείμενα τοῦ νηοῦ τὰ δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ δεύτερα ἐπυγενόμενα καὶ διὰ πάντων φασμάτων ἄξια θωυμάσαι μάλιστα. ἐπεὶ γὰρ δὴ ἦσαν ἐπιόντες οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προνηΐης 17 ᾿Αθηναίης, ἐν τούτῳ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κεραυνοὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐνέπιπτον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Παρνησσοῦ ἀπορραγεῖσαι δύο κορυφαὶ ἐφέροντο πολλῷ πατάγῳ ἐς αὐτοὺς, καὶ κατέλαβον συχνούς σφεων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προνηΐης βοή τε καὶ ἀλαλα- δ > » [4 a? lA ’ a γμὸς ἐγίνετο. Συμμυγέντων δὲ τούτων πάντων, φόβος τοῖσι Bap- βάροισι ἐνεπεπτώκεε' μαθόντες δὲ οἱ Δελφοὶ φεύγοντάς σφεας, ἐκικαταβάντες ἀπέκτειναν πλῆθός τι αὐτῶν" οἱ δὲ περιεόντες ἰθὺ" Βοιωτῶν ἔφενγον. ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες οὗτοι τῶν βαρ- ’ἤ 4 2 A / e \ ? \ y: Ψ βάρων, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ὡς πρὸς τούτοισι καὶ ἄλλα ὥρων θεῖα: δύο γὰρ ὁπλίτας μέζονας ἢ κατὰ ἀνθρώπων φύσιν ἔχοντας "" ἕπεσθαί σφι, κτείνοντας καὶ διώκοντας. Τούτους δὲ τοὺς δύο 39 + 2 ? , of , , > two local Δελφοὶ λέγουσι εἶναε ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας, Φύλακόν τε καὶ Αὐτό- ἐροοο, Phy- yoov, τῶν τὰ τεμένεά ἐστι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν, Φυλάκου μὲν παρ᾽ αὐτὴν 'acus and 98 A utonous, τὴν ὁδὸν κατύπερθε τοῦ ipod τῆς Προνηΐης, Αὐτονόου δὲ πέλας ‘king part τῆς Κασταλίης, ὑπὸ τῇ ‘Taptrein κορυφῇ. οἱ δὲ πεσόντες ἀπὸ nie. 4 memor! τοῦ Παρνησσοῦ λίθοι ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἡμέας ἦσαν σόοι, ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ of the event remains in τῆς Προνηΐης ᾿Αθηναίης κείμενοι, ἐς τὸ ἐνέσκηψαν διὰ τῶν Bap- two huge 16 ὁ μὲν δὴ ἥϊε, κιτλ. When the Thebans were hesitating whether or not to give hattle to the Lacedsemonians at Leuctra, their courage was raised by intel- ligence brought them from Thebes, that the doors of all the temples had opened of their own accord, and that the sacred arms had disappeared from the Hera- cleum. (XENOPHON, Hellenic. vi. 4. 7.) drew the same inference from this fact that the Delphians did from the state- ment of Aceratus. Valcknaer takes some pains to argue against the notion of Ace- ratus’s act being a wilful imposture, and considers him to have been under the influence of enthusiasm. In such matters it is impossible exactly to draw the line where fanaticism ends and imposture be- VOL, Il. gins. THIRLWALL has some admirable remarks on this particular transaction (History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 292). 77 Προνηΐης. The MSS authorities do not enable one to decide between Προ- yotins and this reading, which seems undoubtedly the correct one in i. 92. Gaisford prints Προνηΐης in both pas- 78 ἰθύέ. Several MSS have εὐθύ. 19 ἔχοντας. This is the reading of all the MSS. Matthies changes it into ἐόν- τας, which certainly makes the construc- tion smoother. But if the passage be corrupt, I should rather be inclined to correct it by reading μέζονα instead of μέζονας, above. 2x stones fallen from a sum- mit of Par- 40 nassus, with- in the pre- cinct o Athene Pronma. The allied fleet falls back on Salamis, to cover the evacuation of the Athe- nian terri- tory. 41 Most of the Athenians fly to Tre- zene, but some to fEgina and 338 HERODOTUS βάρων φερόμενοι. τούτων μέν νυν τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὕτη ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἀπαλλαγὴ γίνεται "". ὋὉ δὲ “Ἑλλήνων ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίου, ’AOn- ναίων δεηθέντων, ἐς Σαλαμῖνα κατίσχει τὰς νῆας. τῶνδε δὲ εἵνεκα προσεδεήθησαν αὐτῶν σχεῖν πρὸς Σαλαμῖνα ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἵνα αὐτοὶ παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ὑπεξαγώγωνται ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, πρὸς δὲ καὶ βουλεύσωνται τὸ ποιητέον αὐτοῖσε ἔσται. ἐπὶ yap τοῖσι κατήκουσι πρήγμασι βουλὴν ἔμελλον ποιήσεσθαι, ὡς ἐψευσμένοι γνώμης" δοκέοντες γὰρ εὑρήσειν Πελοποννησίους πανδημεὶ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ ὑποκατημένους τὸν βάρβαρον, τῶν μὲν εὗρον οὐδὲν ἐὸν, οἱ δὲ ἐπυνθάνοντο τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν αὐτοὺς τειχέοντας, καὶ" τὴν Πελοπόννησον περὶ πλείστου “τοιευμένους περιεῖναΐ τε καὶ ταύτην ἔχοντας ἐν φυλακῇ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἀπιέναι" ταῦτα πυν- θανόμενοι, οὕτω δὴ προσεδεήθησάν σφεων σχεῖν πρὸς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι κατέσχον ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἄπιξιν κήρυγμα ἐποιήσαντο, ᾿Αθηναίων τῇ τις δύναται σώζειν τὰ τέκνα τε καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας" ἐνθαῦτα οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐς Τροιξῆνα "" ἀπέστειλαν, οἱ δὲ 80 αὕτη dwd τοῦ ἱροῦ ἀπαλλαγὴ γίνε- ται. Considerable difficulty has been oc- casioned by the circumstance of Ριυῦ- ΤΑΒΟΗ (Numa, § 9) incidentally men- tioning the fact of the sacred fire in the temple of Delphi having been ex- tinguished τοῦ ναοῦ καταπρησθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Μήδων. But in all probability the catastrophe in question was the one when the temple was destroyed by fire long before the Persian war, on which occasion the Alcmseonide got so much reputation by rebuilding it. Either the words ὑπὸ τῶν Μήδων are an interpolation from the gloss of a mistaken commentator, or Plutarch’s memory failed him, and he confused the times of the two events. It is however possible that the rumour of the temple having been burnt by the Pisistratids (see note 154 on v. 62) after- wards became transmuted into an account of its being burnt by the Persians at their instance. δι καί. I have followed the authority of 8. Gaisford prints ἐς with the majority of MSS. On the same ground he puts the particle re after πλείστον instead of περιεῖναι. 52 οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐς Τροιζῆνα. The feeling no doubt would have prevailed that within the isthmus the safety for refugees would be greater. But besides this, Troezene was sacred to Poseidon, the deity who (under the name of Erechtheus) was—prior to the time of Pisistratus— perhaps the most important tutelary deity of Athens; and the sentiment would be strong, at any rate among a part of the population, that in going to Troezene they would be falling back upon the protection of the god of their forefathers. For the little island Calaurea, only four stades from the coast, was to the Poseidon-wor. shippers as eacred as Delos was to the Apollo-worshippers. It contained a tem- ple of Poseidon, to which were attached rights of sanctuary; and the legend ran that Poseidon had given Pytho to Apollo in exchange for Teenarum, and Delos to Latona in exchange for Calaurea. (Stra- ΒΟ, Viii. c. 6, p. 203.) This legend is a symbolical way of representing a religi- ous union between two races, so far at least as to produce a reciprocal reverence for their chief sanctuaries. Epsorus gives a reputed oracle embodying this principle :— — —-— _— ——— ΟΝ 2 URANIA. VIII. 40, 41. 339 ἐς Alywap, ot δὲ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα". ἔσπευσαν δὲ ταῦτα ὑπεκθέσθαι", Salamis, τῷ χρηστηρίῳ τε βουλόμενοι ὑπηρετέειν καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦδε εἵνεκα Pdveed 2 οὐκ ἥκιστα" λέγουσι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὄφιν μέγαν φύλακα τῆς axpo- ἽΝ πόλιος ἐνδιαιτέεσθαι ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ: λέγουσί τε ταῦτα καὶ δὴ καὶ ὡς which ος. ἐόντι ἐπιμήνια ἐπιτελέουσι προτιθέντες ""- τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιμήνια μελι- ream τόεσσά ἐστι αὕτη δ᾽ ἡ μελιτόεσσα, ἐν τῷ πρόσθεν αἰεὶ χρόνῳ Pl ἀναισιμουμένη, τότε ἦν ἄψαυστος: σημῃνάσης δὲ ταῦτα τῆς ἱρείης, μᾶλλόν τι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ προθυμότερον ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλεν, ὡς καὶ τῆς θεοῦ ἀπολελουπυίης τὴν ἀκρόπολιν " ὡς δέ σφι πάντα ὑπεξέκειτο, ἔπλωον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. Ἴσον τοι Δῆλόν τε Καλαύρειάν τε νέμε- σθαι, Πυθώ τ᾽ ἠγαθέην καὶ Ταίναρον ἡνεμόεντα, and the device of “ Arion on his οἱ ρμΐῃ᾽" was apparently a representation to the eye of the same kind of thing. (See note 85 on i. 24.) In the island Calaurea there was anciently an Amphictyonic gathering of deputies from the seven cities, Hermione, Epidauras, AZgina, Athens, Prasis, Nau- plia, and Minyean Orchomenus. Argos in after times stood in the place of Nau- plia, and Lacedsemon of Prasie. (Strano, viii. p. 204.) $3 of δὲ és Αἴγιναν, of δὲ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. These would probably be in ἃ great mea- sure the members of the tribe Zantis. See note 168 on v. 66. 84 ὑπεκθέσθαι. Some of the MSS have after this word πειθόμενοι, which Schweig- hauser has supposed with much plausi- bility to be a mere gloss of βουλόμενοι ὑπηρετέειν. 86 ἐπιμήνια ἐπιτελέουσι προτιθέντες. The supposition that the offering thus regularly made served as the food for the tatelary deity may be paralleled by the similar superstition at Babylon relative to Bel, which the prophet Daniel so suc- cessfully detected. But this was not the case in many instances of the like kind which appear in pagan antiquity. At Alexandria certain cakes, which went by the name of ἐγκρυφίαι, and were dedicated to Cronus, were set out in his temple for every one that liked to partake of. (Dro- CLES, ap. Atheneum, iii. p. 110.) The fish that were daily -offered to Atergatis were consumed by the priests as a matter of course. (MNaszEAs8, ap. eund. viii. p. 346.) Likewise the shew-bread (ἄρτοι προθέσεω») of the Israelites seems to have been the ordinary sustenance of the offi- ciating priests, after remaining a certain time upon the table where it was offered. Compare Exod. xxv. 30 with 1 Sam. xxi. 4—6. 86 ὡς καὶ τῆς θεοῦ ἀπολελοιπυίης τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. The prevailing feeling οὗ an- tiquity was that the tutelary gods of a town must abandon it before it could be destroyed ; and that if they did abandon it, its destruction would inevitably follow, Hence the prayer of the panic-stricken Chorus in Aiscnyivus (Thed. 203) :— μήποτ᾽ ἐμὸν κατ᾽ αἰῶνα λίποι θεῶν ἅδε πανάγυρις, phd’ ἐπίδοιμι τάνδ᾽ ἀστυδρομουμένην πόλιν καὶ στράτευμ᾽ ἁπτόμενον πυρὶ δαΐῳ. So ΖΞ ποδβ (“Ἐπείά. ii. 351) announces the capture of Troy to his companions in the words— ‘* Excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis Di quibus imperium hoc steterat,’’ a catastrophe which Evurirtpgs makes the tutelary god Poseidon declare for him- self :— ὠγὼ δὲ---νικῶμαι γὰρ ’Apyelas θεοῦ Ἥρας ᾿Αθάνας 6’, at συνεξεῖλον Φρύγας, λείπω τὸ κλεινὸν Ἴλιον βωμούς τ᾽ ἐμούς. (Troad. 23.) A formula for evoking the gods of a hos- tile city was in use by the Romans in the earliest times, which Macrosius has ex- tracted from “ the very ancient book ’’ of one Furius. (Saturnalia, iii. 9.) In it the deities are promised that no less ho- nours than they have been accustomed to shall be paid them if they will consent to migrate to Rome. (See also Verrius 2x2 42 On the al- lied fleet arriving at Salamis, freeh suc- cours come in of the contingents 43 from the Pelopon- nesian states, making cighty-nine except Her- 340 HERODOTUS Ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίου és Σαλαμῖνα κατέσχον τὰς νέας, συνέρρεε καὶ ὁ λοιπὸς πυνθανόμενος 6 τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ἐκ Τροιξῆνος" ἐς γὰρ Πώγωνα τὸν Τροιζηνίων λεμένα προείρητο συλλέγεσθαι. συνελέχθησάν τε δὴ πολλῷ πλεῦνες νέες ἢ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ἐναυμάχεον, καὶ ἀπὸ πολίων πλεύνων. ναύαρχος μέν νυν ἐπῆν ὡντὸς ὅσπερ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ, Εὐρυβιάδης ὁ Εὐρυκλείδεω, ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιήτης οὐ μέντοι γένεός γε τοῦ βασι- ληΐου ἐών" νέας δὲ πολλῷ πλείστας τε καὶ ἄριστα πλωούσας παρείχοντο ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ᾿Εστρατεύοντο δὲ οἴδε' ἐκ μὲν Πελο- ποννήσου, Δακεδαιμόνιοι ἑκκαίδεκα νῆας παρεχόμενοι" Κορίνθιοι δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ πλήρωμα παρεχόμενοι τὸ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ' Σ᾿ κυώ- vot δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα παρείχοντο νῆας" ᾿Επιδαύριοι δὲ δέκα: Τροι- ships ἴῃ 41}. ξήνιοι δὲ πέντε' ᾿Ἑρμιονέες δὲ τρεῖς" ἐόντες οὗτοι, πλὴν Ἑρμιο- These states, νέων, Δωρικόν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος, ἐξ ᾿Ερινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου mione,which Kal τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες "" οἱ δὲ ᾿Ἑἱρμιονέες εἰσὶ is Dryopian, are all Do- riaD. List of con- tingents Apvores™, ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέος te καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς viv Δωρίδος καλεομένης χώρης ἐξαναστάντες. οὗτοι μέν νυν Πελοποννησίων 44 ἐστρατεύοντο. Οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἔξω ἠπείρου ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν, πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους " παρεχόμενοι νῆας ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν "", Fraccus, ap. Plin. N. H. xxviii. 2.) To capture a town without evoking the tutelary gods in due form was considered a horrible sacrilege, which brought a judg- ment with it; and consequently the real name both of Rome and of the tutelary deity was kept carefully concealed, lest an invader should take advantage of it. (Ma- CROBIUS, 1. a "7 ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες. § 31, above. δὲ of δὲ Ἑ, ρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες . . ἐξ- αναστάντεςς The ancient city of Her- mione was situated on a promontory about seven sfades long, and not more than three in its broadest part (PAUSAN1AS, ii. 34. 9); and the temples which Pausanias found there — all surrounded with cyclopic walls—were sacred to Demeter, Athene, Helios, and the Charites; all of them, therefore, as well as one of Poseidon lower down, belonging to a different reli- gious system from that of the Heraclide Dorians. There was also a stadium, with the tradition that the sons of Tyndarus had run there. In the more modern town, besides other deities proper to a See note 64 on maritime population, there were temples of Apollo, one under the name of Py- thaeus. But the non-Dorian population obviously predominated; and the tradi- tions of former hostilities doubtless kept up a hatred of race. Asine in Laconia, which is coupled with Hermione as Dry- opian (below, § 73), was founded by refugees from the town of the same name in Argolis, which was utterly destroyed by the Argives in revenge for its inhabitants having joined the Lacedsemonians in lay- ing waste their territory. (PAUSANIAS, ii. 36. 4.) ARISTOTLE made the epony- mous founder Dryops an Arcadian (ap. Strabon. viii. c. 6, p. 203), an origin which indicates a close ethnical affinity between the Argolic Dryopians and the primitive population of the Peloponnese. See more in note 270 on vii. 90. 89 πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους. Compare i. 35: ἔργα λόγον μέζω παρέχεται πρὸς πᾶσαν χώρην. iii. 94: φόρον ἀπαγίνεον πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους. 90 ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν. Tuucypt- DES makes the Athenians boast to the Lacedemonians of having furnished URANIA. VIII. 42—45. 341 μοῦνοι". ἐν Σαλαμῖνι yap ov συνεναυμάχησαν Πλαταιέες ’AOn- from the ναίοισι, διὰ τοιόνδε πρῆγμα' ἀπαλλασσομένων τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων ἀπὸ ene τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίουν, ws ἐγίνοντο κατὰ Χαλκίδα, οἱ Πλαταιέες ἀπο- βάντες ἐς τὴν περαίην τῆς Βοιωτίης χώρης “ἡ πρὸς ἐκκομιδὴν ἐτράποντο τῶν οἰκετέων. οὗτοι μέν νυν τούτους σώζοντες ἐλείφθη- σαν. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, ἐπὶ μὲν Πελασγῶν ἐχόντων τὴν νῦν ᾿Ελλάδα καλεομένην, ἦσαν Πελασγοὶ οὐνομαζόμενοι Kpavaot: ἐπὶ δὲ Κέ- κροπος βασιλέος ἐπεκλήθησαν Κεκροπίδαι"" ἐκδεξαμένον δὲ ᾿Ερεχθέος τὴν ἀρχὴν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι μετωνομάσθησαν" Ἴωνος δὲ τοῦ Ξούθου στρατάρχεω γενομένου ᾿Αθηναίοισι, ἐκλήθησαν ἀπὸ τούτου Ιωνες. Μεγαρέες δὲ τὠυτὸ πλήρωμα παρείχοντο τὸ καὶ ἐπ’ 45 ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ' ᾿Αμπρακιῶται δὲ ἑπτὰ νέας ἔχοντες ἐπεβώθησαν'" Λευκάδιοι δὲ τρεῖς" ἔθνος ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου". “nearly two-thirds of the whole fleet of 400 gallies”’ which fought at Salamis (i. 74). Herodotus gives as the aggregate 378; so that the Athenian contingent in his view was something less than the half (below, § 48). The sum of the separate squadrons which he gives amounts to only 366; but this perhaps admits of an explanation. (See note 101, below.) Crs- 81As puts the Hellenic fleet at 700, but there must certainly be some error in this number (ap. Photium, p. 39). 91 μοῦνοι, “ by themselves,’ i. 6. inde- pendently of the Plateans. It is a strik- ing circumstance that the Athenians should have been able to bring so large a number of ships into action, if there be hot a t exaggeration in the former statement (§ 18), that one-half their gal- lies were crippled in the last battle which took place at Artemisium. Doubtless the Athenians bore the brunt of that engage- ment. 5? és τὴν περαίην τῆς Bowwrins χώρης, “into the Boeotian territory on the oppo- site shore.’”? One manuscript (V) has the reading πιερίην for περαίην, an obvious corruption, although adopted by Valla’s translatiou. "5 ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, ἐπὶ μὲν Πελασγῶν... Κεκροπίδαι. Koen, in a letter to Valck- naer, argued that there was an exten- Sive corruption in this passage, from the Grcumstance that Cecrops is placed Ὁ APOLLOpDORUS before Cranaus (Biblioth. il. 14.1—5). Assuming that the pedi- gree, as given by the Alexandrine gram- marian, must possess absolute authority, he proposes as a conjecture in the text: ἐπὶ μὲν Πελασγῶν. ... ἦσαν Πελασγοὶ οὐνομα(όμενοι' ὀπὶ δὲ Κέκροπος βασιλέος ἐκλήθησαν Κεκροπίδαι, καὶ ἐπὶ Κραναοῦ Κραναοί. But, independently of the vio- lence of the change, it is plain that its desirability resta entirely upon forgetful- ness that the mythological genealogies of Apollodorus are a factitious arrangement, without any real pretension to historical correctness. In numberless instances, of which this is one, particular local tradi- tions were quite opposed to them, and nothing has conduced so much to obscure Hellenic archzeology as the neglect to re- cognize this fact. (Compare note 415 on ii. 139.) It so happens that Scymnus Carus (Perieg. vv. 558— 564) shows by his quo- tation of the substance of this passage, that he found the text of Herodotus in the same condition as that of the present Υ͂. 9 ἔθνος ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν ἀπὸ Kop{y@ov. This refers both to the Am- braciots and the Leucadians. Ambracia is said to have been founded by Tolgus, a son of Cypselus, and consequently brother of the celebrated Periander. (STRAxo, vii. 7, p. 120.) See note 264 on v. 92. Tuucypipes calls Leucadia a Corinthian colony (i. 30); and its foundation proba- bly belongs to the time of the Cypselid dynasty, which appears to have had influ- ence over the whole west of European Hellas as far as Corcyra. (See above, iii. 52.) It is observable that Herodotus does not speak of Leucadia as δὴ island, although it was at one time made so by 46 47 342 HERODOTUS Νησιωτέων δὲ, Αὐγινῆται τριήκοντα " παρείχοντο. ἦσαν μέν σφι καὶ ἄλλαι πεπληρωμέναε νέες" ἀλλὰ τῇσι μὲν τὴν ἑωυτῶν ἐφύλασ- cov", τριήκοντα δὲ τῇσι ἄριστα πλωούσῃσι ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ἐναυμά- ynoav. Αἰὐγινῆται δέ εἰσι Δωριέες ἀπὸ ᾿Επιδαύρου τῇ Se νήσῳ πρότερον οὔνομα ἦν Οἰνώνη.. μετὰ δὲ Αὐγινήτας, Χαλκιδέες τὰς én’ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ εἴκοσι παρεχόμενοι καὶ ‘Eperptées τὰς ἑπτά" οὗτοι δὲ "Ιωνές εἰσι. μετὰ δὲ, Κεῖοι τὰς αὐτὰς παρεχόμενοι, ἔθνος ἐὸν ᾿Ιωνικὸν ἀπὸ ᾿Αθηνέων. Νάξιοι δὲ παρείχοντο τέσσερας “Ἷ, ἀπο- πεμφθέντες μὲν ἐς τοὺς Μήδους ὑπὸ τῶν πολιητέων κατάπερ ὧλλοι νησιῶται, ἀλογήσαντες δὲ τῶν ἐντολέων ἀπίκατο ἐς τοὺς “Ἕλληνας, Δημοκρίτου" σπεύσαντος, ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἀστῶν δοκίμου καὶ τότε tpinpapyéovros. Νάξιοι δέ εἰσι Ἴωνες, ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων γεγονότες. Στυρέες δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς παρείχοντο νῆας τὰς καὶ én’ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ, Κύθνιοι" δὲ μίαν καὶ πεντηκόντερον' ἐόντες συναμ- φότεροι οὗτοι Δρύοπες" καὶ Σερίφιοί τε καὶ Σίφνιοι καὶ Μήλιοι ἐστρατεύοντο" οὗτοι γὰρ οὐκ ἔδοσαν μοῦνοι νησιωτέων τῷ βαρ- βάρῳ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ. Οὗτοι μὲν ἅπαντες ἐντὸς οἰκημένοι Θεσπρωτῶν καὶ ᾿Αχέροντος ποταμοῦ ἐστρατεύοντο’ Θεσπρωτοὶ yap εἰσι ὁμουρέοντες ᾿Αμπρακιώτῃσε καὶ Δευκαδίοισι, of ἐξ ἐσχατέων χωρέων ἐστρατεύοντο. τῶν δὲ ἐκτὸς τούτων οἰκημένων, Κροτωνιῆται μοῦνοι ἦσαν of ἐβώθησαν τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι κινδυνευούσῃ, digging through the isthmus, and is so at the present day. In the time of Strano a bridge connected it with the main-land (x. c. 2, p. 332). 98 ais ae Larcher proposes to read δύο καὶ τεσσεράκοντα, in order to make the numbers square with the total of Herodotus. Pausanras states that the /Eginetans furnished the largest contin- gent next to the Athenians (ii. 29. 5). As the Corinthians contributed forty, the fEginetans must (Larcher thinks) have furnished some number greater than this. But Pausanias perhaps followed some other authority in the number he gives; and the total may be otherwise accounted for. See note 101 on § 48, below. 96 γὴν ἑωυτῶν ἐφύλασσον. The island fégina was well protected against an enemy by the submarine rocks and shoals which surrounded it; and of all the Hel- lenic islands was the most difficult to make. (PAusANIAS, ii 29. 6.) Hence only a smal] number of vessels was re- quired to defend it, and this appears not improbably to have been fwelve on the present occasion. 91 παρείχοντο τέσσερας. PLUTARCH (de Malign. Herod. § 36) read τρεῖς in the MS he used. HELLANi cus, he says, had related that the Naxians voluntarily sent six to the aid of the Hellenic con- federates. ®8 Anyuoxpirov. According to an epi- gram of Simonipes (ap. Plutarch. de Malign. Herod. § 36), this individual highly distinguished himself in the ac- tion :— Δημόκριτος τρίτος ἦρξε μάχης, ὅτε παρ᾽ Σαλαμῖνα Ἕλληνες Μήδοις σύμβαλον ἐν πελάγει, πέντε δὲ νῆας ἕλεν δηΐων, ἕκτην 8 ἀπὸ χειρῶν ῥύσατο βαρβαρικῶν Δωρίδ᾽ ἁλισκομέ- νην. 97) Κύθνιοι. See note 270 on vii. 90. ὕΒΑΝΊΙΑ. VIII. 46---48. 948 νηὶ μιῇ, τῆς ἦρχε ἀνὴρ τρὶς πυθιονίκης, Φάῦλλος. Κροτωνιῆται 100 e δὲ γένος εἰσὶ ᾿Αχαιοί Oi μέν νυν ἄλλοι τριήρεας παρεχόμενοι ἐστρατεύοντο, Μήλιοι δὲ, καὶ Σίφνιοι, καὶ Σερίφιοι, πεντηκοντέ- ρους" Μήλιοι μὲν, γένος ἐόντες ἀπὸ Λακεδαίμονος, δύο παρείχοντο" Σίφνιοι δὲ καὶ Σερίφιοι, Ἴωνες ἐόντες ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων, μίαν ἑκάτεροι. ἀριθμὸς δὲ ἐγένετο ὁ πᾶς τῶν νεῶν, πάρεξ τῶν πεντηκοντέρων, τριηκόσιαι καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ὁ 1900 Κροτωνιῆται δὲ γένος εἰσὶ ᾿Αχαιοί. This notice is rather remarkable, although it is confirmed by Zenosius (Proverd. Centur. iii. 42), who calls Myscelus, the founder, a Rhypean. But on the other hand a coin of Crotona gives Heracles as the οἰκιστής; and Ovip not only makes Myscelus set out on the expedition at the risk of his life under the special direction of Heracles, but calls him the son of Alemon of Argolis. (Metamorph. xv. 19.) Perhaps these discordant accounts may be reconciled by supposing the colony (which Dionysius places in the second year of the seventeenth Olynipiad) to be some- what of the nature of that under Phalan- tus to Tarentum, i. e. to consist, as far as its chiefs were concerned, of the issue of a marriage of disparagement between the Heractide invaders of Argolis and the Achzean population they found there, the great bulk being pure Achexans. The remaining members of the family of Ale- mon (the wanderer) may very probably have formed part of the exiles from Pelo- ponnese who found refuge in the twelve towns of Achaia, and thus the gens may in after times have existed among the Rhy- pes. At Sybaris the population was partly Acheean and partly Troezenian, and the city was founded only ten years before Crotona. The two neighbours appear to have lived amicably with one another until shortly before the total destruction of Sybaris related above (v. 44). The war which then broke out, was, according to ARISTOTLE (see note 108 on v. 44), connected with the expulsion of the non-Achsean by the Achsan part of the population. The presumption there- fore would be that, contrariwise, in the hostile Crotona the Heraclide element prevailed over the Acheean. And this is confirmed by the coins, which in the case of Crotona have the infant Heracles, Here, and the /aurel-crowned Apollo, while those of Sybaris bear the head of an ox, or the horned human head. (HorrmMann, Griech- RTD 4 101 e enland, pp. 1988—41.) If this supposi- tion be true, the war will have been exactly of the kind to attract the Lacede- monian Dorieus. ee 107 on v. 44.) It will have a war of races, whose mutual antipathy finally burst forth in Sybaris by the expulsion of the Doric Troezenians, and the march of the Acheean population en masse upon Crotona, after massacring thirty Crotonian commissioners and casting their bodies to the dogs (Payiarcnus, fr. 45, ed. Didot.), a ferocity eled by the conduct of Cleomenes at Argos (vi. 79). Under such circumstances of mutual exaspera- tion, it was not unnatural that Sybaris should be by the victorious Crotonians so entirely destroyed as to leave its very site obscure. It seems not impossible that Phayllus, the commander of the solitary galley which fought at Salamis, was himself descended from the Achsean portion of the original settlers of Cro- tona, and was as much disgusted with the predominance of the Dorian interest there, as the Spartan Dorieus had been with the triumph of the Achzan party at Lacedemon. In this case, the statement that the Crotonians are Achrean may be a generalization from the crew of his ship and himself. Pavusan1as speaks of Phayl- lus in terms which might induce one to believe he was actually living away from his own city: ἐναυμάχησε καὶ ἐναντία τοῦ Μήδου, ναῦν τε παρασκευασάμενος οἰκείαν, κ ωνιατῶν ὁπόσοι ἐπεδήμουν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἐνεβίβασε (x. 9. 2). If the crew were exiles of the Achsean party, the whole matter is explained. 101 χριηκόσιαι καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ὀκτώ. The manuscripts 8 and V and Valla’s version have the number 358, but neither sum agrees with the aggregate of the several contingents, which amounts to 366 triremes and 6 penteconters. The number 378, however, can hardly be a corruption ; for another reference is made to it below (§ 82). Larcher considers 48 making the whole fleet up to 378 sail, besides a few pente- conters. 944 HERODOTUS 49 ὥς δὲ ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα συνῆλθον οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀπὸ τῶν εν κα ον ἐν εἰρημένων πολίων, ἐβουλεύοντο, προθέντος Εὐρυβιάδεω γνώμην τιν it is ἀποφαίνεσθαι tov βουλόμενον, ὅκου δοκέοι ἐπιτηδεώτατον εἶναι ἊΝ le ναυμαχίην ποιέεσθαι τῶν αὐτοὶ χωρέων ἐγκρατέες εἰσί ἡ γὰρ ay eect ᾿Αττικὴ ἀφεῖτο ἤδη, τῶν δὲ λοιπέων πέρι προετίθεε' ai yvapas δὲ mus. τῶν λεγόντων ai πλεῖσται συνεξέπιπτον, πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν πλώ- σαντας ναυμαχέειν πρὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου" ἐπιλέγοντες τὸν λόγον τόνδε, ws, ἢν νικηθέωσι “ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι μὲν ἐόντες, πολιορκήσονται ἐν νήσῳ, ἵνα σφι τιμωρίη οὐδεμία ἐπιφανήσεται" πρὸς δὲ τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ, ἐς τοὺς ἑωυτῶν ἐξοίσονται "5. 50 Ταῦτα τῶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου στρατηγῶν ἐπιλογομένων, ree ἐλήλυθε ' ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἀγγέλλων ἥκειν τὸν βάρβαρον ἐς τὴν mnole af ᾿Αττικὴν, καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν πυρπολέεσθαι. ὁ yap διὰ Βοιωτῶν being ranted τραπόμενος στρατὸς ἅμα Ἐέρξῃ, ἐμπρήσας Θεσπιέων τὴν πόλιν enemy. αὐτῶν ἐκλελοιπότων ἐς Πελοπόννησον, καὶ τὴν Πλαταιέων ὧσαύ- τως, ἧκέ τε ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας καὶ πάντα ἐκεῖνα ἐδηΐου: ἐνέπρησε δὲ Θέσπιάν"" τε καὶ Πλάταιαν πυθόμενος Θηβαίων ὅτι οὐκ ἐμήδιζον. 51 ᾿Απὸ δὲ τῆς διαβάσιος τοῦ ᾿Ελλησπόντου, ἔνθεν πορεύεσθαι They enter ἤρξαντο οἱ βάρβαροι, ἕνα αὐτοῦ διατρίψαντες μῆνα, ἐν τῷ διέβαι- ΤΠ of Cal νον ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην "", ἐν τρισὶ ἑτέροισι μήνεσι ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ liades, just ᾿Αττικῇ, Καλλιάδεω ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθηναίοισι. καὶ αἱρέουσε ἐρῆμον after com- δ a { δλύγους ev σ a3 val, ? ~ ¢ a mionciag the Ὁ ὄστυ, καί τινας ὀλύγους ρίσκουσι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ that the error is in the numbers assigned to the ASginetans (§ 46), which he would make 42 instead of 30, as PAUSANIAS (ii. 29. 5) asserts the AEginetan contingent to have been the most numerous next to the Athenian. I should rather consider that the balance of twelve is made up of those vessels with which the Aginetans are said to have guarded their own island, and which may have been regarded as a detachment from the allied fleet. 102 Ay wiunOéwot. The majority of the MSS have εἰ νικηθέωσι, but 8 and V sup- port the reading in the text. Ei with the subjunctive has a very different sense from that which is required here. See note 170 on i. 53, and note 18], a, on ii. 52. 105 ἐξοίσονται. A similar use of the word is found below (ὃ 76): ἐνθαῦτα μάλιστα ἐξοισομένων τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῶν νανηγίων. 104 ἐλήλυθε, This is the reading of all the MSS, but the conjecture of Matthie (ἐπήλνθε), or of Bekker (ἐληλύθεε), seems necessary. 103 Θέσπιαν. This is the reading of S and V. Gaisford follows the majority of MSS, which have Θέσπειαν. 106 ἕνᾳ αὐτοῦ διατρίψαντες .... ἐς τὴν Etpéxnv. The actual time occupied by the transit of the Hellespont was seven days and seven nights (vii. 56). This passage therefore must not be construed too strictly. The month perhaps included the whole time from the arrival of the vanguard on the shore of the straits to the commencement of the march into Hellas after the review at Doriscus (vii. 59). It was not till then that the whole force of the army appears to have been ascertained, and the line of march as- signed to each division. (See vii. 60, ad Jin.) URANIA. VIII. 49—53. 345 ἐόντας, ταμίας τε τοῦ ἱροῦ "7 καὶ πένητας αὐ θρισπονν: οὗ φραξά- passage into μενοι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν θύρῃσί τε καὶ ξύλοισι, ἠμύνοντο τοὺς ἐπιόν- capture = τας, ἅμα μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἀσθενίης βίον οὐκ ἐκχωρήσαντες és Σαλαμῖνα, ae πρὸς δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ δοκέοντες ἐξευρηκέναι τὸ μαντήϊον τὸ ἡ Πυθίη σφι ἔχρησε, τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος ἀνάλωτον ἔσεσθαι αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ κρησφύγετον κατὰ τὸ μαντήϊον, καὶ ov τὰς νῆας. Oi δὲ 52 Πέρσαι ἱζόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸν καταντίον τῆς ἀκροπόλιος ὄχθον, τὸν ere a ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλέουσι ᾿Αρήϊον mdyov'", ἐπολιόρκεον τρόπον τοιόνδε" attacked the ὅκως στυπεῖον περὶ τοὺς ὀϊστοὺς περιθέντες ἅψειαν, ἐτόξευον ἐς τὸ φράγμα' ἐνθαῦτα ᾿Αθηναίων οἱ πολιορκεόμενοι ὅμως ἠμύνοντο, καίπερ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον κακοῦ ἀπυγμένοι, καὶ τοῦ φρώγματος προ- δεδωκότος" οὐδὲ λόγους τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων προσφερόντων περὶ The gar- opohoyins ἐνεδέκοντο' ἀμυνόμενοι δὲ ἄλλα τε ἀντεμηχανέοντο Kal cae δὴ καὶ προσιόντων τῶν βαρβάρων πρὸς τὰς πύλας, ὀλοιτρόχους ἀπίεσαν' ὥστε Ἐέρξεα ἐπὶ χρόνον συχνὸν ἀπορίῃσε ἐνέχεσθαι, οὐ δυνάμενόν σφεας ἑλεῖν. Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἀπόρων ἐφάνη δή τις 53 ἔσοδος τοῖσι βαρβάροισι' ἔδεε γὰρ κατὰ τὸ θεοπρόπιον πᾶσαν τὴν ἢ ᾿Αττικὴν τὴν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι' ἔμπροσθε ὧν by Snare πρὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλιος, ὄπισθε δὲ τῶν πυλέων καὶ τῆς ἀνόδου, τῇ δὴ the rock οὔτε τις ἐφύλασσε, οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἤλπισε μή κοτέ τις κατὰ ταῦτα peau pa avaBain ἀνθρώπων, ταύτῃ ἀνέβησάν tives κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς : Κέκροπος θυγατρὸς ᾿Αγλαύρου"", xalrourep ἀποκρήμνου ἐόντος τοῦ χώρου" ws δὲ εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἀναβεβηκότας οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, οἱ μὲν sila ἑωυτοὺς κατὰ TOU τείχεος κάτω, καὶ ἘΣ cnn 5 διεφθείροντο, οἱ δὲ és τὸ μέγαρον κατέφευγον: τῶν δὲ Περσέων οἱ the remple 107 ταμίας τε τοῦ ἱροῦ, “ treasurers of the temple.” See Surrn’ 8 Dictionary of Greek and Latin Antiquities, sub v. 108 "Aphioy πάγον. The Areopagus was nearly opposite to the grotto of Pan spoken of above (vi. 105). The Aglau- reum (or Agrauleum) must have been very near to this last, if not originally identical with it. See the next note. 109 κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Κέκροπος θυγατρὸς ᾿Αγλαύρου. Two manuscripts (ὁ, d) have ᾿Αγραύλου, which is perhaps not a corrup- tion,—for this latter is etymologically con- nected with “Aypa and ᾿Αγροτέρα, the local names of the Attic Artemis, and it is the form used by Evuriripgs in the Ion: ᾿Αγραύλου κόραι τρίγονοι (v. 54). VOL. 11. All the other MSS however have the form ᾿Αγλαύρου, and so has PAUsANIAS where he speaks of the legend of the nymph in question (i. 18. 2). Leaxz says that about seventy yards to the east- ward of the cave of Pan (see note 24] on vi. 105) there is, in the midst of the Long Rocks and at the base of a precipice, a remarkable cavern. (Athens and the Demi of Attica, i. p. 266.) This he supposes to be the site mentioned in the text. ah τρις however, represents the τέμενος of Aglaurus as above the Anaceum, or temple of the Dioscuri, and says that it was there the Persians scaled the acro- polis (1. c). 2y 346 HERODOTUS plundered ἀναβεβηκότος πρῶτον μὲν ἐτράποντο πρὸς Tas πύλας ταύτας δὲ ἀνοίξαντες, τοὺς ἱκέτας ἐφόνενον' ἐπεὶ δέ ods πάντες κατ- and burnt. δά Xerxes, on the next day, orders the exiles to offer the roper sacri- ces to the local dei- tics, and they discover the sacred olive to have made a new shoot of a cubit long. ἔστρωντο >” πολιν '"", , τὸ ἱρὸν συλήσαντες, ἐνέπρησαν πᾶσαν τὴν ἀκρό- Syav δὲ παντελέως τὰς ᾿Αθήνας Ἐξέρξης, ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Σοῦσα ἄγγελον ἱππέα ᾿Αρταβάνῳ ἀγγελέοντα τὴν παρεοῦσάν ade εὐπρηξίην. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πέμψιος τοῦ κήρυκος δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ συγκαλέσας ᾿Αθηναίων τοὺς φυγάδας, ἑωντῷ δὲ ἑπομένους, ἐκέλευε τρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ θῦσαι τὰ ipa’ ἀναβάντας ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολεν" εἴτε δὴ ὧν ὄψιν twa ἰδὼν ἐνυπνίου ἐνετέλλετο ταῦτα, εἴτε καὶ ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἀγένετο ἐμπρήσαντα " τὸ ἱρόν' οἱ δὲ φυγάδες τῶν 55 ᾿Αθηναίων ἐποίησαν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. Τοῦ δὲ εἵνεκεν τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην, φράσω ἔστι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ταύτῃ 'EpeyOéos τοῦ γηγενέος λεγομένου εἶναι νηὸς .", ἐν τῷ ἐλαίη τε καὶ θάλασσα ἔνι" τὰ λόγος παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων Ποσειδέωνά τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίην ἐρίσαντας περὶ τῆς χώρης μαρτύρια θέσθαι ταύτην ὧν τὴν ἐλαίην ἅμα τῷ ἄλλῳ ἱρῷ κατέλαβε ἐμπρησθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων" δευτέρῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐμπρήσιος, ᾿Αθηναίων οἱ θύειν ὑπὸ βασιλέος κελευόμενος ὡς ἀνέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν, ὥρων βλαστὸν ἐκ τοῦ στε- λέχεος " ὅσον te πηχυαῖον ἀναδεδραμηκότα. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔφρασαν. 110 ὀπεὶ 34 σφι πάντες κατέστρωντο. The same expression is used in ix. 76, below: ὡς δὲ τοῖσι “Ἕλλησι ἐν Πλαταιῇσι κατέστρωντο οἱ βάρβαροι. 1 ἐνέπρησαν πᾶσαν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. Cicero (de Legg. ii. 10) says that the Magi induced Xerxes to burn the temples of Greece on the ground that it was a wickedness to pretend to inclose deities within walls, the whole world being their proper habitation. In another passage (De Repub. iii. 9) he applies this particularly to the case of Athens. But although Cambyses might have acted on an icono- clastic feeling,—and probably did so in Egypt,—yet it seems unquestionable that 8 great deal of toleration for temple-wor- ship, and perhaps for foreign religions, grown up in the Medo-Persian court by this time. See the note 321 on vii. 114, and the Excursus on vii. 74, p. 435. Mardonius too consulted the oracle of the Ismenian Apollo, the Apollo Ptéus, the Apollo at Abse, and also the shrines ae aa and Trophonius (viii, 118 χρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ θῦσαι τὰ ipd. See note 138 on ii. 49, and note 86 on § 41, above. 113 ἐμπρήσαντα. This is the reading of P, K, F, δ. Gaisford, with the rest of the MSS, reads ἐμπρήσαντι. Either is legitimate, but it is more likely that the symmetrical construction should have been introduced by a transcriber than the con- verse. 114 νηός. This is the old Erechtheum. See note 208 on v. 77. The θάλασσα is a mineral spring of salt-water within the sacred precinct, which the tradition attri- buted to a blow of the trident of the Attic Poseidon, Erechtheus. (Pausaniaa, i. 27.6. Apo.Loporves, iii. 14. 1.) 115 βλαστὸν ἐκ τοῦ oreAéxeos. The sacred olive’s character of indestructibility is probably what is alluded to in the verses of Sopmocizs (Gd. Col. 688, 4.) :— φύτευμ᾽' ἀχείρωτον αὐτόποιον ὠγχέων φόβημα δαΐων, ὃ τᾷδε θάλλει μέγιστα χώρᾳ, γλαυκᾶς παιδοτ ν φύλλον ἐλαίας, URANIA. VIII. 54—59. 347 Oi δὲ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι “EdrAnves, ὥς ode ἐξωγγέλθη ὡς ἔσχε τὰ 56 περὶ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκρόπολιν, ἐς τοσοῦτον θόρυβον ἀπίκοντο ὃν the. ὥστε ἔνιοι τῶν στρατηγῶν οὐδὲ κυρωθῆναι ἔμενον τὸ προκείμενον ‘6 ME οἵ πρῆγμα, ἀλλ᾽ ἔς τε τὰς νῆας ἐσέπεπτον, καὶ ἱστία ἀείροντο ὡς nar ταῤύῤρ ἀποθευσόμενοι' τοῖσί τε ὑπολευπομένοισι αὐτῶν ἐκυρώθη πρὸ τοῦ the allies. ᾿ΙΙσθμοῦ ναυμαχέειν: νύξ τε éylvero, καὶ οἷ, διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου, ἐσέβαινον ἐς τὰς νῆας. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ Θεμιστοκλέα 57 ἀπικόμενον ἐπὶ τὴν νῆα εἴρετο Munolpiros'"*, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, ἊΝ γα μὰ ὅ τε ode εἴη βεβουλευμένον; πυθόμενος δὲ πρὸς αὐτοῦ ὡς εἴη eae δεδογμένον ἀνάγειν τὰς νῆας πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν, καὶ πρὸ τῆς Πελο- 9 Themis ποννήσου ναυμαχέειν, εἶπε" “οὗτοι ἄρα ἣν ἀπαίρωσι τὰς νῆας ἀπὸ Tein thet | Σαλαμῖνος, περὶ οὐδεμεῆς Ere πατρίδος ναυμαχήσεις" κατὰ γγ ea αν ΗΒ πόλιες ἕκαστοι τρέψονται' καὶ οὔτε σφέας Εὐρυβιάδης κατέχειν Salamis, δυνήσεται οὔτε τις ἀνθρώπων ἄλλος, ὥστε οὐ μὴ διασκεδασθῆναι τὴν στρατιήν ἀπολέεταί τε ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς ἀβουλίῃσι. GAN εἴ τις ἐστὶ μηχανὴ, ἴθε καὶ πειρῶ διαχέαι τὰ βεβουλευμένα, ἤν κως δύνῃ ἀναγνῶσαι EvpuBiddea μεταβουλεύσασθαι, ὥστε αὐτοῦ μενέειν." Κάρτα δὴ τῷ Θεμιστοκλέϊ ἤρεσε ἡ ὑποθήκη" καὶ οὐδὲν πρὸς ταῦτα 8 ἀμειψάμενος, ἤϊε ἐπὶ τὴν νῆα τὴν Εὐρυβιάδεω" ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἔφη "πιὰ The θέλειν οἱ κοινόν τι πρῆγμα συμμίέξαε" ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν νῆα ἐκέλευε induces . Eurybiades ἐσβάντα λέγειν εἴ τι θέλει ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης παριξόμενός calla Ot καταλέγει κεῖνά τε πάντα τὰ ἤκουσε Μνησιφίλου, ἑωυτοῦ cil of war. ποιεύμενος, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ προστιθείς" ἐς ὃ ἀνέγνωσε ypntCwv ἔκ τε τῆς νηὸς ἐκβῆναι συλλέξαι τε τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐς τὸ συν- ἔδριον. ‘As δὲ ἄρα συνελέχθησαν, πρὶν ἢ τὸν Εὐρυβιάδεα προ- 59 a 4 , A ? 4 \ ‘ He is in- θεῖναι τὸν λόγον τῶν εἵνεκα συνήγαγε TOUS στρατηγοὺς, πολὺς ἦν sulted by al ’ ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι, οἷα κάρτα δεόμενος" λέγοντος reg ati ΑἉ 3 le) e N ? J 117 ς 9 ᾽ Ξ ° d ° l δὲ αὐτοῦ, ὁ Κορίνθιος στρατηγὸς ᾿Αδείμαντος " ὁ ᾿Ωκύτου εἶπε" ἰδὲ δάρλϊχαι, “" Θεμιστόκλεες, ἐν τοῖσι ἀγῶσι οἱ προεξανιστάμενοι ῥαπί- κ᾽ hed ξονται" ὁ δὲ ἀπολνόμενος ἔφη" “οἱ δέ γε ἐγκαταλευπόμενοι ov and by ΕΥΒΙΡΙΡῈΒ (Jon, 1433), where on the same day (i. 27. 2). Creusa says :— 6 Μνῃσίφιλος. Of this Mnesiphilus, στέφανον ἐλαίας ἀμφέθηκά σοι tére seo PLuTARCR, quoted ἴῃ note 99 on ~ 9» i. 30. ἣν πρῶτ᾽ ᾿Αθάνα σκόπελον εἰσηνέγκατο" ; ; ὃς, εἴπερ ἔστιν, ob wor’ ἐκλείπει χλόην, Ῥ δε ΩΣ si aces pd θάλλει δ᾽ ἐλαίας ἐξ ἀκηράτον γεγώς. sere to Eurybisdes ; but in another The story had improved by the time of (Apophthegmata, p. 185) puts it into the PausaNnias. The sacred plant was then mouth of Adimantus, See note 494 on said to have made a shoot ἔσο cubits long ii. 160. νυ ἃ 848 HERODOTUS 60 στεφανεῦνται." Τότε μὲν ἠπίως πρὸς τὸν Κορίνθιον ἀμείψατο" a πρὸς δὲ τὸν Εὐρυβιάδεα ἔλεγε ἐκείνων μὲν οὐκέτι οὐδὲν τῶν πρό- ἕω τερον λεχθέντων, ὡς ἐπεὰν ἀπαίρωσι ἀπὸ Σαλαμῖνος, διαδρή- σονται' παρεόντων γὰρ τῶν συμμάχων οὐκ ἔφερέ οἱ κόσμον οὐδένα κατηγορέειν' ὁ δὲ ἄλλου λόγου εἴχετο, λέγων τάδε" “ἐν σοὶ νῦν ἐστὶ σῶσαι τὴν Ελλάδα, ἣν ἐμοὶ πείθῃ ναυμαχίην αὐτοῦ μένων ποιέεσθαι, μηδὲ, πειθόμενος τούτων τοῖσι λέγουσι, ἀνα- ζεύξῃς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν τὰς vias" ἀντίθες γὰρ ἑκάτερον ἀκού- σας" πρὸς μὲν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ συμβάλλων ἐν πελάγεϊ ἀναπεπταμένῳ ναυμαχήσεις, ἐς ὃ ἥκιστα ἡμῖν σύμφορόν ἐστι νῆας ἔχουσι βαρυ- τέρας "" καὶ ἀριθμὸν ἐλάσσονας" τοῦτο δὲ, ἀπολέεις Σαλαμῖνά τε καὶ Μέγαρα καὶ Αἴγιναν, ἤνπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εὐτυχήσωμεν" ἅμα γὰρ τῷ ναυτικᾷ αὐτῶν ἕψεται καὶ ὁ πεζὸς στρατός: καὶ οὕτω σφέας αὐτὸς ἄξεις ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον, κινδυνεύσεις τε ἁπάσῃ τῇ Ἑλλάδι. ἢν δὲ τὰ ἐγὼ λέγω ποιήσῃς, τοσάδε ἐν αὐτοῖσι χρηστὰ εὑρήσεις: πρῶτα μὲν, ἐν στεινῷ συμβάλλοντες νηυσὶ ὀλίγῃσι πρὸς πολλὰς, ἣν τὰ οἰκότα ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου ἐκβαίνῃ πολλὸν κρατήσομεν' τὸ γὰρ ἐν στεινῷ ναυμαχέειν πρὸς ἡμέων dart ἐν εὐρυχωρίῃ δὲ πρὸς ἐκείνων. αὗτις δὲ, Σαλαμὶς περι- γίνεται, ἐς τὴν ἡμῖν ὑπέκκειται τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκες. καὶ μὴν καὶ τόδε ἐν αὐτοῖσι ἔνεστι τοῦ καὶ περιέχεσθε μάλιστα ὁμοίως αὐτοῦ τε μένων, προναυμαχήσεις Πελοποννήσου, καὶ πρὸς τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ᾽ οὐδέ σφεας, εἴπερ εὖ φρονέεις, ἄξεις ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόν- ἢν δέ γε καὶ τὰ ἐγὼ ἐλπίζω γένηται, καὶ νικήσωμεν τῆσι νηυσὶ, οὔτε ὑμῖν ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν παρέσονται οἱ βάρβαροι, οὔτε νῆσον. 115 μηδὲ, . ἀναζεύξῃς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν τὰς νῆας. This expression is not a very easy one to explain; but perhaps the metaphor is taken from the unharnessing of horses, and thereupon removing them from the car in which they had stood ready for use. In ix. 4], ἀναζ(ενγνύναι τὸν στρατὸν is “ to move the army out of its position in the field ;’’ and in ix. 58, ἀναζενγνύναι τὸ στρατόπεδον, “to break up the encampment.” Here, therefore, we should perhaps translate: “and not break up and move the ships to the isth- mus.” I very much suspect that for the word λέγουσι we should read λόγοισι, but Gaisford gives no variation of the MSS. 119 yas ἔχουσι βαρυτέρας. It is not very easy to understand this expression ; for all accounts seem to agree that the Persian vessels were larger and higher out of the water than those of the allies. Perhaps all that is meant is that the latter were slower sailers. And if it be remembered that they were manned in art by a portion of the population which had never handled an oar before this emergency compelled them to do so, it is not surprising if some should be unapt in manceuvring. That all were not so, seems to follow from the account of the engage- ments at Artemisium. Perhaps Themis- tocles had especially in his eye the new reinforcements, which would natarally be the worst found. URANIA. VIII. 60—62. 349 προβήσονται ἑκαστέρω τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ἀπίασί τε οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, Μεγάροισί τε κερδανέομεν περιεοῦσι, καὶ Αὐγίνῃ, καὶ Σαλαμῖνι, ἐν τῇ ἡμῖν καὶ λόγιόν ἐστε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κατύπερθε γενέσθαι. οἰκότα μέν νυν βουλευομένοισι ἀνθρώποισι ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν ἐθέλει γίνεσθαι" μὴ δὲ οἰκότα βουλευομένοισι, οὐκ ἐθέλει οὐδὲ ὁ θεὸς προσχωρέειν ampos τὰς ἀνθρωπηΐας γνώμας". Ταῦτα λέγοντος Θεμιστο- 6] κλέους, αὗτις ὁ Κορίνθιος ᾿Αδείμαντος ἐπεφέρετο, συγᾶν τε κελεύων ᾿κισασρδας τῷ μή ἐστι πατρὶς καὶ Εὐρυβιάδεα οὐκ ἐῶν ἐπιψηφίζειν ἀπόλε "5" his insult, and this ἀνδρί’ πόλιν γὰρ τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα παρεχόμενον, οὕτω ἐκέλευε time 15 γνώμας συμβάλλεσθαι: ταῦτα δέ οἱ πτροέφερε, ὅτι ἡλώκεσάν τε καὶ rae and Cc Ig κατείχοντο ai ᾿Αθῆναι. τότε δὴ ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης κεῖνόν τε Kad answer. τοὺς Κορινθίους πολλά τε καὶ κακὰ éXeye ἑωντοῖσί τε ἐδήλου λόγῳ ὡς εἴη καὶ πόλις καὶ γῆ μέζων ἤπερ κείνοισι, ἔστ᾽ ἂν διηκόσιαι νῆές "52 σφι ἔωσι πεπληρωμέναι" οὐδαμοὺς yap ᾿ Ελλήνων αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀποκρούσεσθαι. Σημαίνων δὲ ταῦτα, τῷ λόγῳ διέβαινε ἐς Εὐρυβιάδεα λέγων μᾶλλον ἐπεστραμμένα 13. “σὺ εἰ μενέεις αὐτοῦ, καὶ μένων ἔσεαι ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός“---εἰ δὲ μὴ, ἀνατρέψεις τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' τὸ πᾶν γὰρ ἡμῖν τοῦ πολέμου φέρουσι αἱ νῆες. GAN ἐμοὶ πείθεο' εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὴ ποιήσεις, ἡμεῖς μὲν, ὡς ἔχομεν, ἀναλα- βόντες τοὺς οἰκέτας, κομιεύμεθα ἐς Σίριν τὴν ἐν ᾿Ιταλίῃ, ἧπερ ἡμετέρη τέ ἐστι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ere’, καὶ τὰ λόγια λέγει ὑπ᾽ ἡμέων 62 120 μὴ δὲ oindra.... πρὸς τὰς ἄνθρω: 134 ἧπερ ἡμετέρη τέ ἐστι ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἔτι. κηΐας γνώμας, “ where one forms irra- tional plans, neither is the deity wont to second the judgment of man.” 121 ἀπόλι, This uncommon form of the dative implies a genitive ἀπόλιος. See a parallel case in ἀχάρι (i.41). The words ἐπιψηφίζειν ἀπόλι ἀνδρὶ, mean “to puta question to the vote on the motion of a man who had no country.’”” The phrase ἀπόλι ἀνδρὶ is no doubt the very one used by Adimantus, at which Themisto- cles was so stung. 122 διηκόσιαι νῆες. above. 118 λέγων μᾶλλον ἐπεστραμμένα, ‘‘eay- ing in termg,more direct to the point.” Compare εἴρετο ἐπιστρεφέως (i. 30). The idea suggested in both cases is that of a person who, from strong feeling, turns sharp upon another with whom he is con- versing. See the way in which this notion is brought out by the various uses of the word ἐπιστροφὴ quoted in LIDDELL AND Scorr’s Lexicon. See note 2 on δ], Srraro says that one account of Siris in Italy made it a colony from Troy, in proof of which assertion there was exhi- bited a wooden image of Athene, said to have been brought from thence. The eyes of the figure were closed; and the legend related that this took place on the occasion of certain fugitives being vio- lently dragged from sanctuary by the Ionians, who were engaged in taking the town. Strabo remarks upon the auda- cious falsehood of such a story, especially as there were several other Palladia,— each with equal pretensions to being the genuine Trojan image,—at Rome, Lavi- nium, and Luceria (vi. c. 1, p. 20). Com- pare the story of the parallel portent (v. 86, above). But another version (which robably is the one Themistocles had in his mind) made the fugitives whose sanc- tuary was violated Ionians, and the ag- gressors emigrants from Troy in conjunc- tion with Crotonians. The Ionians had settled there before the Trojan war. This 350 HERODOTUS αὐτὴν Séew κτισθῆναι ὑμεῖς δὲ συμμάχων τοιῶνδε μουνωθέντες μεμνήσεσθε τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων." Ταῦτα δὲ Θεμιστοκλέος λόγοντος, ἀνεδιδάσκετο Εὐρυβιάδης" δοκέειν δέ μοι, ἀρρωδήσας μάλεστα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἀνεδιδάσκετο, μή σῴφεας ἀπολέπωσι, ἢν πρὸς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἀνάγῃ τὰς νῆας ἀπολυπόντων γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων, οὐκέτι ἀγίνοντο ἀξιόμαχοι οἱ λοιποί: ταύτην δὲ aipéeras τὴν γνώμην, αὐτοῦ μένοντας διαναυμαχεέειν. Οὕτω μὲν οἱ περὶ Σαλαμῖνα ἔπεσι ἀκροβολισάμενοι, erred τε Εὐρυβιάδῃ ἔδοξε, αὐτοῦ παρεσκενάζοντο ὡς ναυμαχήσοντες" ἡμέρη τε ἐγίνετο, καὶ ἅμα τῷ ἡλίῳ ἀνιόντε σεισμὸς ἀγένετο ἔν τε τῇ γῆ καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἔδοξε δέ σφι εὔξασθαι τοῖσι θεοῖσι, καὶ ἐπι- καλέσασθαι τοὺς Αἰακίδας συμμάχους: ὡς δέ σῴε ἔδοξε, καὶ ἐποίευν ταῦτα' εὐξάμενοι yap πᾶσε τοῖσι θεοῖσι, αὐτόθεν μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος Αἴαντά τε καὶ Τελαμῶνα "" ἐπεκαλέοντο’ ἐπὶ δὲ Αἰακὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Aiaxidas'™ νῆα ἀπέστελλον ἐς Αὔγιναν. 65 “Edn δὲ Δικαῖος ὁ Θεοκύδεος, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, φυγάς τε καὶ παρὰ πολ ρέμα of Μήδοισι λόγιμος γενόμενος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον" ἐπεί τε ἐκείρετο ἡ near Eleusis ᾽ λ , om, a a aA on Στὰ a oheeeed by Αττικὴ χώρη ὑπὸ τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ Ἐέρξεω, ἐοῦσα ἐρῆμος 63 Eurybiades is con- vinced, invoke the JEacidee for aid. ὙΠ ΕΥΡ; 58 ᾿Αθηναίων, τυχεῖν τότε ἐὼν ἅμα Δημαρήτῳ τῷ “ακεδαιμονίῳ ἐν refugee in τῷ Θριασίῳφ πεδίῳ" ἰδεῖν δὲ κονιορτὸν χωρέοντα ἀπὸ ᾿Ελευσῖνος, ers es ἀνδρῶν μάλιστά κη τρισμυρίων: ἀποθωμάξειν τέ σφεας τὸν Demaratus κονιορτὸν, ὅτεών κοτε εἴη ἀνθρώπων, καὶ πρόκατε" φωνῆς ἀκούειν, he S ae καί οἱ φαίνεσθαι τὴν φωνὴν εἶναι τὸν μυστικὸν ἴακχον "3". elvas δ᾽ 128 γὺν μυστικὸν ἴακχον. The sacred hymn which was sung on the occasion of this κῶμος of Dionysus to Eleusis began is the account given by the ScHoxiastT on LyYcoPHRON, to explain the words of the poet : πόλιν 8 ὁμοίαν ᾿Ιλίῳ δυσδαίμονες Seluavres ἀλγυνοῦσι Λαφρίαν κόρην, Σάλπιγγα, δρώσαντες ἐν γαῷ θεᾶς τοὺς πρόσθ᾽ ἔδεθλον Ἐουθίξος ὠκηκότας. γλήναις δ' ἄγαλμα ταῖς ἀναιμάκτοις μύσει, στυγνὴν ᾿Αχαιῶν εἰς Ἰάονας βλάβην λεῦσσον, φόνον τ᾽ ἔμφυλον ἀγραύλων λύκων.--- (νν, 984—990.) It will be observed, that the winking image is the point on which the diverse traditions hang. See note 420 on ii. 141. 125 Αἴαντά re καὶ Τελαμῶνα. ΚΒ has Αἴαντα τὸν Τελαμῶνος. 196 ἐπὶ δὲ Αἰακὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Αἰακίδας. See note 201 on v. 75. 127 πρόκατε. See note 392 on i. 111. with the word Ἴακχε, the name under which Dionysus was invoked on the occa- sion. It is introduced by AnIsTOPHANES in the Frogs. ΧΟΡ. "Ἴακχ᾽, ὦ “laxxe’ "Ἴακχ᾽, ὦ "Ἴακχε. ἘΑΝΘ. τοῦτ᾽ ἐστ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽, ὦ δέσποτ᾽, of μεμνημένοι ἐνταῦθά πον παίζουσιν, obs ἔφρα(ε νῷν. * ἔδουσι γοῦν τὸν Ἴακχον ὄνπερ Διαγόρα-.---(81δ, seqq.) Hence the hymn itself came to be termed ὁ “Iaxxos, and the chanting it ἰακχίζειν. Compare notes 206, 207 on ii. 79. For the nature of the κῶμος see note 73 on i. 21. URANIA. VIII. 6θ8---66. 35] adanpova τῶν ἱρῶν τῶν ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι τὸν Δημάρητον, εἴρεσθαί τε αὐτὸν ὅ τι τὸ φθογγόμενον εἴη τοῦτο ; αὐτὸς δὲ εἰπεῖν" “Δημάρητε, οὐκ ἔστε ὅκως οὐ μέγα τι σίνος ἔσται τῇ βασιλέος στρατιῇ" τάδε γὰρ apldnra, ἐρήμου ἐούσης τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ὅτε θεῖον τὸ φθεγγόμενον ἀπὸ ᾿Ελευσῖνος ἰὸν ἐς τιμωρίην ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ rotor συμ- μάχοισι" καὶ ἣν μέν γε κατασκήψη ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, κίνδυνος αὑτῷ τε βασιλέϊ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ τῇ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἔσται Hv δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς νῆας τράπηται τὰς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι, τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν κιν- δυνεύσει βασιλεὺς ἀποβαλέειν: τὴν δὲ ὁρτὴν ταύτην ἄγουσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀνὰ πάντα ἔτεα τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ τῇ Κούρῃ, καὶ αὐτῶν τε ὁ βουλόμενος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿ Ελλήνων μνεῖται' καὶ τὴν φωνὴν, τῆς ἀκούεις, ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ὁρτῇ ἰακχάξουσι᾽᾽ πρὸς ταῦτα εἰπεῖν Δημάρη- τον" “ σίγα τε, καὶ μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον εἴπῃς" ἢν γάρ tot ἐς βασιλέα ἀνενειχθῇ τὰ ἔπεα ταῦτα, ἀποβαλέεις τὴν κεφαλήν' καί σε οὔτε ἐγὼ δυνήσομαι ῥύσασθαι οὔτ᾽ ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ εἷς ἀλλ᾽ ἔχ᾽ ἥσυχος" περὶ δὲ στρατιῆς τῆσδε θεοῖσε μελήσει" τὸν μὲν δὴ ταῦτα παραινέειν' ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κονιορτοῦ καὶ τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι νέφος, καὶ μεταρσιωθὲν φέρεσθαι ἐπὶ Σαλαμῖνος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων: οὕτω δὲ αὐτοὺς μαθεῖν, ὅτε τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ Ἐέρξεω ἀπολέεσθαι μέλλοι. ταῦτα μὲν Δικαῖος 6 Θεοκύδεος ἔλεγε, Δημαρήτου te καὶ ἄλλων μαρτύρων κατα- πτόμενος **. Οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἠέρξεω ναυτικὸν στρατὸν ταχθέντες, ἐπειδὴ ἐκ 66 Τρηχῖνος, θεησάμενοι τὸ τρῶμα τὸ Λακωνικὸν, διέβησαν ἐς τὴν vane se ἹΙστιαίην, ἐπισχόντες ἡμέρας τρεῖς ὄπλωον ot Εὐρίπου, καὶ ἐν eee ἑτέρῃσι τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι ἐγένοντο ἐν Parypw'™. ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ six days δοκέειν, οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες ἀριθμὸν éoéBarov™ ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, return of the crews 129 καταπτόμενος. This is noticed by Sepias would be a warning to the com- Evusrarativs (ad Iliad. ix. 582) as a pecu- liar use of the word by Herodotus, equi- valent to μάρτυρας προφέρων. Apparently the original use of the phrase is in appli- cation to an oath, where the person swearing took hold of some sacred symbol in order to authenticate the truth of his statement. See note 157 on vi. 68. 180 dy ἁὁτέρῃσι τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι ἐγένοντο ἐν Φαλήρῳ. Leaxe considers this expres- sion to indicate that the thole fleet of the Persians arrived at Phalerum. The harbour, however, could not have held them; besides which, the mishap at manders not to push forward their ships in such masses, as to prevent the possibi- lity of their finding the means of beach- ing them if necessary. The force is rather to be conceived as moving along the coast in strong detachments, each capable of overcoming any opposition likely to be made to it. See below, note 154 on § 76, and the Excursus. Nevertheless, the ex- pression πάντες οὗτοι (δ 67) is favourable to Leake’s opinion, so far as Herodotus’s view of the matter is concerned. 131 οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες ἀριθμὸν ἐσέ- βαλον. It is impossible to conceive this 352 HERODOTUS from view- κατά Te ἤπειρον καὶ τῇσι νηυσὶ ἀπικόμενοι, ἢ ἐπί τε Σηπιάδα ing the field 9 4 , 4 ᾽ὔ Cal 6 a σι of Thermo- ἀπίκοντο καὶ ἐς Θερμοπύλας. ἀντιθήσω γὰρ τοῖσί τε ὑπὸ τοῦ Pyle. χειμῶνος αὐτῶν ἀπολομένοισι, καὶ τοῖσι ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσε, Kai τῇσι ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ναυμαχίῃσι, τούσδε τοὺς τότε οὔκω ἑπομένους βασιλέϊ, Μηλιέας τε καὶ Δωριέας, καὶ Λοκροὺς, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς πανστρατιῇ ἑπομένους πλὴν Θεσπιέων τε καὶ Πλαταιέων καὶ The forces of Xerxes probably not λοιποὺς νησιώτας πάντας, πλὴν τῶν πέντε πολίων 3, diminis. μάλα Kapvotious τε καὶ ᾿Ανδρίους, καὶ Τηνίους τε καὶ τοὺς 12. τῶν ἐπ- by his pre- εμνήσθην πρότερον τὰ οὐνόματα: ὅσῳ γὰρ δὴ προέβαινε ἐσωτέρω τῆς Ελλάδος ὁ Πέρσης, τοσούτῳ πλέω ἔθνεά οἱ εἵπετο. vious losses. 67 Ered ὧν ἀπίκατο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας " πάντες οὗτοι, πλὴν Παρίων Xerxes calls Π 2000, δὲ ὑπολειφθέντες ἐν Κύθνῳ, ἐκαραδόκεον τὸν πόλεμον xij war αἱ Pha- ἐποβήσεται.) οἱ δὲ λουποὶ ὡς ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ Φάληρον, ἐνθαῦτα the expedi- κατέβη αὐτὸς Ἐξέρξης ἐπὶ τὰς νῆας, ἐθέλων σφι συμμίξαι τε καὶ fighting 8 πυθέσθαι τῶν ἐπιπλωόντων Tas γνώμας. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπικόμενος Pattle by mpoltero, παρῆσαν μετάπεμπτοι οἱ τῶν ἐθνέων τῶν σφετέρων τύραννοι καὶ ταξίαρχοι ἀπὸ τῶν νηῶν, καὶ ἵζοντο ὥς σφι βασιλεὺς ἑκάστῳ τιμὴν ἐδεδώκεε' πρῶτος μὲν 6 Σιδώνιος βασιλεύς “" opinion at all near the truth, unless enor- mous exaggeration is to be presumed in the accounts of the engagements off Arte- misium. Xerxes, since his arrival at Se- pias, had lost 200 gallies, which had been despatched round Eubcea (δ 7), 30 more captured in the first engagement off Arte- misium (§ 11), ‘the Cilician squadron,” whatever its strength, in the second en- gagement (§ 14, where see note 32), and a much larger number than the Greeks in the third (§ 16), where the destruction was so great that half the Athenian squa- dron was crippled (§ 18). The contingents from the Cyclades which subsequently join- ed cannot possibly have made up more than a very small fraction of this sum. While Naxos was in the height of its power, and all these islands dependent on it, a hundred gallies were considered sufficient to reduce it (v. 31). At this time Naxos had been ruined (vi. 96), and the contingent it was able to supply was only four ships (δ 46, supra), which de- serted to the side of the allies. Of the rest, Seriphos, Siphnos, and Melos could not among them muster a single trireme, and Cythnos only one. Moreover, it is doubtful whether these islanders are not included in the original roll of the ficet. See note 277 on vii. 95. 1323 τῶν πέντε πολίων. Not “ the five cities,’’ but ‘‘ the five states.’” They were the islands Naxos, Melos, Siphnos, Cyth- nos, and Seriphos (§ 46, above). 133 ἀπίκατο és ras ᾿Αθήνας. Athens must here be taken to include its ports, Phalerum being the point where the Per- sian navy, or at least its commanders, assembled. This was at the time the only harbour which Athens used; and it is nearer to the city than any other. 134 πρῶτος μὲν 6 Σιδώνιος βασιλεύς. The Sidonian chief (Tetramnestus) is named first in order of all the subordinate naval commanders in the list (vii. 98). and the Tyrian (Mapen) second. It is somewhat strange that Mardonius should here be represented as the organ of com- munication between the king and these chiefs, as there were four admirals, prince: of the blood royal, who commanded the — fleet. That he should be employed probs- bly indicates the much greater confidence placed in his strategic talents than in those of any other,—he being perhaps regarded as the commander-in-chief of both ser- vices. See note 260 on vii. 82, above. URANIA. VIII. 67, 68. 353 μετὰ δὲ ὁ Τύριος" ἐπὶ δὲ, ὧλλοι ὡς δὲ κόσμῳ ἐπεξῆς ἵζοντο, πέμψας Ἐέρξης Μαρδόνιον εἰρώτα, ἀποπειρώμενος ἑκάστου, εἰ ναυμαχίην ποιέοιτο; ᾿Επεὶ δὲ περιζὼν εἰρώτα ὁ Μαρδόνιος, 68 ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ Σ᾿ ιδωνίου, οὗ μὲν ἄλλοι κατὰ τὠυτὸ γνώμην ἀρ δ μα τ ἐξεφέροντο κελεύοντες ναυμαχίην ποιέεσθαι, ᾿Αρτεμισίη δὲ τάδε ἀρδρθανα ἔφη" “ εἰπεῖν μοι πρὸς βασιλέα, Μαρδόνιε, ὧς ἐγὼ τάδε λέγω" !y dissuades. οὔτε κακίστην γενομένην ἐν τῇσε vavpayinos τῇσε πρὸς Εὐβοίῃ, οὔτε ἐλάχιστα ἀποδεξαμένην, δέσποτα, τήνδε ἐοῦσαν γνώμην '* με δίκαιόν ἐστιν ἀποδείκνυσθαι, τὰ τυγχάνω φρονέουσα ἄριστα ἐς πρήγματα τὰ σά. καί τοι τάδε λέγω" φείδεο τῶν νηῶν, μηδὲ ναυμαχίην roo’ οἱ γὰρ ἄνδρες τῶν σῶν ἀνδρῶν κρέσσονες το- σοῦτό εἰσε κατὰ θάλασσαν, ὅσον ἄνδρες γυναικῶν. τί δὲ πάντως δέει σε ναυμαχίῃσε ἀνακινδυνεύειν ; οὐκ ἔχεις μὲν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας τῶνπερ εἵνεκα ὡρμήθης στρατεύεσθαι, ἔχεις δὲ τὴν ἄλλην ‘ED- Adda; ἐμποδὼν δέ τοι ἵσταται οὐδείς. of δ᾽ ἔτε ἀντέστησαν, ἀπήλλαξαν οὕτω ὡς κείνους ἔπρεπε. . τῇ δὲ ἀγὼ δοκέω ἀποβή- σεσθαε τὰ τῶν ἀντυπολέμων "Ἷ πρήγματα, τοῦτο φράσω ἣν μὲν μὴ ἐπειχθῆς ναυμαχίην ποιεύμενος, ἀλλὰ τὰς νῆας αὐτοῦ ἔχῃς πρὸς γῇ μένων, ἢ καὶ προβαίνων ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, εὐπετέως τοι, δέσποτα, χωρήσει τὰ νοέων ἐλήλυθας" οὐ γὰρ οἷοί τε πολλὸν χρύνον εἰσί τοι ἀντέχειν οἱ “Ελληνες, ἀλλά σφεας διασκεδᾷς" κατὰ πόλις δὲ ἕκαστοι φεύξονται" οὔτε γὰρ σῖτος πάρα σφίσι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ, ὡς ἀγὼ πυνθάνομαι, οὔτε αὐτοὺς οἰκὸς, ἣν σὺ ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐλαύνῃς τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν, ἀτρεμιεῖν τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῶν ἥκοντας ν οὐδέ ode μελήσει πρὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ναυμαχέειν. ἣν δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπειχθῇς ναυμαχῆσαι, δειμαίνω μὴ ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς κακωθεὶς τὸν πεζὸν προσδηλήσηται. πρὸς δὲ, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τόδε ἐς θυμὸν βαλεῦ, ὡς τοῖσι μὲν χρηστοῖσι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κακοὶ δοῦλοι φιλέουσι γίνεσθαι, τοῖσι δὲ κακοῖσι χρηστοί: σοὶ δὲ ἐόντι ἀρίστῳ ἀνδρῶν πάντων κακοὶ δοῦλοί εἰσι, οἱ ἐν συμμάχων λόγῳ λέγονται εἶναι, ἐόντες Αὐγύπτιοί τε καὶ 129. of μὲν ἄλλοι. Gaisford, on the au- 138 ἀγρεμιεῖν τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῶν ἧκον- thority of 8. and V only, reads of μὲν δὴ τας. The words τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῶν ἧκον- ἄλλοι. τας serve to qualify the general expression 18 τήνδε ἐοῦσαν γνώμην, “this my αὐτοὺς which has preceded. The contin- real opinion.” gents from Peloponnese would certainly 7 ἀγγιπολόμων. See note 364 on iv. not think of remaining in their present 140. position. - VOL. 11. 22 69 Xerxes ad- mires her conduct, but still deter- mines to fight. 70 The fleet moves up from Pha- lerum to Salamis, and arrives shortly be- fore night- fall. 71 The same evening the army gets into motion 354 HERODOTUS Κύπριοι καὶ Κίλικες καὶ Πάμφυλοι, τῶν ὄφελός ἐστι οὐδέν." Ταῦτα λεγούσης πρὸς Μαρδόνιον, ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν εὔνοοι τῇ ᾿Αρτε- μισίῃ συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο τοὺς λόγους, ὡς κακόν τι πεισομένης πρὸς βασιλέος, ὅτι οὐκ ἐᾷ ναυμαχίην ποιέεσθαι" οἱ δὲ ἀγαιόμε- νοΐ. τε καὶ φθονέοντες αὐτῇ, ἅτε ἐν πρώτοισι τετιμημένης διὰ πάντων τῶν συμμάχων, ὀτέρποντο τῇ κρίσει, ὡς ἀπολεομένης αὐτῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνηνείχθησαν αἱ γνῶμαι ἐς Ἐξέρξεα, κάρτα τε ἤσθη τῇ γνώμῃ τῆς ᾿Αρτεμισίης, καὶ νομίζων ἔτι πρότερον σπου- δαίην εἶναι, τότε πολλῷ μᾶλλον αἴνεε' ὅμως δὲ τοῖσι πλέοσι πείθεσθαι ἐκέλευε τάδε, καταδόξας πρὸς μὲν Εὐβοίῃ σφέας ἐθελο- κακέειν ὡς οὐ παρεόντος αὐτοῦ τότε δὲ αὐτὸς παρεσκεύαστο θεή- σασθαε ναυμαχέοντας. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ παρήγγελλον ἀναπλώειν, ἀνῆγον τὰς νῆας ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα", καὶ παρεκρίθησαν διαταχθέντες" κατ᾽ ἡσνχίην. τότε μέν νυν οὐκ ἐξέχρησε ode ἡ ἡμέρη ναυμαχίην ποιήσασθαι" νὺξ γὰρ éreyévero οἱ δὲ παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην. τοὺς δὲ “Ἕλληνας εἶχε δέος τε καὶ ἀρρωδίη, οὐκ ἥκιστα δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου: ἀρρώδεον δὲ, ὅτε αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐν Σαλαμῖνε κατ- nuevos ὑπὲρ γῆς τῆς Αθηναίων ναυμαχέειν μέλλοιεν" νικηθέντες τε, ἐν νήσῳ ἀπολαμφθέντες πολιορκήσονται ἀπέντες τὴν ἑων- τῶν ἀφύλακτον. Τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ὁ πεζὸς ὑπὸ τὴν παρεοῦσαν νύκτα ἐπορεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον' καίτοι τὰ δυνατὰ πάντα ἐμεμηχάνητο, ὅκως κατ᾽ ἤπειρον μὴ ἐσβάλοιεν οἱ βάρβαροι. ὡς γὰρ ἐπύθοντο 139 ἀγαιόμενοι. See note 146 on vi. 6]. 140 ἀνῇγον τὰς νῆας ἐπὶ Thy Σαλαμῖνα. LEAKE supposes that by this expression is intimated that the fleet of the Persiane actually entered the channel between the island of Salamis and the main, and ar- ranged themselves along the shore from the point of Mount ®galeos to the en- trance of the Pireus. But the words in themselves do not seem necessarily to mean more than that they moved upon Salamis. For the phrase ἐπὶ τὴν Yada- μῖνα appears to be exactly paralleled by ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον in the next section. And that the lines across the isthmus were reached by the invading army is expressly contradicted by what is related in ix, 14, that the farthest advance of the Persians to the westward was the inroad ef Mardonius’s cavalry into the Megarid. At the same time, a comparison of other passages makes it pretty certain that Herodotus understood the movements of the invading fleet nearly as Leake does. See Excursus on § 76, below. Δ παρεκρίθησαν διαταχθέντες, ‘ they took up their position after the tect fo tion which had been made.” διατάσσω is to assign the several quarters of the various portions of a force, παρακρίνεσθαι to go through the evolutions requisite for carrying out the scheme. 141 πολιορκήσονται. This is the read- ing of all the MSS except K, which has πολιορκήσεσθαι. URANIA. VIII. 69—73. 355 τάχιστα Πελοποννήσιοι τοὺς ἀμφὶ Acwvidea ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι for the Pe- τετελευτηκέναι, συνδραμόντες ἐκ τῶν πολίων ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν i ae ovro καί ods ἐπῆν στρατηγὸς Κλεόμβροτος ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, “Δεωνίδεω δὲ adedpeds'** ἱζόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ καὶ συγχώ- σαντες τὴν Σ᾿ κιρωνίδα ὁδὸν "", μετὰ τοῦτο, ὥς σφι ἔδοξε βουλευο- μένοισι, οἰκοδόμεον διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ τεῖχος" ἅτε δὲ ἐουσέων μυρια- δέων πολλέων καὶ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐργαζομένου, ἤνετο ""“ τὸ ἔργον" καὶ γὰρ λίθοι, καὶ πλίνθοι, καὶ ξύλα, καὶ φορμοὶ ψάμμου πλήρεες ἐσεφορέοντο' καὶ ἐλίψυον οὐδένα χρόνον οἱ βοηθήσαντες ἐργαζό- μενοι, οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρης. Oi δὲ βωθήσαντες ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν 72 πανδημεὶ, οἵδε ἦσαν ᾿Ελλήνων: “ακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ ᾿Αρκάδες List of the Pelopon- πάντες, καὶ ᾿Ηλεῖοι, καὶ Κορίνθιοι, καὶ Σικυώνιοι, καὶ ᾿Εππιδαύριου, vorien states καὶ Φλιάσιοι, καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, καὶ “Eppsovées. οὗτοι μὲν ἦσαν οἱ grit Bon@Onoavres'** καὶ ὑπεραρρωδέοντες τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι κινδυνευούσῃ" ™* τοῖσε δὲ ἄλλοισι Πελοποννησίοισι ἔμελε οὐδέν. ᾿Ολύμπια δὲ καὶ Κάρνεια παροιχώκεε ἤδη. Οἰκέει δὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἔθνεα 78 ἑπτά: τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν δύο, αὐτόχθονα ἐόντα, κατὰ χώρην ἵδρυται hints νῦν Te καὶ τὸ πάλαι." οἴκεον, ᾿Αρκάδες τε καὶ Κυνούριοι' ἕν δὲ Poleven: 188 ἔθνος, τὸ ᾿Αχαϊκὸν, ἐκ μὲν Πελοποννήσου οὐκ ἐξεχώρησε, ἐκ μέντοι "950. τῆς ἑωυτῶν" οἰκέε δὲ τὴν ἀλλοτρίην. τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ἔθνεα τῶν ἑπτὰ [τέσσερα] ἐπήλυδά ἐστι Δωριέες τε, καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ, καὶ Δρύοπες, καὶ Anuvior. Δωριέων μὲν πολλαί τε καὶ δόκιμοι πόλις: Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἦλις μούνη "7. Δρυόπων δὲ, Ἑρμιόνη τε καὶ ᾿Ασίνη ἡ πρὸς 142 Λεωνίδεω δὲ ἀδελφεός. Some ac- invaders (ap. Walpole’s Turkey, i. pp. counts made him a twin brother (v. 41). 143 συγχώσαντες Thy Σκιρωνίδα ὁδόν. The road destroyed by the allied force was a narrow cornice artificially formed in the perpendicular rocks which run along the Saronic gulf. The ordinary road from Athens into the peninsula ran over the Geranean mountain and through a narrow gorge, which, according to Covonex Squire, offers a most formida- ble position for defence. The lines, how- ever, appear to have been drawn from Lecheeum to Cenchres, further south than the narrowest part of the isthmus, with a view of preventing a debarkation in the rear of the defending force. Had they been carried across the narrowest part, the whole harbour of Cenchree would have been at the command of the 222 842 ---δ). : 144 Hyero. This is Gaisford’s reading, backed by a single manuscript (P). The majority have ἠνύετο, and one FS ἤρετο. For the sense οὗ ἤγετο, see note 86 on vii. 20. 145 βοηθήσαντες. This is the reading of ali the MSS, although only four lines above some have βωθήσαντες, which Gais- ford adopts. See note 4 on § 1, above. 146 νῦν re καὶ τὸ πάλαι. This is the reading of all the MSS; but Valcknaer’s conjecture, νῦν thy καὶ τὸ πάλαι, seems to me to be the true reading. 147 Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἦλις μούνης This expression raises a doubt as to whether the section is not a latter addition. Srraso expressly states that Elis (the city) did not exist at the time of the 74 Tho Pelo- ponnesian commanders in the allied fleet at Sa- Jamis disap- rove of urybiades remainin at Salamis. 75 Themisto- cles upon this devises 8 stratagem to kee them there. 356 HERODOTUS a 148, Καρδαμύλῃ τῇ Λακωνικῇ * ΔΛημνίων δὲ, Παρωρεῆται πάντες "5. οἱ δὲ Κυνούριοι αὐτόχθονες ἐόντες δοκέουσι μοῦνοι εἶναι “Twves **- ἐκδεδωρίευνται δὲ ὑπό τε ᾿Αργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνου, ἐόντες ᾿Ορνεῆται καὶ περίοικοι. τούτων ὧν τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐθνέων αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλις, πάρεξ τῶν κατέλεξα, ἐκ τοῦ μέσου ἐκατέατο" εἰ δὲ ἐλευθέρως ἔξεστι εἰπεῖν, ἐκ τοῦ μέσου κατήμενοι ἐμήδιζον. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ τοιούτῳ πόνῳ συνέστασαν, ἅτε περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἤδη δρόμον θέοντες, καὶ τῇσι νηυσὶ οὐκ ἐλπίζοντες ἐλλάμψεσθαι" οἱ δὲ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ὁμῶς ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι ἀρρώ- δεον, οὐκ οὕτω περὶ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι δειμαίνοντες ὡς περὶ τῇ Πελο- ποννήσῳφ' ἕως μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ παραστὰς συγῇ λόγον ἐποιέετο, θῶμα ποιεύμενοι τὴν Εὐρυβιάδεω ἀβουλίην, τέλος δὲ ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον σύλλογός τε δὴ ἐγίνετο, καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέγετο περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, οἱ μὲν ὡς ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον χρεὸν εἴη ἀποπλώειν, καὶ περὶ ἐκείνης κινδυνεύειν, μηδὲ πρὸ χώρης δορι- αλώτον μένοντας μάχεσθαι' ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, καὶ Αὐγινῆται, καὶ Meyapées, αὐτοῦ μένοντας ἀμύνασθαι. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Θεμιστοκλέης, ὡς ἑσσοῦτο τῇ γνώμῃ ὑπὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων, λαθὼν ἐξέρχεται ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου: ἐξελθὼν δὲ πέμπει ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ Μήδων "" ἄνδρα πλοίῳ, ἐντειλάμενος τὰ λέγειν χρεόν" τῷ οὔνομα Persian war, but that it was a later com- bination of several hamlets, of the same kind ag the five which by their union made up Mantinea, the nine which made up Tegea, the nine which made up Hereea, the seven which made up Patree, the seven or eight which made up A ἢ , ? Anmvoreovrwy δὲ τούτων, ἧκε τριήρης ἀνδρῶν Τηνίων"" αὐτομολέουσα τῆς ἦρχε ἀνὴρ Παναί. Tus ὁ Σωσιμένεος, ἥπερ δὴ ἔφερε τὴν ἀληθηΐην πᾶσαν" διὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἐνεγράφησαν Τήνιοι ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐς τὸν τρίποδα 100 ἴσθι γὰρ ἐξ ἐμέο τὰ ποιεύμενα ὑπὸ Μήδων. It has been considered that the word ποιεύμενα is to be repeated inferen- tially with ἐξ ἐμέο. (See note on § 142, below.) But if the word ποιεῖσθαι is to be repeated at all, the perfect tense we- ποιημένα seems required. The ellipse— not an unusual one—is only of the word ὄντα. ‘‘ The present doings of the Medes originate with me.” 161 μόγις ἐκπλῶσαι λαθὼν τοὺς ὁπορμέ- οντας, “that he found great difficulty in getting out unperceived by the blockading squadron.” From this ression one must infer that at least a portion of the Persian vessels had been stationed at a considerable distance from Salamis (the town), and that their observation was by no means confined to watching the chan- nel between that island and the main. This is quite in accordance with Aiscny- Lus, who makes the Persians— τάξαι νεῶν στῖφος μὲν ἐν στίχοις τρισὶν ἔκπλους φυλάσσειν καὶ πόρους ἁλιρρόθους, ἄλλας δὲ κύκλῳ νῆσον Αἴαντος πέριξ. (Pers. 366—8.) It must have been ships outside the island Salamis, whose observation Aristides had found it difficult to escape. See Excursus on § 76. 163 ἀμφισβασίη. See notes on iv. 14; i 4 163 ἀνδρῶν Τηνίων. PLUTARCH seems to have found the word Τενεδίων in the copy he used. He says of the occurrence mentioned in the text: ἐφάνη Τενεδία μία τριήρης αὐτόμολος. (Themist. 512.) Pav- SAN1A8, however, states that the name of the Jeniane was inscribed on the base of the statue of Zeus at Olympia, which was dedicated in honour of the victory (v. 23. 2). The tripod mentioned in the text ap- pears really to have had reference to the feats of the Greeks at Platewa, not at Sals- mis; for at first Pausanias inscribed on it the verses: Ἑλλήνων ἀρχηγὸς ἐπεὶ στρα- τὸν ὄλεσε Μήδων, Παυσανίας, Φοίβῳ μνῆμ᾽ ἀνέθηκε τόδε. The Lacedemonians caused this to be erased, and substituted the names of all the Greek cities ὅσαι fu»- καθελοῦσαι τὸν βάρβαρον ἔστησαν τὸ ἀνά- θημα. (ΤΉ ΟΥΡΙΡΕΒ i. 132.) Hence the Plateeans, when pleading for their lives, appealed to it as an evidence of their own deserts: τοὺς μὲν πατέρας ἀναγράψαι ἐς τὸν τρίποδα τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς 8° ἀρετὴν τὴν πόλιν. (THUCYDIDES iii. 57.) URANIA. VIII. 81—84. 361 ἐν τοῖσε τὸν βάρβαρον κατέλοῦσι. σὺν δὲ ὧν ταύτῃ τῇ νηὶ τῇ αὐτομολησάσῃ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, καὶ τῇ πρότερον ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον τῇ Λημνίῃ, ἐξεπληροῦτο τὸ ναυτικὸν τοῖσι “Ελλησι ἐς τὰς ὀγδώ- κοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας νῆας " τὸν ἀριθμόν. Τοῖσι δὲ “Ελλησι ὡς πιστὰ δὴ τὰ λεγόμενα ἦν τῶν Τηνίων 83 ῥήματα, παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς ναυμαχήσοντες" ἠώς τε διέφαινε, καὶ The allies of σύλλογον τῶν ἐπιβατέων ποιησάμενοι, προηγόρευε εὖ ἔχοντα for battle, ἡ μὲν ἐκ πάντων Θεμιστοκλέης: τὰ δὲ ἔπεα ἦν, πάντα κρέσσω τοῖσι Tite, ster a ἥσσοσι ἀντιτιθέμενα. ὅσα δὲ ἐν ἀνθρώπου φύσι καὶ καταστάσι Lao eyyiveras παραινέσας δὴ, τούτων τὰ κρέσσω αἱρέεσθαι. καὶ κατα- under way. πλέξας τὴν ῥῆσιν, ἐσβαίνειν ἐκέλευε ἐς τὰς νῆας ᾽. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐσέβαινον, καὶ ἧκε ἡ ἀπ᾽ Αὐγίνης τριήρης ἣ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰακίδας ἀπεδήμησε" ἐνθαῦτα ἀνῆγον τὰς νῆας ἁπάσας οἱ “Ελληνες. ᾿Αάναγο- 84 δύο γὰρ δὴ νηῶν τότε κατέδεε ἐς μένοισε δέ σφε αὐτίκα ἐπεκέατο οἱ βάρβαροι: οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι ἀλκὶ μῷ ” 2 , 2 66 a a ins, th ἔλληνες ἐπὶ πρύμνην ἀνεκρούοντο δ καὶ ὥκελλον τὰς νῆας, BD% τὸ ᾿Αμεινίης δὲ Παλληνεὺς '", ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, ἐξαναχθεὶς νηὶ ἐμ- ye yin oe 14 ds τὰς ὀγδώκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας γῆας. See note 10] on § 48, above. 3 ἠώς τε διέφαινε, x.7.A. This pas- sage appears to me to be in thorough confusion, amd quite inexplicable on the mere hypothesis of slovenly writing on the part of the author. Possibly it originally ran somewhat thus: ἠώς re διίφαινέ of σύλλογον τῶν ἐπιβατέων τοιησαμένγῳ' ὅσα δὲ ἐν ἀνθρώπου φύσι καὶ καταστάσι ἐγγίνεται προηγόρενε εὖ ἔχοντα μὲν ἐκ πάντων Θεμιστοκλέης" τὰ δὲ ἔπεα ἦν πάντα κρέσσω τοῖσι ἧσσοσι ἀντιτιθέμενα: παραινέσας δὴ τούτων τὰ κρέσσω αἱρέεσθαι, καὶ καταπλέξας τὴν ῥῆσιν, ἐσβαίνειν ἐκέλευε ἐς τὰς νῆας. _ 86 ἀνεκρούοντο. AEscHYLus does not intimate any hesitation on the part of any portion of the allied fleet. He makes in- deed the right wing appear to take the lead, which, according to his account of the contest, would apparently have been ἃ Decessary consequence of their position. es Mi 399, seqq.) See the Excursue on § 76. 187 "Auewlns δὲ TlaAAnveds. PLUTARCH makes Aminias to belong not to Pallene, but to Decelea. (Themist. § 14.) In laodern times it has been generally as- sumed that this Aminias, and the Cynz- girus who distinguished himself so much VOL. II. at Marathon, were brothers of the poet #Eschylus. But Herodotus gives no ground for such a supposition; and if this near relationship had existed, it would be strange that he should not have alluded to it. The name of Cynzgirus’s father was the same as that of Aschylus; and this would furnish quite a sufficient basis for the identification of the two in the later times, when a superficial knowledge of Greek literature became fashionable. The literary men of the Roman empire considered it a part of their duty to supply all the details which the curiosity of their readers might require, in order to fill up the more general notices of the classical writers. JUVENAL (Sat. vii. 229—236) gives an amusing picture of the qualifica- tions required from the instructors of his time : ‘s —- τοῦ seevas imponite leges, Ut preceptori verborum regula con- stet 3 Ut legat historias, auctores novorit omnes Tanquam ungues digitosque suos; ut forte rogatus Dum petit aut thermas aut Phebi balnea, dicat Nutricem Anchise, nomen patriamque novercse 3 A cise Man- ner, 85 The Athe- nians had the Pheni- cians op- posed to them, the Lacedemo- nians the Tonic con- tingent. Among these seve- ral distin- guished themselves against the allics, spe- cially to Samians, Theomestor and Phy- lacus. 362 HERODOTOS βάλλει: συμπλακείσης δὲ τῆς νηὸς καὶ οὐ δυναμένων ἀπαλλωγῆναι, οὕτω δὴ οἱ ἄλλοι ᾿Αμεινίῃ βοηθέοντες συνέμεσγον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν οὕτω λέγουσι τῆς ναυμαχίης γενέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν, Αὐγεινῆταε δὲ τὴν κατὰ τοὺς Αἰακίδας ἀποδημήσασαν ἐς Αἴγιναν, ταύτην εἶναι τὴν ἄρξασαν 5" λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε, ὡς φάσμα σφι γυναικὸς ἐφάνη" φανεῖσαν δὲ διακελεύσασθαι ὥστε καὶ ἅπαν ἀκοῦσαι τὸ τῶν ᾿Ελ- λήνων στρατόπεδον, ὀνειδίσασαν πρότερον τάδε: “a δαεμόνιοι, μέχρε κόσου ἔτι πρύμνην ἀνακρούεσθε ;” Κατὰ μὲν δὴ ᾿Αθηναίους ἐτετάχατο Φοίνικες" οὗτοι γὰρ εἶχον τὸ πρὸς ᾿Ελευσῖνός τε καὶ ἑσπέρης κέρας" κατὰ δὲ Δακεδαεμοανίους, Ἴωνες" οὗτοι δ᾽ εἶχον τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τε καὶ τὸν Πεεραιέα "“" ἐθελοκάκεον μέντοι αὐτῶν κατὰ τὰς Θεμιστοκλέος ἐντολὰς " ὁλέγοι" οἱ δὲ πλεῦνες οὔ. ἔχω μέν νυν συχνῶν οὐνόματα τριηράρχων καταλέξαι τῶν νῆας ᾿Ελληνίδας ἑλόντων: χρήσομαι δὲ αὐτοῖσι οὐδὲν, πλὴν Θεομήστορός τε τοῦ ᾿Ανδροδάμαντος καὶ Φυλάκου τοῦ Ἱστιαίου, Σαμίων ἀμφοτέρων. τοῦ δὲ εἴνεκα μέμνημαε τούτων μούνων, ὅτε Θεομήστωρ μὲν διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον Σάμου ἐτυράν- νευσε "7, καταστησάντων τῶν Περσέων: Φύλακος δὲ εὐεργέτης βασιλέος ἀνεγράφη "", καὶ χώρη οἱ ἐδωρήθη πολλή. οἱ δ' 86 evepyéras τοῦ βασιλέος ὀροσάγγαε καλέονταε Περσιστέ. Περὶ μέν νυν τούτους οὕτω elye τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν νηῶν ἐν τῇ Σαλαμῖνι éxepaltero, αἱ μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων διαφθειρόμεναι αἱ δὲ ὑπὸ Αἰγινη- τέων: ἅτε γὰρ τῶν μὲν “Ελλήνων σὺν κόσμῳ ναυμαχεόντων κατὰ Archemori; dicat, quot Acestese vix- erit annos, Quot Siculus Phrygibus vini donaverit urnas.”’ See note 162 on i. 51, above. 168 ταύτην εἶναι τὴν Eptacay. See note on § 122, below. 169 οὗτοι δ᾽ εἶχον... καὶ τὸν Πειραιέα. If this expression be intended to denote more than the relative positions of the invading squadrons, and to convey the idea that the whole Persian fleet engaged was actually within the strait, the account of the action becomes quite irreconcileable with that of Zischylus. See the Exrcur- sus on § 76. ® κατὰ τὰς Θεμιστοκλέος ἐντολάς. See § 22, above. 170 Θεομήστωρ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον Xd- μον érupdyvevoe. This appointment must have been immediately after the return of Xerxes to the Asiatic shore; for Theo- mestor is established in his post early in the following spring. See ix. 90. Per- haps Aéaces, the son of Syloson, who did such good service to the Persians in break- ing up the Jonian alliance, may have been promoted to some higher post than that of tyrant of Samos. If he had been killed at Salamis, or indeed had taken an active part in the expedition, one would expect some notice of it. But the mention of him in v. 25 is the last which occurs. 111 εὐεργέτης βασιλέος ἀνεγράφη. So- crates makes a playful allusion to this custom in the Gorgias of PLato, where trying to induce Callicles to resume an argument with him, he says: καί pe ἐὰν ἐξελέγξῃς, οὐκ ἀχθεσθήσομαί σοι Ss περ σὺ ἐμοὶ, ἀλλὰ μόγιστος εὖ ς wap’ ἐμοὶ ἀναγεγράψει (§ 132). URANIA. VIII. 85—87. 363 τάξιν, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ov τεταγμένων ἔτι, οὔτε σὺν νόῳ ποιεόν- τῶν οὐδὲν, ἔμελλε τοιοῦτό σφι συνοίσεσθαι olovrep ἀπέβη" καίτοι ἦσάν γε [καὶ ἐγένοντο ἢ] ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην μακρῷ ἀμείνονες αὐτοὶ ἑωυτῶν, [ἢ πρὸς Εὐβοίῃ", πᾶς τις προθυμεόμενος καὶ δειμαίνων Ξέρξην" ἐδόκεέ τε ὅκαστος ἑωυτὸν θεήσεσθαι βασιλέα. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἄλλους, οὐκ ἔχω μετεξετέρους εἰπεῖν ἀτρεκέως, 87 ὡς ἕκαστοι τῶν βαρβάρων ἢ τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων ἠγωνίζοντο" κατὰ δὲ yeaa ᾿Αρτεμισίην τάδε ἐγένετο, ἀπ᾿ ὧν εὐδοκίμησε μᾶλλον ἔτι παρὰ βασιωλέϊ: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐς θόρυβον πολλὸν ἀπίκετο τὰ βασιλέος πρήγματα, ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ ἡ νηῦς ἡ ᾿Αρτεμισίης ἐδιώκετο ὑπὸ νηὸς ᾿Αττικῆς" καὶ ἣ, οὐκ ἔχουσα διαφυγέειν" ἔμπροσθε yap αὐτῆς ἦσαν ἄλλαι νῆες φίλιαι ἡ δὲ αὐτῆς πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων μάλεστα ἐτύγχανε ἐοῦσα ἔδοξέ οἱ τόδε ποιῆσαι, τὸ καὶ συνήνεικε ποειησάσῃ" διωκομένη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, φέρουσα ἐνέβαλε νηὶ φιλίη, ἀνδρῶν τε Καλυνδέων "7" καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπιυπλέοντος τοῦ Καλυν- δέων βασιλέος Δαμασιθύμου εἰ μὲν καί τι νεῖκος πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐγεγόνεε ἔτι περὶ ᾿Ελλήσποντον ἐόντων, οὐ μέντοι ἔγωγε ἔχω εἰπεῖν, εἴτε ἐκ προνοίης αὐτὰ ἐποίησε, elite’ συνεκύρησε ἡ τῶν Καλυνδέων κατὰ τύχην παραπεσοῦσα νηῦς" ὡς δὲ ἐνέβαλέ τε καὶ b [καὶ ἐγένοντο] [ἢ πρὸς Εὐβοίῃ]. I have included these words between brac- kets, not as considering them interpola- tions in the proper sense of the term, but because it seems nearly certain that ἐγένοντο is an alternative reading of ἦσαν, and ἢ πρὸς ὑβοίῃ of αὐτοὶ ἑωυτῶν. Neither alternative has any claim to be preferred to the other; but the text as it stands is a combination of the two produced by the transfer of the variant from the wargin. 172 ἀνδρῶν τε Καλυνδέων. STEPHANUS BYZANTINUS τι calls Calynda a town of Caria, like anda, and refers to this passage. If Calynda be really a Carian town, it seems not unlikely that Calynda and Calydna are merely dialectal varia- tions of the same word. CALLISTHENES (ap. Strabon. xiii. c. 1) related that the Leleges of the Homeric poems, (whose site is to be looked for in the neigh- bourhood of Assus and Antandros, and of whom Gargara on Ida was a colony,) after the destruction of their towns by Achilles, went south into Caria, and founded seve- ral cities there in the neighbourhood of Halicarnassus. One of these was Pedasa, of which Herodotus speaks (i. 175), and which was named after a Pedasus in the Troad. In the course of time these Lele- ges melted away and became identified with the Carian population; but as late as the middle of the fourth century B.c. they still had eight towns in the region Pe- dasie near Halicarnassus, from six of which Mausolus removed the population to Ha- licarnassus, — preserving the remaining two, Myndus and Suagela. (Strabo, xiii. p. 127.) If this account indicates an ethnical identity, in early times, of the tribes respectively inhabiting the Troad and the coast of Caria, it is reasonable to sup also an etymological identity be- tween Calydna (the ancient name of Te- nedos), Calynda the city here mentioned, and perhaps also Calymna the island. See note 293 on vii. 99. 175 εἴτε... εἴτε. This is the reading of only one manuscript (K). The rest have οὔτε εἰ. .. οὔτε εἰ, which Gaisford adopts. 38AQ 364 HERODOTUS κατέδυσε, εὐτυχίῃ χρησαμένη, διπλᾶ ἑωυτὴν ἀγαθὰ ἐργάσατο' ὅ τε γὰρ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς νηὸς τριήραρχος ὡς εἶδέ μεν ἐμβάλλουσαν νηὶ ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων, νομίσας τὴν νῆα τὴν ᾿Αρτεμισίης ἢ ᾿Ελλη- vida. εἶναι, ἢ αὐτομολέειν ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἀμύνειν, 88 ἀποστρέψας πρὸς ἄλλας ἐτράπετο. Τοῦτο μὲν τοιοῦτο αὐτῇ συν- ἤνεικε γενέσθαι, διαφυγέειν τε καὶ μὴ ἀπολέσθαι" τοῦτο δὲ, συνέβη ὥστε κακὸν ἐργασαμένην, ἀπὸ τούτων αὐτὴν μάλιστα εὐδοκιμῆσαι παρὰ Ἐέρξῃ; λέγεται γὰρ βασιλέα θηεύμενον μαθεῖν τὴν νῆα ἐμβαλοῦσαν" καὶ δή τινα εἶπαε τῶν παρεόντων" “ δέσποτα, ὁρᾷς ᾿Αρτεμισίην, ὡς εὖ ἀγωνίζεται καὶ νῆα τῶν πολεμίων κατέδυσε ;" καὶ τὸν ἐπείρεσθαε, εἰ ἀληθέως ἐστὶ ᾿Αρτεμισίης τὸ ἔργον ; καὶ τοὺς φάναι σαφέως τὸ ἐπίσημον τῆς νηὸς ἐπισταμένους" τὴν δὲ διαφθαρεῖσαν ἠπιστέατο εἶναι πολεμίην: τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα, ὡς εἴρηται, αὐτῇ συνήνεικε ἐς εὐτυχίην γενόμενα, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καλυνδικῆς νηὸς μηδένα ἀποσωθέντα κατήγορον γενέσθαι: Ἐέρξην δὲ εἶπαι λέγεται πρὸς τὰ φραζόμενα: “oi μὲν ἄνδρες γεγόνασί μοι γυναῖκες" αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες, ἄνδρες." ταῦτα μὲν Ἐξρξην φασὶ εἶπαι. 89 Ἐν δὲ τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἀπὸ μὲν ἔθανε 6 στρατηγὸς ᾿Δρια- Many Fer,. Boyuns "76 ὁ Δαρείου, Ἐϊέρξεω ἐὼν ἀδελφεὸς, ἀπὸ δὲ ἄλλοι πολλοί tinction, ae oe καὶ ὀνομαστοὶ Περσέων καὶ Μήδων, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων; Ἵ > e ’ ΄σ > 4 a) e y pile ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ Ελλήνων" ἅτε yap νέειν ἐπιστάμενοι, τοῖσι αἱ are slain, igre, ὙΝΣ οἰεφδειροντο, καὶ μὴ ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ ἀπολλύμενοι, ἐς τὴν numbers of Σαλαμῖνα διένεον' τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων οἱ πολλοὶ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ the common 7 A 9 4 tA 4 ς A 9 4 men, but διεφθάρησαν, νέειν οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ai πρῶταε ἐς φυγὴν ο εἴρι- , ΝΥ a lenes few ἐτράποντο, ἐνθαῦτα ai πλεῖσται διεφθείροντο’ ot γὰρ ὄπισθε m their ᾿ - ‘ being good τεταγμένοι, és τὸ πρόσθε That νηυσὶ παριέναι πειρώμενοι, ὡς oe" ἀποδεξόμενοί τι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔργον βασιλέϊ, τῇσι σφετέρῃσε νηυσὶ φευγούσῃσι περιέπιπτον. 90 ‘Evyévero δὲ καὶ τόδε ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τούτῳ' τῶν τινες Φοινίκων Aer τῶν αἱ νῆες διεφθαρέατο, ἐλθόντες παρὰ βασιλέα διέβαλλον τοὺς lantry of the*Tevas, ὡς δι’ ἐκείνους ἀπολοίατο αἱ νῆες "5, ὡς προδόντων" 176 ᾿Αριαβίγνης. One manuscript (F) the Ionians could have been the means of has ᾿Αριβίγνης. Of this chief, see note destroying the Phoenicians than by fouling 282 on vii. 97. them while eagerly pressing forward to 175 ὡς 30’ ἐκείνους ἁπολοίατο af νῆες. engage the enemy. There seems no more likely way in which URANIA. VIII. 88—90. 365 συνήνεικε ὧν οὕτω, ὥστε ᾿Ιώνων τε τοὺς στρατηγοὺς μὴ ἀπο- board ο of a λέσθαι, Φοινίκων τε τοὺς διαβάλλοντας λαβεῖν τοιόνδε μισθόν" ἔτι cian soe alles, τούτων ταῦτα λεγόντων, ἐνέβαλε νηΐ ᾿Αττικῇ ZapoOpnixin νηῦς" ἥ δ σῇ τὶς effect it τε δὴ ᾿Αττικὴ κατεδύετο, καὶ ἐπιφερομένη Aiywain νηῦς κατέδυσε ep eae τῶν Σαμοθρηδεων τὴν νῆα ἅτε δὴ ἐόντες ἀκοντισταὶ οἱ Σαμο- et Opnixes, τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ἀπὸ τῆς καταδυσάσης νηὸς βάλλοντες egeinat te ἀπήραξαν, καὶ ἐπέβησάν τε καὶ ἔσχον αὐτήν. τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐρρύσατο "ἢ ταῦτα γενόμενα δ. ὡς γὰρ εἶδέ σφεας Ἐέρξης ἔργον μέγα ἐργασαμένους, ἐτράπετο πρὸς τοὺς Φοίνικας, οἷα ὑπερλυπεόμενός τε καὶ πάντας αἰτιώμενος" καί σφεων ἐκέλευσε τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀπο- ταμεῖν ἵνα μὴ αὐτοὶ κακοὶ γενόμενοι τοὺς ἀμείνονας διαβάλλωσι. (ὅκως γάρ τινα ἴδοι Ἐέρξης τῶν ἑωντοῦ ἔργον τι ἀποδεικνύμενον ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ, κατήμενος ὑπὸ τῷ οὔρεϊ τῷ ἀντίον Σαλαμῖνος τὸ καλέεται Αὐγάλεως "77, ἀνεπυνθάνετο τὸν ποιήσαντα' καὶ οἱ γραμ- 176 ταῦτα γενόμενα τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐρρύ- σατο. It is surely not a legitimate inference from this transaction, that Sa- mothrace was at the time peopled by an Tonic race. The Persian navy seems to have been regarded as made up of two contingents, that from Phoenicia, and that from the islands and seaboard of Asia Minor; and the latter to have been de- scribed as “Ionian” without any regard to the differences of race. A parallel case is to be found in iv. 138 and vi. 8, where see note 23. See also the note 277 on vii. 95. 11 xarhpevos ὑπὸ τῷ οὔρεϊ τῷ dyrlov Σαλαμῖνος τὸ καλέεται Αἰγάλεως. There seems to have been considerable disagree- ment as to the position occupied by Xer- xes during the engagement. In the time of DemostTHENes a throne with silver feet was existing in the acropolis of Athens in which Xerxes was said to have sat, ἐν τῷ Αἰγαλέῳ ὄρει τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς (6, Timo- erat. p. 466). But PHANoDEMUS stated bim to have taken his post ‘above the Heracleum,”’ where the channel between the island and the main is very narrow. Acgstoporvs again placed him above the hills called “the Horns,’’ on the con- fines between Attica and the Megarid (ap. Plutarch. Themist. § 13). Laaxx ap to regard the position assigned by Phanodemus as the correct one, or nearly so. Of the summit of Mount /galeos, he says, “It is a position only less impro- bable than that stated by Acestodorus, who wrote that the Persian king was seated on the top of Kérata, a mountain on the confines of Megaris, five or six miles from the nearest part of the straits of Salamis. The summit of Mount Aiga- leos does indeed immediately overhang the strait, so as to command a complete view of it; and if Xerxes had wished to comprehend within the prospect the Sa- ronic gulf, together with a great part of Attica, Megaris, and Corinthia, the sum- mit of the mountain would have been an excellent station. But his object was to be present at the battle, to communicate speedily with the ships, to distinguish each vessel, to observe the conduct of those on board, and to commit the memo- rials of that conduct to writing The in- cident relating to Artemisia, and still more the dispute between the Phoenicians and Tonians, which Xerxes decided while the battle was raging, clearly show that he was very near the scene of action.” (Appendix ii. p. 271.) But if, as I have attempted to show in the Ercur- sus on § 76, the original expectation of Xerxes was not to see a battle, but a capture of the Greek vessels dispersed in all directions, the summit of AZgaleos, or even that position assigned to him by Acestodorus would have been an excellent place. When it turned out that some- thing very different was to be looked for, he may have descended to the neighbour- hood of the Heracleum ; and thus all the varying accounts may have some truth in them. 91 The Per- sians retreat to Phale- rum, and in the way ure fallen upon by some inetans, 92 who b their deeds clear them- selves of the charge of treason. 366 HERODOTUS ματισταὶ ἀνέγραφον πατρόθεν τὸν τριήραρχον καὶ τὴν πόλεν.) πρὸς δὲ ἔτι καὶ προσελάβετο "7" φίλος ἐὼν ᾿Αριαράμνης, ἀνὴρ Πέρσης "7 παρεὼν, τούτου τοῦ Φοινικηΐου πάθεος’ Οἱ μὲν δὴ πρὸς τοὺς Φοίνικας ἐτράποντο. τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ἐς φυγὴν τραπομένων καὶ ἐκπλεόντων πρὸς τὸ Φάληρον, Αὐγινῆταε, ὑποστάντες ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ '”, ἔργα ἀπεδέξαντο λόγου ἄξια" οἱ μὲν γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ ἐκεράϊξον τάς τε ἀντισταμένας καὶ τὰς φευγούσας τῶν νηῶν, οἱ δὲ Αὐγινῆται τὰς ἐκπλωούσας" ὅκως δέ τινες τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους διαφύγοιεν, φερόμενοι ἐσέπεπτον ἐς τοὺς Αὐγινήτας. ᾿Ενθαῦτα συνεκύρεον νῆες ἥ τε Θεμιστοκλέος διώκουσα νῆα καὶ ἡ Πολυκρίτου τοῦ Κριοῦ, ἀνδρὸς Αὐγινήτεω, νηὶ ἐμβαλοῦσα Σ᾿ιδωνίῃ ἥπερ εἷλε τὴν προφυλάσσουσαν ἐπὶ Σ᾿ κιάθῳ, τὴν Αὐγιναίην, ἐπ’ ἧς ἔπλεε Πυθέης ὁ “Ioyévou"™', τὸν οἱ Πέρσαι κατακοπέντα ἀρετῆς εἵνεκα εἶχον ἐν τῇ νηΐ ἐκπαγλεόμενοι" τὸν δὴ περιάγουσα ἅμα τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἥλω νηῦς ἡ Σιδωνίη, ὥστε Πυθέην οὕτω σωθῆναι ἐς Αὔγιναν' ὡς δὲ ἐσεῖδε τὴν νῆα τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ὁ Πολύ- κριτος, ὄγνω τὸ σημήϊον ἰδὼν τῆς στρατηγίδος, καὶ βώσας τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα ἐπεκερτόμησε, ἐς τῶν Aiywnréwy τὸν μηδισμὸν ὀνειδίζων". ταῦτα μέν νυν νηὶ ἐμβαλὼν ὁ Πολύκριτος ἀπέρ- 178 χροσελάβετο. This, which was the conjecture originally of Reiske, is adopted by Gaisford. All the MSS have xpoc- εβάλετο or προσεβάλλετο. The sentence has generally been taken to mean that Ariaramnes, being a friend to the Jonians, contributed to bring about this chastise- ment of the Phoenicians. But προσλαμ- βάνεσθαι πάθεος seems to mean something very different from προσλαμβάνεσθαι εἰς τὸ πάθος. Xerxes was stung to the quick at the loss of the battle, and disposed to blame every body; and stood in no need of any incitement to whet his severity. I should be disposed to take the passage as if Ariaramnes had been made to “ share the fate of the Phoenicians,”’ not as if he had aided in bringing it about. He was a favourite of Xerxes and standing by, and perhaps was rash enough to interpose a word in favour of the Phoenicians, upon which the irritated tyraut sentenced him to die with them. 179 ἀνὴρ Πέρσης. The name Ariaram- nes appears in the list of Darius’s ances- tors, not only in Herodotus, but also in the Behistun Inscription. See note 59 on vil. 11, above. 180 ὑποστάντες ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ. These perhaps were the vessels which had been reserved for the defence of the island fEgina. (See above, notes 96 and 10], on § 46.) It would have been quite impossible for any of the ships en- gaged within the channel to get out so as to occupy the position which is here ascribed to the @ginetans. The number of thirty, which was that of the /Eginetan gallies in the allied fleet, seems a very small one to be furnished by a state which at that time was a first-rate mari- time power. If a part of the navy re- mained at /Egina, there was the more cause to suspect a treasonable motive; and it is quite in harmony with the sup- position that this was a squadron of re- serve, that we find Polycritus, the son of Crius, in it. See note 182. 181 ἐδ ἧς ἔπλεε Πυθέης ὁ Ἰσχένου. The MSS have, without exception, Ἰσχέ- vou. But there is an equal unanimity for the form ᾿Ισχενόον in vii. 187, and Gais- ford follows the other editors in intro- ducing that form here. 182 ἐφ τῶν Αἰγινητέων τὸν μηδισμὸν ὀνειδίζων. One is disposed to infer from 4 URANIA. VIII. 91--9.. 367 piye’™ ἐς Θεμιστοκλέα. of δὲ βάρβαροι, τῶν αἱ νῆες περιεγένοντο, φεύγοντες ἀπίκοντο ἐς Φάληρον ὑπὸ τὸν πεζὸν στρατόν. "Ev δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ταύτῃ ἤκουσαν ᾿ Ελλήνων ἄριστα Aiywhrar 98 ἐπὶ δὲ, ᾿Αθηναῖοι: ἀνδρῶν δὲ Πολύκριτός τε ὁ Αὐγινήτης, καὶ ἴδ oe ᾿Αθηναῖοι Εὐμένης τε ὁ ᾿Αὐδγυβάσιος καὶ ᾿Αμεινίης Παλληνεύς" ~ Aginetans ὃς καὶ ᾿Αρτεμισίην ἐπεδίωξε. εἰ μέν νυν ἔμαθε ὅτι ἐν ταύτῃ πλέοι thought ἡ ᾿Αρτεμισίη, οὐκ ἂν ἐπαύσατο πρότερον ἢ εἷλέ μιν ἢ καὶ αὐτὸς ee τδ5 ἥλω" τοῖσι γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων τριἠρόρχοισι παρακεκέλευστο' πρὸς δὲ, ὕπξεοαν καὶ ἄεθλον ἔκειτο μύριαι δραχμαὶ, ὃς ἄν μεν ζωὴν ἕλῃ" δεινὸν γάρ oe τι ἐποιεῦντο, γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας orparauerOat, αὕτη μὲν nians. δὴ, ὡς πρότερον εἴρηται, διέφυγε' ἦσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν αἱ νῆες “τεριεγεγόνεσαν ἐν τῷ Φαλήρῳ. ᾿Αδείμαντον δὲ τὸν Κορίνθιον 94 στρατηγὸν λέγουσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι, αὐτίκα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ὡς συνέμισγον αἱ νῆες, ἐκπλαγέντα τε καὶ ὑπερδείσαντα, τὰ ἱστία ἀειράμενον οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα" ἰδόντας δὲ τοὺς Κορινθίους τὴν στρατηγίδα φεύγουσαν, ὡσαύτως οἴχεσθαι' ὡς δὲ ἄρα φεύγοντας γίνεσθαι τῆς ἡνόηρκο Σαλαμινίης κατὰ τὸ ἐρὸν ᾿Αθηναίης Σκιράδος 1", περιπίπτειν σφι coun ot κέλητα θείῃ πομπῇ" τὸν οὔτε πέμψαντα φανῆναι οὐδένα, οὔτε τι our of the τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιῆς εἰδόσι προσφέρεσθαι τοῖσι Κορινθίοισι" cia τῇδε δὲ συμβάλλονται εἶναι θεῖον τὸ πρῆγμα' ws γὰρ ἀγχοῦ γενέσθαι τῶν νηῶν τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ κέλητος, λέγειν τάδε “᾿Αδεί- μαντε, σὺ μὲν ἀποστρέψας τὰς ναῦς, ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμησαι κατα- προδοὺς τοὺς “Ελληνας" οἱ δὲ καὶ δὴ νικῶσι, ὅσον αὐτοὶ ἠρῶντο ἐπικρατῆσαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν"" ταῦτα λεγόντων ἀπιστέειν γὰρ τὸν this passage that Themistocles belonged to that Athenian party which had accused the Aiginetans of treason towards Hellas before the Lacedeemonians. (See vi. 49.) The father of this Polycritus was the principal agent in resisting the attempt of Cleomenes to arrest those of the A‘gi- netans who appeared to be specially guilty (vi. 50). Hence there was every reason for the son to taunt any distin- guished Athenian that had taken part with Cleomenes. 183 ἀπέρριψε. See note 366 on iv. 143. 184 κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν ᾿Αθηναίης Zxipados. LEAKE identifies this spot with ‘ the N.W. promontory of Salamis, upon which now stands, in a narrow plain by the shore, the monastery of ‘the Virgin brought to light’ (ἡ παναγία pave per μένη), 80 called because a buried picture of the Virgin was here said to have been discovered in the earth, in consequence of a miraculous voice which issued from the place. The monastery stands on the site of a Hellenic building, of which many large squared blocks are still to be seen, together with some fragments of Doric columns; and it seems therefore to be one of the numerous examples still extant in Greece of Pagan temples converted into churches, and which still retain por- tions or fragments of the original build- ings.” (Vol. ii. p. 163.) 98 Feat of Aristides. 96 After the battle, the 368 HERODOTUS ᾿Αδείμαντον, αὗτις τάδε λέγειν, ὡς αὐτοὶ οἷοί τε εἶεν ἀγόμενοι ὅμηροι ἀποθνήσκειν, ἣν μὴ νικῶντες φαίνωνταε οἱ “Ελληνες" οὕτω δὴ ἀποστρέψαντα τὴν νῆα αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐπ᾽ ἐξεργασ- μένοισε ἐλθεῖν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. τούτους μὲν τοιαύτη φάτις eyes ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων" οὐ μέντοι αὐτοί γε Κορίνθιοι ὁμολογέουσε, GAN ἐν πρώτοισι σφέας αὐτοὺς τῆς ναυμαχίης νομίζουσι γενέσθαι" μαρτυρεῖ δέ σφι καὶ ἡ ἄλλη “Ἑλλάς. ᾿Αριστείδης δὲ ὁ Δυσιμάχου, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, τοῦ καὶ ὀλέγῳ τι πρότερον τούτων ᾿" ἐπεμνήσθην ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀρίστου, οὗτος ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τούτῳ τῷ περὶ Σαλαμῖνα γενομένῳ τάδε ἐποίεε' παρα- λαβὼν πολλοὺς τῶν ὁπλιτέων οὗ παρατετάχατο παρὰ τὴν ἀκτὴν τῆς Σαλαμινίης χώρης, γένος ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι", ἐς τὴν Ψυττά- λείαν νῆσον ἀπέβησε ἄγων, of τοὺς Πέρσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ νησίδι ’ ͵ ΄, ταυντῇ κατεφόνευσ. αν TayvTas. ‘DAs δὲ ἡ ναυμαχίη διελέλυτο, κατειρύσαντες ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα οἱ Ἕλληνες τῶν ναυηγίων ὅσα ταύτῃ ἐτύγχανε ἔτι ἐόντα, ἑτοῖμοι 185 rotrovs μὲν τοιαύτῃ φάτις ἔχει. See note 10 on vii. 3. It gives a very unfavourable idea of the accuracy of local tradition to see that such an account as this should have become popular at Athens, little more than a generation after the action took place. The ques- tion of the presence of a squadron of forty ships, or of its absence eight or ten miles off at the time of the battle, was not a thing admitting the possibility of mistake. (See note 177 on vii. 55.) Dio Cnrry- sosTom relates a foolish story of Hero- dotus having inserted this scandalous ac- count of the Corinthians out of eee: at having been refused a p ward by them; the first draught of his history not having contained it. That the motive assigned cannot be the true one, is obvious from the discredit which he attaches to the report; it is probably a fiction of later times, to account for the variation of different copies of the work, some of which very likely did not contain the story. (See note 178 on i. 56.) 186 ὀλίγῳ τι πρότερον τούτων. See § 79. 187 γένος ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι. The men- tion of this circumstance, and also of the country of Aristides is to be remarked. The author is (from ἢ 93 to § 95) enume- rating the particular distinctions won by the several states. The feat of Aristides is put in the best possible way for his re- putation. Jt is represented as a sudden thought occurring to him, while the sea- fight was going on (ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τοὐτᾳ). PLUTARCH goes even further than this. Aristides, in his account, observes that the island Psyttalea is strongly occupied, puts some picked volunteers in boats, destroys all the Persians except a few of the most distinguished (whom he sends at once prisoners to Themistocles), and then oc- cupies the whole shore of the island with troops, in order to assist the Hellenic sailors and destroy those of the enemy who might swim ashore. (Aristides, ὃ 9.) ZEscHYLus represents the matter very differently. The island is captured a/ter the enemy’s fleet has been beaten, at a time when the Hellenes have nothing to prevent them from surrounding the island with their own ships : — ds γὰρ θεὸς ναῶν ἔδωκε κῦδος Ἕλλησιν μάχης, αὐθημερὸν φράξαντες εὐχάλκοις δέμας ὅπλοισι ναῶν ἐξέθρωσκον" ἀμφὶ δὲ κυκλοῦντο πᾶσαν νῆσον, ὥστ᾽ ἀμηχανεῖν ὅποι τράποιντο, .. .«....-.«.«.-- fas ἁπάντων ἐξαπέφθειραν βίον. Pers. 454—464. URANIA. VIII. 95—98. 188 és ἧσαν 869 ἄλλην ναυμαχίην, ἐλπίζοντες τῇσι περιεούσῃσι νηυσὶ allies pre for a ἔτι χρήσεσθαι βασιλέα: τῶν δὲ esis πολλὰ ὑπολαβὼν ἄνεμος repetition of ξέφυρος, ἔφερε τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ἠϊόνα τὴν sche aa Κωλιάδα' ὥστε ἀποπλῆσαε τὸν χρησμὸν τόν τε ἄλλον πάντα τὸν περὶ τῆς it, taking up their former station. dat ναυμαχίης ταύτης εἰρημένον Βάκιδι καὶ Μουσαίῳ, καὶ δὴ καὶ κατὰ τὰ ναυήγια τὰ ταύτῃ ἐξενειχθέντα τὸ εἰρημένον πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι Fulfilment πρότερον τούτων ἐν χρησμῷ Δυσιστράτῳ ᾿Αθηναίῳ, ἀνδρὶ χρησμο- λόγῳ, τὸ ἐλελήθεε πάντας τοὺς “Ελληνας '” ofa prophecy by the wide dispersion of the wrecks. Κωλιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἐρετμοῖσι φρύξουσι 199. τοῦτο δὲ ἔμελλε ἀπελάσαντος βασιλέος ἔσεσθαι. Ἐέρξης δὲ ὡς ἔμαθε τὸ γεγονὸς πάθος, δείσας μή τις τῶν ᾿Ιώνων 97 ὑποθῆται τοῖσι “Ελλησι, ἢ αὐτοὶ νοήσωσι πλέειν ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσ- ποντον λύσοντες τὰς γεφύρας, καὶ ἀπολαμφθεὶς ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ ἀπολέσθαι κινδυνεύσει, δρησμὸν ἐβούλευε """" δηλος εἶναι μήτε τοῖσι “Ελλησι μήτε τοῖσι ἑωντοῦ, ἐς τὴν Sada- off, and Xerxes fears that his com- munication θέλων δὲ μὴ ἐπί- ble Asia be cut meditates μῖνα χῶμα ἐπειρᾶτο διαχοῦν" γαυλούς τε Φοινικηΐους συνέδεε, ἵνα fight Be- ἀντί τε σχεδίης ἔωσι καὶ τείχεος" ἀρτέετό τε ἐς πόλεμον, ὡς vav- oe μαχίην ἄλλην ποιησόμενος. ὁρέοντες δέ μιν πάντες οἱ ἄλλοι ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, εὖ ἐπιστέατο ὡς ἐκ παντὸς νόου παρεσκεύασται μένων πολεμήσειν: Μαρδόνιον δ᾽ οὐδὲν τούτων ἐλάνθανε, ὡς μά- Mora ἔμπειρον ἐόντα τῆς ἐκείνου διανοίης. Ταῦτά τε ἅμα Ἐέρξης ἐποίεε, καὶ ἔπεμπε ἐς Πέρσας ἀγγελέοντα 98 τὴν παρεοῦσάν σφε συμφορήν. τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων ἔστε οὐδὲν ὅ τι θᾶσσον παραγίνεται θνητὸν ἐόν: οὕτω τοῖσε Πέρσῃσι ἐξεύ- Description ρηται τοῦτο. λέγουσι γὰρ, ὧς ὅσων ἂν ἦ ἡμερέων ἡ πᾶσα ὁδὸς, 188 ἐγοῖμοι ἦσαν, “ offered.” 237 on i. 70. 189 τὸ ἐλελήθεε πάντας τοὺς “EAAnvas. Herodotus does not mean to say that the Greeks were ignorant of the existence of the line he quotes, but only that they failed to see its meaning. 199 φρύξουσι. The MSS, which Gais- ford follows, have φρίξουσι, which gives no sense. I have adopted the conjecture of Koen. The meaning seems to me to be, that “the women shall toast their cakes with fires made of [the fragments of broken] oars.” 191 δρησμὸν ἐβούλευς. JESCHYLUS re- presents him as breaking up from the VOL. II. See note of the Persian sys- tem of esta- fette. position which his army occupied, and retreating precipitately, owing to the con- sternation which the sight of the capture of Psyttalea inspired : Ἐέρξης δ᾽ ἀνῴμωξεν κακῶν ὁρῶν βάθος, ἕδραν γὰρ εἶχε παντὸς εὐαγῆ στρατοῦ, ὑψηλὸν ὄχθον ἄγχι πελαγίας ἁλός" ῥήξας δὲ πέπλους κἀνακωκύσας λιγὺ, πε(ᾷ παραγγείλας ἄφαρ στρατεύματι, ἴησ᾽ ἀκόσμῳ ξὺν φυγῇ. (Pers. 465—470.) Herodotus, on the contrary, expressly makes him remain for a few days before retreating into Boeotia (8 113, below). 3B 870 HERODOTUS τοσοῦτοι ἵπποι te καὶ ἄνδρες διεστᾶσι, κατὰ ἡμερησίην ὁδὸν ἑκάστην ἥτπος τε καὶ ἀνὴρ τεταγμένος" τοὺς οὔτε νιφετὸς, οὐκ ὄμβρος, οὐ καῦμα, οὐ νὺξ ἐέργει μὴ οὐ κατανύσαι τὸν προκείμενον 5.5 δρόμον τὴν ταχίστην. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος δραμὼν παρα- ἑωυτῷ διδοῖ τὰ ἐντοταλμένα τῷ δευτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος τῷ τρίτῳ" τὸ δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη κατὰ ἄλλον " διεξέρχεται παραδιδόμενα, κατάπερ “Ἕλλησι ἡ λαμπαδηφορίη, τὴν τῷ Ηφαίστῳ ἐπιτελέουσι "". τοῦτο 99 τὸ δράμημα τῶν ἵππων καλέουσι Πέρσαι ἀγγαρήϊον “5. “H μὲν δὴ adie πρώτη “ὁ ἐς Σοῦσα ἀγγελίη ἀπικομένη, ὡς ἔχοι ᾿Αθήνας BépEns, on receiving érepype οὕτω δή τι Περσέων τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας, ὡς τάς τε ὁδοὺς battle of μυρσίνῃ πάσας ἐστόρεσαν "Ἷ, καὶ ἐθυμίων θυμεήματα, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν ἐν θυσίῃσί τε καὶ εὐπαθίῃσι' ἡ δὲ δευτέρη σφι ἀγγελίη ἐπεξελθοῦσα συνέχεε οὕτω, ὥστε τοὺς κιθῶνας κατερρήξαντο πάντες, βοῇ τε καὶ οἰμωγῇ ἐχρέωντο ἀπλέτῳ, Μαρδόνιον ἐν αἰτίῃ τιθέντες. οὐκ οὕτω δὲ περὶ τῶν νηῶν ἀχθόμενοι ταῦτα οἱ Πέρσαι ἐποίευν, ὧς περὶ αὐτῷ Ἠέρξῃ δειμαίνοντες. καὶ περὶ Πέρσας μὲν ἣν ταῦτα τὸν πάντα μεταξὺ χρόνον γενόμενον, μέχρι οὗ Ἐέρξης αὐτός σφεας ἀπικόμενος ἔπαυσε '*, 1002ἃ {Μαρδόνιος δὲ, ὁρέων μὲν Ἐέρξην συμφορὴν μεγάλην ἐκ τῆς Mardonius's ναυμαχίης ποιεύμενον ὑποπτεύων δὲ αὐτὸν δρησμὸν βουλεύειν ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων, φροντίσας πρὸς ἑωυτὸν ὡς δώσει δίκην Xerxes 41: ὅστις σε ἀγγαρεύσει μίλιον ty, ὕπαγε μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ δύο, where great confusion of thought has been produced from modern readers failing to observe that the acts of oppression noted ere all such as would take place in the ordinary administration of a military government. 196 ἡ μὲν δὴ πρώτη. This is the mes- sage sent off to Artabanus (§ 54, above). 197 τάς τε ὁδοὺς μυρσίνῃ πάσας ἐστό- βεσαν. See the account of a similar pro- ceeding on the occasion of crossing the bridge from Asia into Europe (vii. 54). 198 μέχρι ob Héptns αὐτός σφεας ἀπικό- μενος ἔπαυσε. This expression can hardly be taken to mean until the arrival of Xerxes at Susa. He stayed some time at Sardis (ix. 107). Probably all that is in- tended—or at least was intended by the authority followed by Herodotus—is that 198 δωυτῷ. So Gaisford printa on the authority of the majority of MSS. But 8, P, and F have αὐτῷ. 193 κατὰ ἄλλον. This is the uniform reading of the MSS. But Scheefer reads κατ᾽ ἄλλων, which is at least very plausi- ble. 194 τὴν τῷ Ἡφαίστῳ ἐπιτελέουσι. The race was probably the last part of the proceedings, after the more solemn portion of the ritual had been finished. (See note 242 on vi. 106.) Hence perhaps the em- ployment of the word émrreAdovci,—an appropriate term for an “‘ afterpiece.” 193 ἀγγαρήϊον. It would only be na- tural that in a service of this description, if the regular couriers had gone on when ἃ second despatch came, power should exist for pressing men and horses to transmit it. Accordingly, the word ἀγ- ‘yapevw came to mean, “to press for the public service;” and it is a hardship of this kind which is alluded to in Matth. v. the public mourning went on until Xerxes got safe back into Asia. ΒΑΝΊΙΑ. VIII. 99—101. 371 ἀναγνώσας βασιλέα στρατεύεσθαε ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα, καί οἵ a tothe , 3 a , . ε “΄ course to be κρέσσον εἴη ἀνακινδυνεῦσαι ἢ κατεργάσασθαι τὴν ‘Edddba, ἢ) pursued. αὐτὸν καλῶς τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον ὑπὲρ μεγάλων αἰωρηθέντα """" πλέον μέντοι ἔφερέ οἱ ἡ γνώμη κατεργάσασθαι τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα: λογισάμενος ὧν ταῦτα, προσέφερε τὸν λόγον τόνδε' “ δέσποτα, μήτε λυπέο, μήτε συμφορὴν μηδεμίαν μογάλην ποιεῦ τοῦδε τοῦ γεγονότος εἵνεκεν πρήγματος" οὐ γὰρ ξύλων ἀγὼν ὁ τὸ πᾶν φέρων ἐστὶ ἡμῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων" σοὶ δὲ οὔτε τις τούτων τῶν τὸ πᾶν ods ἤδη δοκεόντων κατεργάσθαι ἀποβὰς ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν πειρήσετας ἀντιωθῆναι, οὔτ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου τῆσδε' οἵ τε ἡμῖν ἠντιώθησαν, ἔδοσαν δίκας. εἰ μέν νυν δοκέει, αὐτίκα πειρώμεθα τῆς Πελοποννήσου εἰ δὲ καὶ δοκέει ἐπισχεῖν, παρόχει ποιέειν ταῦτα' μὴ δὲ δυσθύμει' οὐ γάρ ἐστι “Ελλησι οὐδεμία ἔκδυσις μὴ οὐ δόντας λόγον τῶν ἐποίησαν νῦν τε καὶ πρότερον εἶναι σοὺς δούλους . μάλιστα μέν νυν ταῦτα ποίεε" εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τοι βεβού- AevTas αὐτὸν ἀπελαύνοντα ἀπάγειν τὴν στρατιὴν, ἄλλην ἔχω καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε βουλήν: σὺ Πέρσας, βασιλεῦ, μὴ ποιήσῃς κατωγελάστους γενέσθαι “Ἑλλησι: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι δεδήληται τῶν πρηγμάτων, οὐδὲ ἐρεῖς ὅκου ὀγενόμεθα ἄνδρες κακοί: εἰ δὲ Φοίνικές τε καὶ Αὐγύπτιοι καὶ Κύπριοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ᾿ κακοὶ éyévovto, οὐδὲν πρὸς Πέρσας τοῦτο προσήκει τὸ πάθος. ἤδη ὧν, ἐπειδὴ οὐ Πέρσαι τοι αἴτιοί εἰσι, ἐμοὶ πείθεο" εἴ τοι δέδοκται μὴ παραμένειν, σὺ μὲν ἐς ἤθεα τὰ σεωυτοῦ ἀπέλαυνε τῆς στρατιῆς ἀπάγων τὸ πολλόν" ἐμὲ δέ σοι χρὴ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα παρασχεῖν δεδουλωμένην, τριήκοντα μυριάδας τοῦ στρωτοῦ ἀπολεξάμενον.᾽ Ταῦτα ἀκούσας 10] Ἐέρξης ὡς ἐκ κακῶν ἐχάρη τε καὶ ἥσθη" πρὸς Μαρδόνιόν τε, βου- con dein , , 5 ἌΣ , , g of Arte- λεύσάμενος ἔφη ἀποκρινεῖσθαι ὀκύταροῦ ἘΠ) εἰ ΤΌΤ ὡς δὲ μα τᾷ ἐβουλεύετο ἅμα Περσέων τοῖσι ἐπικλήτοισι, ἔδοξέ οἱ καὶ ᾿Αρτε- μισίην ἐς συμβουλίην μεταπέμψασθαι, ὅτε πρότερον ἐφαίνετο 199 ὑπὲρ μεγάλων αἰωρηθέντα, ‘‘as he free. See the note 412 on i. 118. had set ἃ high stake at issue.”” This cir- 201 Φοίγικές re... .. Kftices. The cumstance is what justifies the expression omission of the Ionians from the list of καλῶς τελευτῆσαι τὸν Bley even in the worthless allies, both here and in the contingency of defeat; and therefore no speech of Artemisia (§ 68, above) is to be comma must be inserted after βίον. remarked. At the time Herodotus was 200 elya: σοὺς δούλους. The state of writing there would be too close gn alli- the case would require γίγνεσθαι, instead ance between the European and Asiatic of νῦν τε καὶ πρότερον εἶναι. But courtly Greeks to allow any thing to stand which étiquette forbade the use of an expression would appear derogatory to the latter. which implied that the Greeks were still 3B2 972 HERODOTUS μούνη νοέουσα τὰ ποιητέα ἦν: ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἡ ᾿Αρτεμισίη, μεταστησάμενος τοὺς ἄλλους, τούς τε συμβούλους Περσέων καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους, ἔλεξε Ἐέρξης τάδε' “ κελεύει μὲ Μαρδόνιος, μένοντα αὐτοῦ, πειρᾶσθαι τῆς Πελοποννήσου: λέγων ὥς μοι Πέρσαι τε καὶ ὁ πεζὸς στρατὸς οὐδενὸς μεταίτιοε πάθεύός εἶσι, ἀλλὰ βουλομένοισί σφι γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀπόδεξις. ἐμὲ ὧν ἢ ταῦτα κελεύει ποιέειν, ἢ αὐτὸς ἐθέλει τριήκοντα μυριάδας ἀπολεξάμενος τοῦ στρατοῦ παρασχεῖν μοι τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα δεδουλωμένην" αὐτὸν δέ με κελεύει ἀπελαύνειν σὺν τῷ λουπῷ στρατῷ ἐς ἤθεα τὰ ἐμά. σὺ ὧν ἐμοὶ, καὶ γὰρ περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίης εὖ συνεβούλευσας τῆς γενο- μένης οὐκ ἐῶσα ποιέεσθαι, νῦν τε συμβούλευσον ὁκότερα ποιέων 102 ἐπιτύχω εὖ βουλευσάμενος." ‘O μὲν ταῦτα συνεβουλεύετο" ἡ δὲ big the λέγει τάδε' “ βασιλεῦ, χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι συμβουλευομένῳ τυχεῖν τὰ ἄριστα εἴπασαν' ἐπὶ μέντοι τοῖσε κατήκουσι πρήγμασι, δοκέει μοι αὐτὸν μέν σε ἀπελαύνειν ὀπίσω, Μαρδόνιον δὲ, εἰ ἐθέλει τε καὶ ὑποδέκεται ταῦτα ποιήσειν, αὐτοῦ καταλιπεῖν σὺν τοῖσι ἐθέλεε" τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ, ἢν καταστρέψηται τά φησι ἐθέλειν καί οἱ προ- χωρήσῃ τὰ νοέων λέγει, σὸν τὸ ἔργον, ὦ δέσποτα, γίνεται" οἱ γὰρ σοὶ δοῦλοι κατεργάσαντο' τοῦτο δὲ, ἢν τὰ ἐναντία τῆς Μαρδονίου γνώμης γένηται, οὐδεμία συμφορὴ μεγάλη ἔσται σέο τε περιεόντος καὶ ἐκείνων τῶν πρηγμάτων περὶ οἶκον τὸν cor ἣν γὰρ σύ τε περιῇς καὶ οἶκος ὁ σὸς, πολλοὺς πολλάκις ἀγῶνας δραμέονταε περὶ σφέων αὐτῶν οἱ “Ελληνεςς Μαρδονίου δὲ, ἤν τε πάθῃ, λόγος οὐδεὶς γίνεται' οὐδέ τι νικῶντες οἱ “Ελληνες νικῶσι, δοῦλον σὸν ἀπολέσαντες" σὺ δὲ, τῶν εἵνεκα τὸν στόλον ἐποιήσω, πυρώσας τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀπελᾷς." 1092Ζῖϑ “Ησθὴη τε δὴ τῇ συμβουλίῃ Ἐξέρξης" λέγουσα γὰρ ἐπετύγχανε in δου τάπερ αὐτὸς ἐνόεε' οὐδὲ γὰρ, εἰ πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι συνεβούλευον the King’s αὐτῷ μένειν, ἔμενε ἂν, δοκέειν ἐμοί: οὕτω καταρρωδήκεε: ἐπαινέσας fe sends he δὲ τὴν ᾿Αρτεμισίην, peti μεν ἀποστέλλει. digg αὐτοῦ τοὺς with his παῖδας ἐς "Ἔφεσον νόθοι γάρ τινες παῖδές οἱ συνέσποντο. 104 Συνέπεμπε δὲ τοῖσι παισὶ φύλακον ᾿Ἑρμότιμον, γένος μὲν ἐόντα Ephesus, Πηδασέα, φερόμενον δὲ οὐ τὰ δεύτερα τῶν εὐνούχων ν3 παρὰ 302 οὐ τὰ δεύτερα τῶν εὐνούχων. Per- by Harpagus (i. 176). In that invasion haps Hermotimus was made captive as a the Chians, like the Milesians, made youth at the time when Pedasa was taken separate terms for themselves with the URANIA. VIII. 102—106. 978 βασιλέϊ. οἱ δὲ TIndacées οἰκέουσι ὑπὲρ ᾿Αλικαρνησσοῦ" ἐν δὲ τοῖσι Πηδάσοισι τούτοισι τοιόνδε φέρεται πρῆγμα γίνεσθαι' ἐπεὰν τοῖσε ἀμφικτίοσι πᾶσι, τοῖσε ἀμφὶ ταύτης οἰκέουσι τῆς πόλιος, μέλλῃ Te ἐντὸς χρόνου ἔσεσθαι χαλεπὸν, τότε ἡ ἱρείη αὐτόθι τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης φύει πώγωνα μέγαν" τοῦτο δέ σφι δὶς ἤδη eyevero™. "Ex τούτων δὴ τῶν Πηδασέων ὁ Ἑρμότιμος ἦν. τῷ μεγίστη τίσις 105 ἤδη ἀδικηθέντι ἐγένετο πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν: ἁλόντα γὰρ αὐτὸν Anecdote ὑπὸ πολεμίων καὶ πωλεόμενον ὠνέεται Πανιώνιος, ἀνὴρ Xios, ὃς Fete τὴν ζόην κατεστήσατο ἀπ᾽ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων' ὅκως γὰρ κτήσαιτο Canuch in παῖδας εἴδεος errappévous™™, ἐκτάμνων, ἀγινέων ἐπώλεε ἐς Σάρδις er atig τε καὶ Ἔφεσον χρημάτων μεγάλων: παρὰ yap τοῖσι βαρβάροισι and his τ᾿ τιμιώτεροί εἶσι οἱ εὐνοῦχοι, πίστιος εἵνεκα τῆς πάσης, τῶν one Panio- ἐνορχίων: ἄλλους τε δὴ ὁ Πανιώνιος ἐξέταμε πολλοὺς, ἅτε ποιεύ- Chien slave μενος ἐκ τούτου τὴν ζόην, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦτον" καὶ ov γὰρ τὰ πάντα oe ἐδυστύχεε δ΄ Ἑρμότιμος, amixvéetas ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων παρὰ βασιλέα per ἄλλων δώρων" χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος, πάντων τῶν εὐνούχων ἐτιμήθη μάλεστα παρὰ Ἐέρξῃ. ‘Qs δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τὸ Περσικὸν ὅρμα ὃ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐὼν ἐν Σάρδισι, ἐνθαῦτα καταβὰς κατὰ δή τι πρῆγμα ὁ Ἑρμότιμος ἐς γῆν τὴν Μυσίην, τὴν Χῖοι μὲν νέμονται, ᾿Αταρνεὺς δὲ καλέεται, εὑρίσκει τὸν Πανιώνιον ἐνθαῦτα' ἐπυγνοὺς δὲ ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὺς καὶ φιλίους λόγους, πρῶτα μέν οἱ καταλέγων ὅσα αὐτὸς δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον ἔχοι ἀγαθὰ, δεύτερα δέ οἱ ὑπισχνεύμενος ἀντὶ τούτων ὅσα μὲν ἀγαθὰ ποιήσει, ἣν κομισάμενος τοὺς οἰκέτας οἰκέῃ ἐκείνῃ" ὥστε ὑποδεξάμενον merc 106 Persians, and had obtained Atarneus as marriages with the periecians, passed the the price of the extradition of a Persian refugee. See note 532 on i. 160. 302 Bis ἤδη ἐγένετο. This is one of several passages which serve to show either that the work could not have been left by the author in a finished state, or else that great interpolations have taken place. In i. 175 he says that this sin- gular phenomenon had at that time thrice _happened. See note 477 on vii. 173. It is not easy to suggest any certain ex- planation of the ‘ bearded priestess.” Minuto. (t. xxix.) gives such a figure from the temple of Bahbeit. Pirurarcn (quoted in note 188 on vi. 83) says that the Argives, after recruiting the loess of their citizens by a large number of mixed law that brides should be similarly orna- mented upon retiring to the nuptial chamber. See note 188 on vi. 83. In that case the custom was apparently sym- bolical, and expressive of the same idea which probably lay at the bottom of all androgynous representations in the Hel- lenic mythology, they being a compres- sion into one of a male and female deity. It is not impossible that the Pedasian Athene was an androgynous deity, an union of Ares and Aphrodite Urania, a war-deity in one of the sexes, and a genius of fruitfulness in the other. (See note 303 on v. 104.) 204 eos ὁπαμμένους. So εἴδεος ἐπαμ- μέγαι in i. 199, above. 107 Xerxes leaves Mar- donius with a large de- tachment from the army, and orders the fleet to make all sail to the Hellespont. 108 The allies, on discover- 374 HERODOTUS ἄσμενον τοὺς λόγους τὸν Πανιώνιον, κομίσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα' ὡς δὲ ἄρα πανοικίῃ μιν περιέλαβε, ἔλεγε ὁ ἱἙρμότεμος rade “ὦ πάντων ἀνδρῶν ἤδη μάλιστα ἀπ᾽ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων τὸν βίον κτησάμενε, τί σὲ ἐγὼ κακὸν ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν τες ἐργά- σατο ἢ σὲ, ἢ τῶν σῶν τινα, ὅτι με ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐποίησας τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι ; ἐδόκεές τε θεοὺς λήσειν οἷα ἐμηχανῶ τότε' οἵ σε ποιήσαντα ἀνόσια, νόμῳ δικαίῳ χρεώμενοι, ὑπτήγωγον ἐς χέρας τὰς ἐμὰς, ὥστε σε μὴ μέμψασθαι τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐμέο τοι ἐσομένην δίκην. ὡς δέ οἱ ταῦτα ὠνείδισε, ἀχθέντων τῶν παίδων ἐς ὄψιν, ἠνωγκάζετο ὁ Πανιώνιος τῶν ἑωυτοῦ παίδων, τεσσέρων ἐόντων, τὰ αἰδοῖα ἀποτάμνειν' ἀνωγκαζόμενος δὲ, ἐποίεε ταῦτα' αὐτοῦ τε, ὡς ταῦτα ἐργάσατο, οἱ παῖδες ἀνωγκαζόμενον ἀπέταμνον. Πανιώνιον μέν νυν οὕτω περιῆλθε ἥ τε τίσις καὶ ὁ “Ἑρμότιμος. Ξέρξης δὲ ὡς τοὺς παῖδας ᾿Αρτεμισίῃ ἐπέτρεψε ἀπάγειν ἐς Ἔφεσον, καλέσας Μαρδόνιον ἐκέλευέ μιν τῆς στρατιῆς διαλέγειν τοὺς βούλεται, καὶ ποιέειν τοῖσι λόγοισι τὰ ἔργα πειρώμενον ὁμοῖα. ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην ἐς τοσοῦτο ἐγίνετο' τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς, κελεύσαντος βασιλέος, τὰς νῆας οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐκ τοῦ Φαλήρου ἀπῆγον ὀπίσω ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον, ὡς τάχεος εἶχε ὅκαστος, δια- φυλαξούσας τὰς σχεδίας πορευθῆναι βασιλέι, ἐπεὶ δὰ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν Ζωστῆρος "" πλώοντες οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀνατείνουσι γὰρ ἄκραι λοπταὶ τῆς ἠπείρου, ταύτας ἔδοξάν τε νῆας εἶναι, καὶ ἔφευγον ἐπὶ πολλόν: χρόνῳ δὲ μαθόντες ὅτε οὐ νῆος εἶεν ἀλλ᾽ ἄκραι, συλ- λεχθέντες ἐκομίζοντο. ‘Qs δὲ ἡμέρη ὀγένετο, ὁρέοντες οἱ “Ελληνες κατὰ χώρην μένοντα τὸν στρατὸν τὸν πεζὸν, ἤλπιζον καὶ τὰς νῆας εἶναι περὶ Φάληρον" scribes the locality as “a hill terminating in three ; that in the middle is a low peninsula, which shelters on the west a deep inlet called Vuliasméni. This 205 Ζωστῆρος. The name Zworhp ap- pears originally to have been given to the narrow isthmus connecting a projecting cape of the coast of Attica with the main. It was the site of a deme inhabited by fishermen, whose tutelary deities were Leto, Artemis, and Apollo ζωστήριος. The local legend derived the name from the first of these having there loosened her zone when about to bring forth the two latter. (SterpHanus Brzanrinvs, sub v. Pausanias, i. 31. 1.) In the time of Pausanias, Athene was added to the number of these deities. Lzaxs ἀθ- probably was the place where stood the altars of the four deities”’ (ii. p. 55). He also remarks in a note, that “the fish with which Athens was supplied was chiefly procured on this part of the coast. The sea opposite to Aéxone [about four miles north] was noted for its red mullet (τρίγλη), which is still caught there, and known by the ancient name, although μπαρμπούνι is more commonly used.’’ URANIA. VIII. 107—109. 375 ἐδόκεόν TE ναυμαχήσειν σφέας, παρορτϑοντό τε ὡς ἀλεξησόμενοι" ing that the eet ο e ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπύθοντο τὰς νῆας olxwnuias, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ἐδόκεε enemy has retreated, ἐπιδιώκειν" τὸν μέν νυν ναυτικὸν τὸν Ἐέρξεω sien οὐκ ἐπεῖδον pursue it διώξαντες μέχρι “Avdpou, ἐς δὲ τὴν “AvSpov ἀπικόμενοι ἐβουλεύ- ἢ τἀ ovro, Θεμιστοκλέης μέν νυν γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυτο, διὰ νήσων Where The τραπομένους καὶ ἐπιδιώξαντας τὰς νῆας πλώειν ἰθέως ἐπὶ τὸν Sitter τὸ sail to the “Ἑλλήσποντον, λύσοντας τὰς γεφύρας: Εὐρυβιάδης δὲ. τὴν ἐναν- ἀρ ida Tiny ταύτῃ γνώμην ἐτίθετο; λέγων, ὡς et nes Tas σχεδίας, ἐμ νον τοῦτ᾽ ἂν μόγιστον πάντων σφεῖς κακὸν τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα épydcawvre: Eas ΜΈΝ εἰ yap ἀνωγκασθείη ἀπολαμφῦεις ὁ ‘Tépons μένειν ἐν τῇ Εὐ ὑρώπῃ, ἘΠ] ΠΣ Pel opon- πειρῷτο ἂν ἡσυχίην μὴ ἄγειν" ὡς ἄγοντε μέν οἱ ἡσυχίην, οὔτε τι nesians προχωρέειν οἷόν, τε ἔσται τῶν ᾿Ἰτρηγμάτων, οὔτε τις κομιδὴ τὸ ὀπίσω φανήσεται, λιμῷ τέ οἱ ἡ στρατιὴ διαφθαρέεται" ἐπυχειρέοντι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἔργου ἐχομένῳ, πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην οἷά τε ἔσται πρϑο χρῆσαι κατὰ πόλιάς τε καὶ κατὰ ἔθνεα, ἤτοι ἁλισκο- μένων γε ἢ πρὸ τούτου ὁμολογεόντων': τροφήν τε ἕξειν σφέας τὸν ἐπέτειον αἰεὶ τῶν “Ελλήνων καρπόν' ἀλλὰ δοκέειν γὰρ νικηθέντα τῇ ναυμαχίῃ οὐ μενέειν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τὸν Πέρσεα' ἐατέον ὧν εἶναι φεύγειν ἐς ὃ ἔλθῃ φεύγων ἐς τὴν ἑωντοῦ' τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ποιέεσθαι ἤδη τὸν ἀγῶνα éxédeve. ταύτης δὲ εὔχοντο τῆς γνώμης καὶ Πελοποννησίων τῶν ἄλλων οἱ στρατηγοί. ‘As δὲ 109 ἔμαθε ὅτι οὐ πείσει τούς γε πολλοὺς πλώειν ἐς τὸν ᾿Εἰλλήσποντον Me then in- uces the ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης, μεταβαλὼν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους --- οὗτοι yap Athenians μάλιστα ἐκπεφευγότων περιημέκτεον “δ, ὁρμέατό τε ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελ- inthe der λήσποντον πλώειν καὶ ἐπὶ σφέων αὐτῶν βαλλόμενοι, εἰ ὧλλοι μὴ tion, βουλοίατο--- ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε" “ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη πολλοῖσι παρεγενό- μην, καὶ πολλῷ πλέω ἀκήκοα τοιάδε γενέσθαι" ἄνδρας ἐς ἀναγκαίην ἀπειληθέντας, νενικημένους ἀναμάχεσθαΐ τε καὶ ἀμαλαμβάνειν τὴν προτέρην κακότητα ™" ἡμεῖς δὲ, (εὕρημα γὰρ εὑρήκαμεν ἡμέας τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, νέφος τοαοῦτο ἀρ alae ἀνωσάμενοι,) μὴ διώκωμεν ἄνδρας φεύγοντας" τάδε γὰρ οὐκ ἡμεῖς κατεργασά- μεθα, ἀλλὰ θεοί τε καὶ ἥρωες, of ἐφθόνησαν ἄνδρα ἕνα τῆς τε ᾿Ασίης καὶ τὴς Εὐρώπης βασιλεῦσαι, ἐόντα ἀνόσιόν τε καὶ 306 περιημέκτεον. See note 134 on 39] εἰν τὴν προτέρην κακό- i. 44. tyra. See note on vii. 231. 110 and, sending rivately to erxes, takes credit 376 HERODOTUS ἀτάσθαλον: ὃς τά τε ἱρὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐν ὁμοίῳ érroero™, ἐμπιπράς τε καὶ καταβάλλων τῶν θεῶν τὰ ἀγάλματα' ὃς καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπεμαστίγωσε πέδας τε κατῆκε ἔχει ἐς τὸ παρεὸν ἡμῖν, νῦν μὲν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι καταμείναντας 9, ἀλλ᾽ εὖ γὰρ 410 ἡμέων τε αὐτῶν ἐπιμεληθῆναι καὶ τῶν οἰκετέων" καί τις οἰκίην τε ἀναπλασάσθω καὶ σπόρον ἀνακῶς éyénw "", παντελέως ἀπελάσας τὸν βάρβαρον: ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἔαρι καταπλέωμεν ἐπὶ “Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ ᾿Ιωνίης." ταῦτα ἔλεγε ἀποθήκην μέλλων ποιήσεσθαι Ἶ. ἐς τὸν Πέρσεα' ἵνα, ἣν ἄρα τί μιν. καταλαμβάνῃ πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίων πάθος, ἔχῃ ἀποστροφήν τάπερ ὧν καὶ ἐγένετο. Θεμιστοκλέης μὲν ταῦτα λέγων διέβαλλε' ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐπεί- θοντο' ἐπειδὴ γὰρ, καὶ πρότερον δεδογμένος εἶναε σοφὸς, ἐφάνη ἐὼν ἀληθέως σοφός τε καὶ εὔβουλος, πάντως ἑτοῖμοι ἦσαν λέγοντι 412 πείθεσθαι. ὡς δὲ οὗτοί οἱ ἀνεγνωσμένοι ἧσαν, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἄνδρας ἀπέπεμπε ἔχοντας πλοῖον, τοῖσι 808 ὃς τά τε ἱρὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐν ὁμοίῳ ἐποιέετο. The primitive Persian religion led to a detestation of temples and images (i. 131), but this could hardly be said of the Persian court at the time of Xerxes. See Excursus on iii. 74, p. 435. How- ever, the outrageous conduct of Cambyses in Egypt may very well have produced a feeling with regard to the invaders, which it would be the interest of Hellenic states- men to keep up. 209 ὃς καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπτεμαστίγωσε πέδας te κατῆκε. See note 126 on vii. 34. 210 καταμείναντας. This is the reading of the majority of the MSS. Gaisford, following two (S and c), prints xara- μείναντες. 211 ἀΔνακῶς éxérw. Prutarce (The- seus, § 33) speaks of ἀνακῶ: ἔχειν as a familiar expression applied to those who kept watch over any thing, and conjec- tures that the Dioscuri may have had the name ἄνακες (under which they were worshipped at Athens) given to them διὰ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ κηδεμονίαν τοῦ μηδένα κακῶς παθεῖν. This is apparently an exact reversal of the true derivation, ἀνακῶς ἔχειν being probably in its origin applied to the care bestowed by the tutelary deity upon the objects of his care. Puxato, the comic poet, used the expression τὰς θύρας ἀνακῶς ἔχειν ( fragm. Incert. xxiii.), which Meineke very ingeniously proposes to cor- rect into ras θύρας ἀνακῶς ἔχειν, sup- posing the phrase to have been put into the mouth of a Dorian, and quoting ἘΒΟΤΊΑΝ : ἀνακῶς" ἐπιμελῶς καὶ wepire- φυλαγμένως" ἔστι δὲ ἡ λέξις δωρική. It is used by Herodotus in another place (i. 24), and once by THucypipEs (viii. 102: ὅπως αὐτῶν ἀνακῶς ἕξουσιν, ἣν ἐκ- πλέωσι), and always with the genitive case. 212 ἀπρθήκην μέλλων ποιήσεσθαι. THU- ΟΥ̓́ΣΙΡΕΒ makes him plead the circum- stance of the bridges not having been de- stroyed as a proof of the good will he had borne to the Persian monarch ; he falsely representing it as entirely his doing (i. 137). If Xerxes found the bridges actu- ally carried away on his arrival at the Hellespont (below, § 117)—it would be scarcely possible for Themistocles to have claimed merit for saving them ; although nothing would be more natural than that he should (as Herodotus here puts it) have once contemplated doing so upon a certain contingency arising. At the same time it seems that the news of the de-. struction of the bridges had not reached the allied fleet at the time of the battle of Mycale; which is very strange if Xerxes really found them gone when he arrived at the strait. 213 ol. The manuscripts S and V omit this word. URANIA. VIII. 110—112. 377 ἐπίστευσε συγᾶν ἐς πᾶσαν βάσανον ἀπικνεομένοισι τὰ αὐτὸς ἐνετείλατο βασώλέϊ φράσαι" τῶν καὶ Σίκιννος ὁ οἰκέτης αὗτις ἀγένετο" of ἐπεί τε ἀπίκοντο πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, οἱ μὲν κατέμενον ἐπὶ τῷ πλοίῳ, Σίκιννος δὲ ἀναβὰς παρὰ Ἠέρξεα ἔλεγε τάδε' “ἔπεμψέ με Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ Νεοκλέος, στρατηγὸς μὲν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων πάντων ἄριστος καὶ σοφώτατος, φράσοντά τοι, ὅτι Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος, σοὶ βουλόμενος ὑπουργέειν, ἔσχε τοὺς “Ελληνας τὰς νῆας βουλομένους διώκειν καὶ τὰς ἐν “Ἑλλησπόντῳ γεφύρας wey καὶ νῦν Kat’ ἡσυχίην πολλὴν xopiteo™.” οἱ μὲν ταῦτα σημήναντες ἀπέπλωον ὀπίσω. Oi δὲ “Ἑλληνες, ἐπεί τε σφι ἀπέδοξε μήτ᾽ ἐπιδιώκειν ἔτι 111 προσωτέρω τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς νῆας, μήτε ἐπυπλώειν ᾽"" ἐς τὸν a4 Ἑλλήσποντον λύσοντας τὸν πόρον, τὴν “AvdSpov περικατέατο “ins deter- mined not ἐξεέλέειν ἐθέλοντες. πρῶτοι yap ἤΑνδριοι νησιωτέων αἰτηθέντες ΜΡ tli a πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέος χρήματα οὐκ ἔδοσαν: ἀλλὰ προϊσχομένου paral τ Θεμιστοκλέος λόγον τόνδε, ὡς ἥκοιεν ᾿Αθηναῖοι περὶ ἑωντοὺς δεείθεοε ° ἔχοντες δύο θεοὺς μεγάλους, Πειθώ τε καὶ "Avayxalny™*, οὕτω who refuse τέ σφι κάρτα δοτέα εἶναι χρήματα, ὑπεκρίναντο πρὸς ταῦτα ἜΒΗ: λέγοντες, ὡς κατὰ λόγον ἦσαν ἄρα αἱ ᾿Αθῆναι μεγάλαι τε καὶ εὐδαίμονες, καὶ θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ .7. ἐπεὶ ᾿Ανδρίους ye εἶναι γεωπείνας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκοντας, καὶ θεοὺς δύο ἀχρήστουνρ οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ φιλοχωρέειν, Πενίην te καὶ ᾿Αμηχανίην" καὶ τούτων τῶν θεῶν ἐπηβόλους ἐόντας ᾿Ανδρίους οὐ δώσειν χρήματα: οὐδέκοτε γὰρ τῆς ἑωυτῶν ἀδυναμίης τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων δύναμεν εἶναι κρέσσω" οὗτος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ὑποκρινά- μενοι καὶ οὐ δόντες τὰ χρήματα, ἑπολιορκέοντο. Θεμιστοκλέης 112 3 3 ’ , 3 He al: δὲ, οὐ γὰρ ἐπαύετο πλεονεκτέων, ἐσπέμπων ἐς τὰς ἄλλας νήσους privately 214 In the time of PLurancs the po- 216 Πειθώ τε καὶ αἰ τρί ile pular view of the matter seems to have TARCH, in telli Piv- been, that Themistocles hastened the re- treat of Xerxes, by sending him word that the Greeks intended to sail to the Helles- pont, and destroy the bridge. (Themist. 16. 218 ῥπιπλώειν. This is the reading of S and V, adopted by Gaisford. The other MSS vary between the simple forms πλώειν and πλέειν. VOL. II. this story, substitutes Bla for ᾿Αγαγκαίη, and ᾿Απορία for ᾿Αμη- χανίη in the pair of Andrian deities. At Corinth there was actually a temple dedi- cated to ᾿Ανάγκη and Bla, into which no one was allowed to enter. (PAUSANIAS, ii. 4, 5.) 217 θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ, Compare i. 30: τοῦ βίου ed ἥκοντι, and vii. 157: σὺ δὲ δυνάμιος ἥκεις μεγάλης. 96 extorts money from the Curys- tians and Pariuns, and others. 113 The land army of Xerxes, after a few days, moves into Beotia, 378 HERODOTUS ἀπειλητηρίους λόγους, αἴτεε χρήματα διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀγγέλων, χρεώμενος λόγοισι τοῖσι καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ανδρίους ἐχρήσατο ᾽.", λέγων ὡς εἰ μὴ δώσουσι τὸ αἰτεόμενον, ἐπάξει τὴν στρατιὴν τῶν ᾿Ελ- λήνων καὶ πολιορκέων ἐξαιρήσει" λέγων ὧν ταῦτα, συνέλεγε χρή- ματα μεγάλα παρὰ Καρυστίων τε καὶ Παρίων' of πυνθανόμενοι τήν τε "Α͂νδρον ὡς πολιορκέοιτο διότι ἐμήδισε, καὶ Θεμεστοκλέα ὡς εἴη ἐν αἴνῃ μεγίστῃ τῶν στρατηγῶν, δείσαντες ταῦτα, ἔπεμπον χρήματα. εἰ δὲ δή τινες καὶ ἄλλοι ἔδοσαν νησιωτέων, οὐκ ἔχω εὐπεῖν' δοκέω δέ τινας καὶ ἄλλους δοῦναι, καὶ οὐ τούτους μούνους" καίτοι Καρυστίοισί γε οὐδὲν τούτου εἵνεκα τοῦ κακοῦ ὑπερβολὴ ᾽" ἐγένετο' Πάριοι δὲ Θεμιστοκλέα χρήμασι ἱλασάμενοι διέφυγον τὸ στράτευμα. Θεμιστοκλέης μέν νυν, ἐξ "Ἄνδρου ὁρμεώμενος, χρή- ματα παρὰ νησιωτέων ἐκτέετο λάθρη τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν. Οἱ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ Ἐέρξεα ἐπισχόντες ὀλύγας ἡμέρας ᾽3 μετὰ τὴν vav- μαχίην, ἐξέλαυνον ἐς Βοιωτοὺς τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδόν: ἔδοξε γὰρ καὶ Μαρδονίῳ, ἅμα μὲν προπέμψαι βασιλέα ἅμα δὲ ἀνωρίην εἶναι τοῦ ἔτεος πολεμέειν" χειμερίσαι Ἶ" ἔπειτα ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι πειρᾶσθαι τῆς Πελοποννήσον. ws δὲ ἀπίκατο ἐς τὴν Θεσσαλίην, ἐνθαῦτα Μαρδόνιος ἐξελέγετο πρώτους [μὲν Πέρσας "3 πάντας τοὺς ᾿Αθανάτους καλεομένους, πλὴν “Ὑδάρνεος τε ἄμεινον εἶναι ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ, καὶ 218 χρεώμενος λόγοισι τοῖσι καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ανδρίους éxphoaro. The manuscripts M, P, K, F,. have a very important va- riation: χρεώμενος τοῖσι καὶ πρὸν βασιλέα ἐχρήσατο, “employing the same agents which he had in his transaction with the king.” This reading gives a sense which seems more accordant with the condemna- tory phrase: οὐ yap ἐπαύετο πλεονεκτέων, and with the notice in the sequel: χρή- ματα παρὰ νησιωτέων ἐκτέετο AdOpn τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν, than the reading adopted by Gaisford is. It is quite clear that the money extorted from the islanders was not the regular contribution for car- rying on the war, which was afterwards collected ; for only Carystians and Parians were positively known to the author to have paid the demand. 219 τοῦ κακοῦ ὑπερβολὴ, “8 putting off of the evil.’’ This use of the word ὑπερ- βολὴ is found in Potysrius: ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αννίβαν πέμπειν ἠξίουν, καὶ μηδεμίαν ὑπερβολὴν ποιησαμένους ἐξελέγχειν καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἐλπίδα (xiv. 9. 8); but only in that one passage ; and in Herodotus it always signifies ‘‘ excess.” But ὑπερβαλ- λομένους, “ deferring,” is found in vii. 206, and ὑπερβάλλωνται in the same sense, ix. δὶ. 220 ἐπισχόντες ὀλίγας ἡμέρας. See note 191 on § 97, above. 23) χειμερίσαι, ‘to winter."” The word is formed after the analogy of θερίζειν and ἐαρίζειν. Herodotus habitually uses it. See vi. 31: χειμερίσας περὶ Μίλητον, and below: χειμερίζοντος περὶ Θεσσαλίην (§ 126) : ἐχειμέριζε ἐν Κύμῃ (§ 130). But in § 133, below, the more usual word ἐχείμαζε is employed. See the note on that passage. 222 [μὲν Πέρσα:]. The MSS vary be- tween these words, μὲν rods Πέρσας, μὲν τοὺς μυρίους, and μυρίους. The whole seem to me to be glosses. URANTIA. VIII. 1138, 114. τοῦ στρατηγοῦ 3. (οὗτος γὰρ οὐκ ἔφη λείψεσθαι βασιλέος") μετὰ 879 δὲ, τῶν ἄλλων Περσέων τοὺς θωρηκοφόρους, καὶ τὴν ἵππον xeriny καὶ Μήδους τε καὶ Σάκας, καὶ Βακτρίους τε καὶ ᾿Ινδοὺς, Ά .' N \ Kat Tov πεζὸν καὶ τὴν ἵππον. ταῦτα μὲν ἔθνεα ὅλα εἵλετο' ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἐξελέγετο κατ᾽ ὀλέγους "5, τοῖσι εἴδεά τε ὑπῆρχε διαλέγων καὶ εἰ τέοισί τε χρηστὸν συνείδεε πεποιημένον. ἐν δὲ, πλεῖστον ἔθνος Πέρσας αἱρέετο, ἄνδρας στρεπτοφόρους τε καὶ ψελιοφόρους 33. ἐπὶ δὲ, Μήδους" (οὗτοι δὲ πλῆθος μὲν οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἦσαν τῶν Περσέων ῥώμῃ δὲ ὅσσονες") ὥστε σύμπαντας τριήκοντα μυριάδας γενέσθαι σὺν ἱππεῦσι *". Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐν τῷ Μαρδόνιός τε τὴν στρατιὴν 114 διέκρινε καὶ Ἐέρξης ἦν περὶ Θεσσαλίην, χρηστήριον ἐληλύθεε ἐκ Δελφῶν Λακεδαιμονίοισι, Ἠέρξεα αἰτέειν δίκας τοῦ “Λεωνίδεω nous saying φόνου, καὶ τὸ διδόμενον ἐξ ἐκείνου δέκεσθαι" πέμπουσι δὴ κήρυ τὴν ταχίστην Σπαρτιῆται ὃς ἐπειδὴ κατέλαβε ἐοῦσαν ἔτι πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιὴν ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ, ἐλθὼν ἐς ὄψιν τὴν Ἐέρξεω ἔλεγε τάδε" of him for “ ᾧ βασιλεῦ Μήδων, Μακεδαιμόνιοί τέ σε καὶ ἩΗρακλεῖδαει οἱ troope are selected to remain with Mardonius. Anecdote of an omi- of Xerxes καὶ to a Spartan herald, who demanded satisfaction > » the death GTO of Leoni- Σπάρτης "Ὁ αἰτέουσι φόνου δίκας, ὅτι σφέων τὸν βασιλέα ἀπέκτει- ™ 233 πλὴν Ὑδάρνεος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. Of this chief see note 254 on vii. 83. 224 οὗτος γὰρ οὐκ ἔφη λείψεσθαι βασι- λέος. This is the way in which alone a Greek of the time of Herodotus would be able to account for Hydarnes’s conduct. But the analogy of other t empires renders it probable that he held some Office about the person of the sovereign, the functions of which were regarded as more important than his presence at the head of his corps. In the same way, English officers used in the late war to return to England from Spain to attend to their duties in parliament. See the re- marks on military rank in Persia, in the note 192 on vii. 61. 225 κατ᾽ ὀλίγους. Compare ii. 93: τῶν γὰρ ὠῶν ἀπορραίνουσι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους. 326 στρεπτοφόρουΞ Te καὶ ψελιοφόρους. The στρεπτοὶ and ψέλια by which the selected individuals were distinguished, perhaps served the same purpose as the stripes in the English army, or the cross of the Legion of Honour in the French ; that is, were an indication of special deserts. They seem to have been made of gold (see ix. 80). They are found among the presents of honour which Cambyses is related to have sent by the hands of the Ichthyophagi to the king of the Ethiopians (iii. 20). 237 Independently of the resources of Thessaly, the harbour of Pagase was an excellent station for the store ships which had accompanied the expedition; so that magazines were doubtless formed there for the supply of the enormous force left behind. But it seems likely that no rations were issued to the irregular troops which formed the bulk of the army; for it is in this part of the retreat that JESCHYLUS represents the great loss by famine to have taken place : κἀντεῦθεν ἡμᾶς γῆς ᾿Αχαιΐδος πέδον καὶ Θεσσαλῶν πόλισμ᾽ ὑπεσπανισμένους βορᾶς ἐδέξαντ᾽- ἔνθα δὴ πλεῖστοι ἤθανον δίψῃ re λιμῷ τ᾽ ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἦν τάδε. (Pers. 488—491.) 228 Ἡρακλεῖδαι of ἀπὸ Σπάρτης. This would be in contra-distinction to the He- raclides of Argos and Macedonia, and perhaps also to those of Lydia. 96 2 115 Terrible sufferings of the re- mainder of the troope who accom- nied the ing from Thessaly to the Hel- lespont, Loes of the horses of the sacred οἶα." riot which had been left on the way. 380 HERODOTUS vas, pudpevoy τὴν ‘“EdAdba:” ὁ δὲ γελάσας τε καὶ κατασχὼν πολλὸν χρόνον, ὥς οἱ ἐτύγχανε παρεστεὼς Μαρδόνιος, δεικνὺς ἐς τοῦτον εἶπε' “ τουγάρ σφι Μαρδόνιος ὅδε δίκας δώσει τοιαύτας οἵας ἐκείνοισι πρέπει" ὁ μὲν δὴ δεξάμενος τὸ ῥηθὲν ,," ἀπαλλάσ- σετο. Ἠέρξης δὲ Μαρδόνιον ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ καταλιπὼν, αὐτὸς ἐπορεύετο κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον' καὶ ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὸν πόρον τῆς διαβάσιος ἐν πέντε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα ἡμέρῃσε, ἀπάγων τῆς στρατιῆς οὐδὲν pépos™*, ὡς εἰπεῖν. ὅκου δὲ “τορενό- μενοι γινοίατο, καὶ κατ᾽ οὕστινας ἀνθρώπους, τὸν τούτων καρπὸν" ἁρπάζοντες éovréovro: εἰ δὲ καρπὸν μηδένα εὕροιεν, οἱ δὲ τὴν ποίην τὴν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναφυομένην καὶ τῶν δενδρέων τὸν φλοιὸν περι- λέποντες, καὶ τὰ φύλλα καταδρέποντες κατήσθιον, ὁμοίως τῶν τε ἡμέρων καὶ τῶν ἀγρίων' καὶ ἔλευπον οὐδέν: ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐποίευν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ ἐπιλαβὼν δὲ λοιμός Te τὸν στρατὸν καὶ δυσεντερίη, κατ᾽ ὁδὸν διέφθειρε" τοὺς δὲ καὶ νοσέοντας αὐτῶν κατέλυπε, ἐπιτάσσων τῇσι πόλισι, ἵνα ἑκάστοτε γίνοιτο ἔλαύνων, μελεδαίνειν τε καὶ τρέφειν" ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ τέ τινας, καὶ ἐν Σίρι τῆς Παιονίης, καὶ ἐν Μακεδονίῃ" ἔνθα καὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἅρμα καταλιπὼν τοῦ Διὸς, ὅτε ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα ἤλαυνε, ἀπιὼν οὐκ ἀπέλαβε' ἀλλὰ δόντες οἱ Παίονες τοῖσι Θρήϊξι, ἀπαιτέοντος Ἐέρξεω, ἔφασαν νεμομένας" ἁρπαχθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν ἄνω Θρηΐκων τῶν περὶ τὰς πηγὰς τοῦ Στρυμόνος οἰκη- 116 μένων. ἜἜνθα καὶ ὁ τῶν Βισαλτέων βασιλεὺς γῆς τε τῆς Κρη- Anecdote of the Thracian king of the Bisaltea and his six sons. στωνικῆς, Θρήϊξ, ἔργον ὑπερφυὲς ἐργάσατο: ὃς οὔτε αὐτὸς ἔφη τῷ ἘΞέρξη ἑκὼν εἶναι δουλεύσειν, ἀλλ᾽ οἴχετο ἄνω ἐς τὸ οὖρος τὴν “Ροδόπην, τοῖσί τε παισὶ ἀπηγόρευε μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν 219 δεξάμενος τὸ ῥηθὲν, “having ac- cepted what was [as an omen].” Compare § 137, below: δεκόμεθα ὦ Ba- σιλεῦ τὰ διδοῖς, and ix. 91: δέκομαι τὸν οἰωνὸν τὸν Ἡ γησίστρατον. 230 οὐδὲν μέρος, “8 mere ποίμϊηρ,᾽" The account which the messenger gives in ZEscHYLus agrees with this: ἥκουσιν ἐκφυγόντες οὗ πολλοί τινες ἐφ᾽ ἐστιοῦχον yaiav.—(Pers. 510.) 381 rby τούτων καρπόν. This could not have been the growing harvest; for there would be none at such a season of the year. It probably refers to the stores laid up in the barns of private pro- 332 yeuoudvas. From the gender we may suppose the idea of the narrator of this story to have been, that the chariot of the sun was drawn by mares. This, however, does not seem at all likely. In vii. 55, of ἵπποι of ipol are mentioned ; and the horse of Cyrus which was drowned in the Gyndes (i. 189) appears by the de- scription to have been a male. But the known habit of the Persians to use mares for ordi purposes, possibly caused the adoption of this feature of the story. URANIA. VIII. 115—118. 381 Ἑλλάδα: οἱ δὲ ἀλογήσαντες, ἢ ἄλλως σφε θυμὸς ἐγένετο θεήσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἐστρατεύοντο ἅμα τῷ Πέρσῃ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεχώρησαν ἀσινέες πάντες, ἐξ ἐόντες, ἐξώρυξε αὐτῶν ὁ πατὴρ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς διὰ τὴν αἰτίην ταύτην" καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τοῦτον τὸν μισθὸν ἔλαβον. Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐκ τῆς Θρηΐκης πορευόμενοι ἀπίκοντο ἐπὶ τὸν 117 πόρον, ἐπευγόμενοι τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον τῇσι νηυσὶ διέβησαν ἐς 95 arriving at the Hel- "ABu8or τὰς γὰρ σχεδίας οὐκ εὗρον ἔτι évrerapévas, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ lespont, the χειμῶνος διαλελυμένας "". ἐνθαῦτα δὲ κατεχόμενοι, σιτία τε the army πλέω ἢ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν ἐλάώγχανον, οὐδένα τε κόσμον ἐμπιπλάμενοι in ae καὶ ὕδατα μεταβάλλοντες, ἀπέθνησκον τοῦ στρατοῦ TOU περιεόντος bridge de- πολλοί: οἱ δὲ λουποὶ ἅμα Ἐϊέρξῃ ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις. 5 a *Eott δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὅδε λόγος λεγόμενος, ὡς ἐπειδὴ BépEns 118. ἀπελαύνων ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ἀπίκετο ἐπ᾽ Hidva™ τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι, Sardis. ἐνθεῦτεν οὐκέτι ὁδουπορίῃσι διοχρέετο, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν στρατιὴν ante) the ‘TSapvei ἐπιτρέπει ἀπάγειν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ Keres by νηὸς Φοινίσσης ἐπιβὰς, ἐκομίζετο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην' πλώοντα δέ μιν Son ἄνεμον Σ-τρυμονίην ὑπολαβεῖν μέγαν καὶ κυματίην" καὶ δὴ, μᾶλλον γάρ τι χειμαίνεσθαι, γεμούσης τῆς νηὸς, ὥστε ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώ- patos ἐπεόντων συχνῶν Περσέων τῶν σὺν Ἐέρξῃ -κομιζομένων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐς δεῖμα πεσόντα τὸν βασιλέα, εἴρεσθαι βώσαντα τὸν κυβερνήτεα, εἴ τις ἐστί σφι σωτηρίη, καὶ τὸν εἶπαι" “ δέσποτα, οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεμία, ἢν μὴ τούτων ἀπαλλαγή τις γένηται τῶν πολ- λῶν ἐπιβατέων" καὶ Ἐέρξεα λέγεται ἀκούσαντα ταῦτα εἶπαι" and of the self-devo- 333 ὑπὺ χειμῶνος διαλελυμένας. It seems doubtful whether this really was the case. See above, note 212 on § 109. The story which presently follows shows orpards, περᾷ κρυσταλλοπκῆγα διὰ πόρον" χῶστις rig tra πρὶν σκεδασθῆναι θεοῦ ἀκτῖνας ὡρμήθη, σεσωσμένος κυρεῖ. φλέγων αὐγαῖς λαμπρὸς ἡλίου κύκλος how entirely uncertain all the details of the retreat of Xerxes must have been. 334 dy’ ’Hidva. There was a bridge here by which the invading army croseed, and there is no mention in Herodotus of ita having been destroyed. Yet it is in crossing the Strymon on the ice that Aacuy.us represents a terrific loss to have been incurred by the army on ite re- treat : yur) δ᾽ ἂν ταύτῃ θεὸς χειμῶν᾽ ἄωρον ὦρσε, πήγνυσιν δὲ πᾶν ῥέεθρον ἁγνοῦ Στρυμόνος" θεοὺς δέ τις τὸ πρὶν γομίζων οὐδαμοῦ, τότ᾽ ηὔχετο λιταῖσι, γαῖαν οὐρανόν τε προσκυνῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλὰ θεοκλυτῶν ἐπαύσατο μέσον πόρον διῆκε, θερμαίνων φλογί" ᾿πίπτον δ' ἐπ᾿ ἀλλήλοισι, κιτ.λ. (Pers. 495— 506.) Possibly that portion of the troops un- der Artabazus (§ 126) which was in im- mediate attendance on the king, passed by the bridge, while the mass of the irre- gulars, spread over the country for the greater facility of obtaining supplies, at- tempted to cross on the ice. If Xerxes himself had undergone any great personal il, such as that of the troops described y achylus, it is unlikely that the tra- dition of it would not have remained and been related by Herodotus. 982 HERODOTUS tion of the “ ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, viv τις διαδεξάτω ὑμέων βασιλέος κηδόμενος" ἐν Persians. ᾿ = er ὑμῖν yap οἶκε εἶναι ἐμοὶ ἡ σωτηρίη"" τὸν μὲν ταῦτα λέγειν" τοὺς δὲ προσκυνέοντας ἐκπηδέειν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν' καὶ τὴν νῆα ἐπεκου- φισθεῖσαν, οὕτω δὴ ἀποσωθῆναι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην' ὡς δὲ ἐκβῆναι τάχιστα ἐς γῆν τὸν Ἠέρξεα, ποιῆσαι τοιόνδε' ὅτι μὲν ἔσωσε βασι- λέος τὴν ψυχὴν, δωρήσασθαι χρυσέῃ στεφάνῃ τὸν κυβερνήτεα: ὅτι δὲ Περσέων πολλοὺς ἀπώλεσε, ἀποταμεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 119 Οὗτος δὲ ἄλλος λέγεται λόγος" περὶ τοῦ Ἐέρξεω νόστου, οὐδαμῶς ἐπ τ εις f ἔμουγε πιστὸς, οὔτε ἄλλως οὔτε τὸ Περσέων τοῦτο πάθος" εἰ γὰρ δὴ ταῦτα οὕτω εἰρέθη ἐκ τοῦ κυβερνήτεω πρὸς Ἐέρξεα, ἐν μυρίῃσι γνώμῃσι μίαν οὐκ ἔχω ἀντίξοον, μὴ οὐκ ἂν ποιῆσαι βασιλέα τοιόνδε' τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ καταστρώματος καταβιβάσαε ἐς κοίλην νῆα, ἐόντας Πέρσας καὶ Περσέων τοὺς πρώτους, τῶν δ᾽ ἐρετέων, ἐόντων Φοινίκων, ὅκως οὐκ ἂν ἴσον πλῆθος τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐξέβαλε ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ν᾽. ἀλλ᾽’ ὁ μὲν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται **’, ὁδῷ 120 χρεώμενος ἅμα τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἀπενόστησε ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. Méya Another s¢- δὲ xa) τόδε μαρτύριον; φαίνεταε γὰρ Ἐέρξης ἐν τῇ ὀπίσω κομιδῇ nels ἀπικόμενος ἐς “ABSnpa, καὶ ξεινίην τέ σφι ouvOéuevos?™*, καὶ dera, where δωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀκινάκῃ τε χρυσέῳ καὶ τιήρῃ χρυσοπάστφ' off his καὶ ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι ᾿Α βδηρῖται, λέγοντες ἐμοί ye οὐδαμῶς πιστὰ, g πρῶτον ἐλύσατο τὴν ζώνην φεύγων ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ὀπίσω, ὡς ἐν ἀδείῃ ἐών' τὰ δὲ ᾿Αβδηρα ἵδρυται πρὸς τοῦ Ελλησπόντου μᾶλλον ** ἢ τοῦ Στρυμόνος καὶ τῆς ‘Hidvos, ὅθεν δή μιν φασὶ ἐπιβῆνας ἐπὶ τὴν siderin himsel νῆα. safe. 435 οὗτος δὲ ἄλλος λέγεται Adyos. So drine grammarian. (See notes 432 on ii. Gaisford prints on the authority of V and P. The other MSS have οὗτος δὲ ἄλλως λέγεται ὁ λόγος, which appears to be, if any thing, the preferable reading. 236 ἐξέβαλε ἐς thy θάλασσαν. What- ever discredit the story of the devotion of the Persians may deserve, no person who had ever been at sea in bad weather, would imagine that additional security would have been gained by drowning the crew, and putting in their places a num- ber of landsmen, who probably had never touched an oar, and most likely were half dead from sea-sickness. I am iaclined to think that §§ 119, 120, proceed, not from Herodotus, but from an ancient com- mentator or editor, perhaps an Alexan- 145, and 99 on iv. 32.) 237 ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Gaisford prints, on the authority οὗ M, Ρ, K, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν pot εἴρηται. But the other MSS omit the pronoun, and, I believe, with justice. See the last note. 238 ξεινίην σφι συνθέμενος. See note $31 on vii. 120. 329 τὰ δὲ "Αβδηρα ἵδρυται πρὸς τοῦ Ἕλ- λησπόντου μᾶλλον. So Gaisford prints on the authority of several MSS. But the others have πρὸς τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου δὲ μᾶλλον τὰ “AB3npa ἵδρυται, ---ἃ variation which suggests the probability of the whole clause being originally a marginal note. URANIA. VIII. 119---128. 383 Oi δὲ “EdAnves, ἐπεί τε οὐκ οἷοί τε ἐγένοντο ἐξελέειν τὴν 121 The allies break up from An- dros, and ἐξεῖλον ἀκροθίνια ἄλλα Te καὶ τριήρεας τρεῖς Φοινίσσας' τὴν μὲν after laying N a ‘ > Nv ᾿ ἐς ᾿Ισθμὸν ἀναθεῖναι, ἥπερ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦν" τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ Σούνιον" domaln of a . a arystus, τὴν δὲ τῷ Αἴαντι αὐτοῦ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα' pera δὲ τοῦτο "Ανδρον, τραπόμενοι ἐς Κάρυστον καὶ δηϊώσαντες αὐτῶν τὴν χώρην, ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. πρῶτα μέν νυν τοῖσι θεοῖσι διεδώσαντο return to 3 Ἂ , Salamis and τὴν ληΐην, καὶ τὰ ἀκροθίνια ἀπέπεμψαν ἐς Δελφούς" ἐκ τῶν ἐγέ- divide the spoils. veto ἀνδριὰς ἔχων ἐν τῇ χερὶ ἀκρωτήριον νηὸς, ἐὼν μέγαθος δυωκαίδεκα πήχεων ἑστήκεε δὲ οὗτος τῇ περ ὁ Μακεδὼν ᾿Αλέξαν- δρος ὁ χρύσεος". Πέμψαντες δὲ ἀκροθίνια ot” Ελληνες ἐς Δελφοὺς, 1990 ἐπειρώτεον τὸν θεὸν κοινῇ, εἰ λελάβηκε πλήρεα καὶ ἀρεστὰ τὰ Special Ἐν ἀκροθίνια ; ὁ δὲ παρ᾽ “Ελλήνων μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἔφησε ἔχειν, παρ᾽ the Lyi- Αὐγινητέων δὲ οὔ": ἀλλὰ ἀπαίτεε αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀριστήϊα τῆς ἐν Σαλα- μῖνι ναυμαχίης" Αὐγινῆται δὲ πυθόμενοι, ἀνέθεσαν ἀστέρας χρυσέ- ous, of ἐπὶ ἱστοῦ χαλκέον ἑστῶσι τρεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς γωνίης, ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ Κροίσεω κρητῆρος ". Μετὰ δὲ τὴν διαίρεσιν τῆς ληΐης ἔτλωον 193 οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν, ἀριστήϊα δώσοντες τῷ ἀξιωτάτῳ rapa γενομένῳ ᾿Ελλήνων ἀνὰ τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον" e \ 9 4 e ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενοι οἷ at the πὰ va " mus awards στρατηγοὶ Siévepov τὰς ψήφους ἐπὶ τοῦ Ποσειδέωνος τῷ βωμῷ", the second 140 ἑστήκεε δὲ οὗτος τῇ περ 5 Μακεδὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρος 5 χρύσεος. If this sentence be not the note of a later editor, it gives a very exalted notion of the wealth acquired by the kings of Macedonia at this early period. I am inclined to believe, how- ever, that it is this, and that the Alex- ander whose golden statue was placed at Delphi was the conqueror of Asia. It is very doubtful whether portrait statues of living persons were ever put up before his time. 241 παρ᾽ Αἰγινητέων δὲ of. The answer of the god was in after-times attributed to Lacedemonian intrigue. (See note 1 on § 131.) Although the Aéginetans appear to have been thus chary of thank-offerings to the Delphic god, it is probable that their gratitude was more ready on their own soil. It has been suggested, with great ingenuity, that the temple disco- vered in 1811, from which the celebrated gina marbles in the Glyptothek at Munich were taken, was erected in com- memoration of the victory at Salamis. The triumph of the Hellenic race over the Asiatics appears in the two tympana of the temple, symbolized by two triumphs of the acide, led by Athene, over Trojans, represented by figures combat- ing. In the east gable (which refers to the expedition against Laomedon) it is the acid Telamon, in the western (re- ferring to that against Priam) it is Ajax, who represents A‘ginetan valour. Athene appears in each gable. For the full de- scription of the groupes, see THIERSCH, in Boettiger’s Amaithea, i. p. 137. It has been shown by Dra. WorpswortTa (Athens and Altica, p. 266) that this temple, which is situated eight miles from the city of AZgina, in the N.E. corner of the island, is not, as has been supposed, identical with that of the Panhellenian Zeus. (See note on ix. 7.) 342 τοῦ Κροίσεω κρητῆρος. Seei. 51. 243 διένεμον Tas ψήφους ἐπὶ τοῦ Ποσει- δέωνος τῷ βωμῷ. This phrase occasions some difficulty. When decision was made by ballot, the ψῆφοι were taken from the altar of the deity in order to be used. See Mutugr on the Eumenides of Aschylus, p- 161. Perhaps we may suppose that in open voting, the appeal to the conscience of 984 HERODOTUS prize of τὸν πρῶτον καὶ τὸν δεύτερον κρίνοντες ἐκ πάντων" ἐνθαῦτα πᾶς meri Them τίς αὐτῶν ἑωυτῷ ἐτίθετο τὴν ψῆφον, αὐτὸς ἕκαστος δοκέων apt στος γενέσθαι: δεύτερα δὲ, of πολλοὶ συνεξέπιπτον Θεμεστοκλέα κρίνοντες. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐμουνοῦντο' Θεμιστοκλέης δὲ δευτερείοισι 124 ὑπερεβάλλετο πολλόν. Οὐ βουλομένων δὲ ταῦτα κρίνειν τῶν ee ee Ἑλλήνων φθόνῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποπλωόντων ἑκάστων és τὴν ἑωυτῶν tocles 4, ἀκρέτων, ὅμως Θεμιστοκλέης ἐβώσθη τε καὶ ἐδοξώθη εἶναι ἀνὴρ eee πολλὸν ᾿Ελλήνων σοφώτατος ava πᾶσαν τὴν “Ελλάδα. ὅτε δὲ paid tohim γεκῶν οὐκ ἐτιμήθη πρὸς τῶν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχησάντων, αὐτίκα damon, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἀπίκετο, θέλων τιμηθῆναι καί μιν “Λακεδαιμόνιοι καλῶς μὲν ὑπεδέξαντο, μεγάλως δὲ ἐτίμησαν ἀριστήϊα μέν νυν ἔδοσαν Εὐρυβιάδῃ, ἐλαίης στέφανον" σοφίης δὲ καὶ δεξιότητος, Θεμιστοκλέϊ, καὶ τούτῳ στέφανον ἐλαίης" ἐδωρή- σαντο δέ pw ὄχῳ τῷ ἐν Σπάρτῃ καλλιστεύσαντι' αἰνέσαντες δὲ πολλὰ, προέπεμψαν ἀπιόντα τριηκόσιοι Σπαρτιητέων λογάδες, οὗτοι οἵπερ ἱππέες καλέονται, μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Τογεητικῶν. μοῦνον δὴ τοῦτον πάντων ἀνθρώπων Ἶ“", τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, Σπαρ- 1906 τιῆται προέπεμψαν. ‘Qs δὲ ἐκ τῆς Δακεδαίμονος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς at herp lt nese Τιμόδημος ᾿Αφιδναῖος ἜΣ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μὲν τῶν to the carl Θεμιστοκλέος ἐὼν, ἄλλως δὲ οὐ τῶν ἐπιφανέων ἀνδρῶν, φθόνῳ Mus, καταμαργέων ἐνείκεε τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα, τὴν és Aaxedaipova ἄπιξιν προφέρων, ὡς διὰ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἔχοι τὰ γέρεα τὰ παρὰ Aaxedat- μονίων, GAN οὐ δι’ ἑωντόν" ὁ δὲ, ὄπεί τε οὐκ ἐπαύετο ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Τιμόδημος, εἶπε" “ οὕτω ἔχει τοι" οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ, ἐὼν Βελβινέτης *™, the parties concerned was symbolized by the laying out the pebbles spon the altar, as in secret voting it was by taking them from it. Gaisford, following the minority of MSS, prints διενέμοντο. Two (S and V) have ἔφερον. 344 μοῦνον δὴ τοῦτον πάντων ἀνθρώπων. This is entirely confirmed by the account of the Athenian orator in Taucyptpss, who says of Themistocles, that he alrié- τατος ἐν τῷ στενῷ ναυμαχῆσαι ἐγένετο, ὅπερ σαφέστατα ἔσωσε τὰ πράγματα" καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ τοῦτο δὴ μάλιστα ἐτιμήσατε ἄνδρα ξένον τῶν ὡς ὑμᾶς ἐλθόντων (i. 74). The attendants on Themistocles were the whole body-guard of the king, not merely 8 portion of them. See note 130 a on vi. 66, and note 531 on vii. 205. 345 "Agidvaios. The manuscript S has ᾿Αθηναῖος, and Valla’s translation neither the one nor the other. There is some difficulty in understanding the gist of Themistocles’s retort if Timodemus were a native either of Athens or Aphidna. Belbina is said to be a small island off cape Sunium. Scyxiax (p. 45), Prato (Polit. i. § 4), and Prurancy (TAemist. § 18) tell the story, but make the adver- sary of Themistocles a native of the little island Seriphos. See notes 494 on ii. 160; 368 on iv. 144 ; 262 on v. 92; 154 on vii. 48 246 ἐῶν Βελβινίτης. Seo the last note. URANIA. VIII. 124—128. 385 ἐτιμήθην οὕτω πρὸς Σπαρτιητέων" οὔτ᾽ ἂν σὺ, ὥνθρωπε, ἐὼν ᾿Αθηναῖος." ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐς τοσοῦτο ἐγένετο. ‘AptaBaos δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος, ἀνὴρ ἐν Πέρσησι λόγιμος καὶ 126 πρόσθε ἐὼν, ἐκ δὲ τῶν Πλαταιϊκῶν καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι γενόμενος, wits 00 G00 men on his ἔχων ὃδξ μυριάδας ὀτρατοῦ τὸν Μαρδόνιος ἐξελέξατο, προέπεμπε men on hie βασιλέα μέχρι τοῦ ss a ὡς δὲ ὁ μὲν ἦν ἐν τῇ Acin, ὁ δὲ ὀπίσω aaa Oe πορευόμενος κατὰ τὴν Παλλήνην ἐγίνετο, bre Μαρδονίου τε menos ΣΌΝ, χειμερίζξοντος περὶ Θεσσαλίην te καὶ Μακεδονίην, καὶ οὐδέν κω κατεπεύγοντος ἥκειν ἐς τὸ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον, οὐκ ἐδικαίου, ἐντυχὼν ἀπεστεῶσι Ποτιδαιήτῃσι, μὴ οὐκ ἐξανδραποδίσασθαί σφεας" οἱ γὰρ Ποτιδαιῆται, ὡς βασιλεὺς παρεξεληλάκεε καὶ 6 ναυτικὸς τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι οἰχώκεε φεύγων ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἀπέστασαν ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων" ὡς δὲ καὶ ὧλλοι οἱ τὴν Παλλήνην ἔχοντες. ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ὁ ᾿Αρτάβαζος ἐπολιόρκεε τὴν Ποτιδαίην. Ὑποπτεύσας 127 δὲ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ολυνθίους ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ βασιλέος, καὶ ταύτην αἶνον. ἐπολιόρκεε" εἶχον δὲ αὐτὴν Βοττιαῖοι οἱ ἐκ τοῦ Θερμαίου κόλπου eae ἐξαναστάντες ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων dred δέ σφεας etre πολμορκέων, inhabitants, κατέσφαξε ἐξαγαγὼν ἐς λίμνην: τὴν δὲ πόλιν παραδιδοῖ Κριτο- town νι βούλῳ Τορωναίῳ ἐπιτροπεύειν, καὶ τῷ Χαλκιδικῷ σγένεϊ ᾿“ καὶ οὕτω Ὄλυνθον Χαλκιδέες ἔσχον. ᾿Εξελὼν δὲ ταύτην ὁ ᾿Αρτά- 128 βαζος τῇ ΙΠοτιδαίῃ ἐντεταμένως προσεῖχε' προσέχοντι δέ οἱ προ- te eral θύμως συντίθεται προδοσίην Τιμόξεινος ὁ τῶν Σκιωναίων στρατ- % Potides ηγός" ὅντινα μὲν τρόπον ἀρχὴν, ἔγωγε οὐκ exw εἰπεῖν" οὐ γὰρ ὧν arnt λέγεται' τέλος μέντοι τοιάδε ἐγίνετο' ὅκως βυβλίον γράψειε ἢ Τιμόξεινος, ἐθέλων παρὰ ᾿Αρτάβαξον πέμψαι, ἢ ᾿Αρτάβαξος παρὰ Τιμόξεινον, τοξεύματος παρὰ τὰς γλυφίδας "" περιειλίξαντες καὶ πτερώσαντες τὸ βυβλίον, ἐτόξενον ἐς συγκείμενον χωρίον. ἐπάϊστος 447 Borriaiot of ἐκ τοῦ Θερμαίου κόλπου reading of all the MSS, and seems re- ἐξαναστάντες ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων. See note 349 on vii. 127. MB γῷ Χαλκιδικῷ yével. Probably the old feud between Chalcis and Eretria still survived sufficiently to render this step a politic one. See the note 291 on v. 99. The Chalcidians of these parts formed a portion of Xerxes’s army (vii. 185), per- haps not altogether against their will, as the Persian vengeance had been especially aroused against Eretria. 9 παρὰ τὰς γλυφίδας. This is the VOL. II. quired. The course taken was, to wrap the parchment on which the communica- tion was written round the shaft of the arrow till it reached the barbs, not round the barbs themselves. It was so managed as not to attract attention, except under such a close inspection as would arise when a man was wounded. Hence the feather was set on the parchment roll, which doubtless at a little distance was taken for the shaft. 3 D but the treason is detected. 129 After three months he loses a great part of his army in an at- etl the le of the city during an ebb tide. 130 386 HERODOTUS δὲ ἐγίνετο ὁ Τιμόξεινος προδιδοὺς τὴν Ποτίδαιαν" τοξεύων yap ὁ ᾿Αρτάβαζος ἐς τὸ συγκείμενον, ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χωρίου τούτον, βάλλει ἀνδρὸς Ποτιδαιήτεω τὸν aor τὸν δὲ βληθέντα περιέδραμε ὅμελος, οἷα φιλέει γίνεσθαι ἐν πολέμῳ’ of αὐτίκα τὸ τόξευμα λαβόντες, ὡς ἔμαθον τὸ βυβλίον, ἔφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς' παρῆν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Παλληναίων συμμαχίη" τοῖσι δὲ στρατηγοῖσι ἐπέλεξα- μένοισι τὸ βυβλίον καὶ μαθοῦσι τὸν αἴτιον τῆς προδοσέης, ἔδοξε μὴ καταπλέξαι Τιμόξεινον προδοσίῃ, τῆς Σκιωναίων πόλιος εἵνεκα, μὴ νομιζοίατο εἶναι Σ᾽ κιωναῖοι ἐς τὸν μετέπειτα χρόνον αἰεὶ προ- δόται' ὁ μὲν δὴ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ὁπάϊστος ἐγεγόνεε. ᾿Αρταβάζξῳ δὲ ὀπειδὴ πολιορκέοντε ἀγαγόνεσαν τρεῖς μῆνες, γίνεται ἄμπωτις τῆς θαλάσσης μεγάλη καὶ χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν" ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι τέναγος γενόμενον, παρήϊσαν ἐς τὴν Παλλήνην" ὡς δὲ τὰς δύο μὲν μοίρας διοδοιπορήκεσαν, ἔτι δὲ τρεῖς ὑπόλουποι ἦσαν, τὰς διελθόν- τας χρῆν ἔσω elvas ἐν τῇ Παλλήνῃ, ἐπῆλθε πλημμυρὶς τῆς θαλάσ- ons μεγάλη, ὅση οὐδαμά κω, ὡς οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λέγουσι, πολλάκις γινομένη. οἱ μὲν δὴ νέειν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι διεφθείροντο' τοὺς δὲ ἐπισταμένους οἱ Ποτιδαιῆται ἐπιπλώσαντες πλοίοισι ἀπώλεσαν. αἴτιον δὲ λέγουσι οἱ Ποτιδαιῆται τῆς τε ῥηχίης καὶ τῆς πλημμυρίδος ᾿ καὶ τοῦ Περσικοῦ πάθεος γενέσθαι τόδε, ὅτι τοῦ Ποσειδέωνος ἐς τὸν νηὸν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τὸ ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ ἠσέβησαν οὗτοι τῶν Περσέων τοίπερ καὶ διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης" αἴτιον δὲ τοῦτο λάγοντες, εὖ λέγειν ἔμουγε δοκέουσι. τοὺς δὲ περυγενομένους δ᾽ ἀπῆγε ᾿Αρτάβαζος ἐς Θεσσαλίην παρὰ Μαρδόνιον. οὗτοι μὲν οἱ προπέμψαντες βασιλέα οὕτω ὄπρηξαν "". Ὃ δὲ ναυτικὸς δ ὁ Ἠέρξοω περυγενόμανος, ὧς προσέμεξε τῇ 810 τῇς τε ῥηχίης καὶ τῆς πλημμυρίδος. It is apparently from a false i retation of this paseage that Suipas (v. ῬῬαχίαν) 351 rods δὲ περιγενομένους. Perhaps these may be considered two-thirds of the whole; for it is this number which are found under the independent command of lays it down as a fact that what the other Greeks called ἄμπωτις, was by the Ionians termed ῥηχίη. That the word is synony- mous with “ flood ” in Herodotus, appears from ii. 11 and vii. 198, where ἄμπωτις and pn xin are opposed to one another as “ebb” and “flow.” The opinion of Valcknaer is, that καὶ ge πλημμνρίδος is 8 gloss in this passage. I should rather take it to be an alternative reading. Artabazus at the time of the battle of Plates. See ix. 66. words are 86 οὕτω ἔπρηξαν. These omitted in the manuscripts M, P, K, F, and ὁ. 283 § δὲ ναυτικόςξ. The use of Hero- dotus is to say either τὸ ναυτικὸν or ὁ ναυτικὺς στρατός. Bat the substantive is tted, as here, in the next section. URANIA. VIII. 129—181. 387 ᾿Ασίῃ φεύγων ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, καὶ βασιλέα τε καὶ τὴν στρατιὴν The Persian ἐκ Χερσονήσου διεπόρθμευσε ἐς "Αβυδον, ἐχειμέριζε ἐν Κύμῃ: at Cuma, ἔαρος δὲ ἐπιλάμψαντος, πρώϊος *™* συνελέγετο ἐς Σάμον: ai δὲ τῶν the hee ae νῆῶν καὶ ἐχειμέρισαν αὐτοῦ: Περσέων δὲ καὶ Μήδων οἱ πλεῦνες Samos,” ἐπεβάτευον: στρατηγοὶ δέ σφε ἐπῆλθον, Μαρδόντης τε ὁ Βαγαίου Where it ΚΟ καὶ ᾿Αρταὔντης "" ὁ ’Aprayaloy συνῆρχε δὲ τούτοισι καὶ ἀδελ,- oeerre φιδέος, αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρταὔντεω mpocedopévov, ᾿Ιθαμίτρης "5. ἅτε δὰ μεγάλως πληγέντες, ov προήϊσαν ἀνωτέρω" τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης, οὐδ᾽ ἐπηνώγκαζε οὐδείς: ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ κατήμενοι, ἐφύλασσον τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην μὴ ἀποστῇ, νῆας ἔχοντες σὺν τῇσι dou τριηκοσίας. ov μὴν οὐδὲ προσεδέκοντο τοὺς "EdAnvas ἐλεύσεσθαι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποχρήσειν σφι τὴν ἑωυτῶν φυλάσσειν: σταθμεύ- μενοι ὅτι σφέας οὐκ ὀπεδίωξαν φεύγοντας ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἀλλ᾽ ἄσμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο. κατὰ μέν νυν τὴν θάλασσαν ἑσσωμένοι ἦσαν τῷ θυμῷ, πεζῇ δὲ ἐδόκεον πολλὸν "5 κρατήσειν τὸν Μαρ- δόνιον" ἐόντες δὲ ἐν Σάμῳ, ἅμα μὲν ἐβουλεύοντο εἴ τι δυναίατο κακὸν τοὺς πολεμίους ποιέει», ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὠτακούστεον ὅκη πεσέεται τὰ Μαρδονίου πρήγματα. Τοὺς δὲ “Ελληνας τό τε ἔαρ γινόμενον ἤγειρε καὶ Μαρδόνιος ἐν 131 Θεσσαλίῃ ἐών. ὁ μὲν δὴ πεζὸς οὔκω συνελέγετο' ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς "9 ἴῃ the ἀπίκετο ἐς Αἴγιναν, νῆες ἀριθμὸν δέκα καὶ ἑκατόν" στρατηγὸς δὲ * lied fleet καὶ ναύαρχος ἦν Δευτυχίδης ὁ Μενάρεος, τοῦ ᾿Ηγησίλεω ᾿“, τοῦ ‘ychides assembles here is very Bat there is a 254 gpdios, ‘early.’ The manuscripts singular. similar one below: ὥστε τοὺς μὲν Bap- 8, V, d have πρῶτον. But xpdéios seems to be the true reading, both here and in St. John’s Gospel (i. 42), where the trace of it remains in the Latin “ mane” of the Codex Veronensis, although no Greek each other; for a Bageus, eon of an Ar- tontee, appears elsewhere (iii. 128, where see note 353). There was also an Arta- untes, son of an Ithamitres (vii. 67, where see note 219). 286 ᾿Ιθαμίτρης. The MSS have ὁ ᾿Αμί- tons, doubtless from the confusion in uncial copies between IGAMITPHC and FOAMITPHC. In ix. 102, all have ᾽1θα- βάρους τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἀνωτέρω Σάμου μὴ τολμᾶν καταπλῶσαι, Kat ὅτας, σοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας, ἔζόντροον Χίων, τὸ πρὸς ἠῶ κατωτέρω Δῆλον (8 132). From the analogy of ἀνιέναι and κατέρχεσθαι, one may suppose that the phrases ἄνω and κάτω would respectively mean “ away from’? and “ towards’ some port re- garded as a centre. In the present case this would be some place on the Asiatic main,—perhaps Ephesus, which was the port through which the commerce with Europe mainly passed. (See note 512 on i. 162. 3268 a ibe So Gaisford prints from Sand V. The other MSS have πολλῷ. 259 § δὲ ναυτικός. See above, note 263 on § 130. 260 τοῦ Ἡγησίλεω. In vi. 65, all the MSS, without any exception, make Agis at gina 110 sail strong. 388 HERODOTUS “πποκρατίδεω, τοῦ Aevruybew, τοῦ ᾿Αναξίλεω, τοῦ ᾿Αρχιδήμου, τοῦ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, τοῦ Θεοπόμπου, τοῦ Νικάνδρου, τοῦ Χαρίλλου, τοῦ Εὐνόμου, τοῦ Πολυδέκτεος, τοῦ Πρυτάνιος ᾿", τοῦ Εὐρυφῶν- τος, τοῦ Προκλέος, τοῦ ᾿Αριστοδήμου, τοῦ ᾿Αριστομάχου, τοῦ Κλεοδαίου, τοῦ Ὕλλου, τοῦ “Hpaxréos ἐὼν τῆς ἑτέρης οἰκίης τῶν βασιλέων. οὗτοι πάντες, πλὴν τῶν δυῶν τῶν μετὰ Λευτυχίδεα πρώτων καταλεχθέντων, οἱ ἄλλοι, Baciées ἐγένοντο Σ᾽ πάρτης ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ ἐστρατήγεε Ἠάνθυππος ὁ "Apippovos™. “Ὥς δὲ παρογένοντο ἐς τὴν Αἴγιναν πᾶσαι αἱ νῆες, ἀπίκοντο ᾿Ιώνων ἄγγελοι ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν “Ελλήνων of καὶ ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην ὀλύγῳ πρότερον τούτων ἀπικόμενοι, ἐδέοντο Δακεδαιμονέων ἐλευ- θεροῦν τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην' τῶν καὶ Ἡρόδοτος ὁ Βασιληΐδεω ἦν al στασιῶταί σφι γενόμενοι, ἐπεβούλευον θάνατον Σ᾽ τράττε τῷ Χίου τυράννῳ **, ἐόντες ἀρχὴν ἑπτά' ἐπιβουλεύοντες δὲ ὡς φανεροὶ the grandfather of Leotychides,—a differ- ence whith can only be accounted for by sup g different sources. CLINTON (F. Ἡ. ii. p. 209) considers the present passage corrupt. And there are doubtless many great difficulties in it. In the first place, Aristodemus and his three ancestors can in no way be said (conformably with ordi- nary accounts) to have been kings of Sparta, as the country was subdued in the time of Aristodemus at the very ear- liest. Again, all the descendants of Theo- pompus, from Anaxandrides to Hippo- cratides both inclusive, are unknown from any other authority as kings of Sparta. In their place Pausanras (iii. 7. 5) gives Zeuxidamus (grandson of Theopompus, his father Archidamus having died), Anaxidamus, Archidamus, Agasicles, and Ariston. This Ariston is the person men- tioned by Herodotus (vi.61). In some other details Pausanias’s list of the Pro- cleid house differs from that of Hero- dotus. He puts a Soiis between Procles and Euryphon, which latter he calls Eu- , and reverses the order of Eunomus and Polydectes. But it would be very rash to place implicit dependance upon any one list, and to attempt to correct the others by it, as there is little proba- bility that any one rests upon contem- a records. See note 217 on i. 5. 261 rod Tpurdsos. F) omits this name. 263 ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ ἐστρατήγεε Ἐάνθιππος One manuscript ὁ *Aplppovos. This was the father of the great Pericles. The reputation of The- mistocies seems to have occasioned a dif- ficulty in later times to account for his not appearing in command on this occa- sion; and Droporus puts together ἃ number of facts to explain the matter. According to him, the distinction gained by the Athenians at Salamis was such, that a general opinion prevailed that they would put forward a claim to the hege- mony. In order to thwart this, the Laco- deemonians by their influence caused the ἀριστεῖα to be adjudged to the Aginetans, as it seems from Herodotus (§ 122, above) was done. But now, dreading the effects of this, they found it necessary to con- ciliate Themistocles personally; and hence the distinctions which were heaped upon him. The Athenians in their turn, angry with Themistocles for receiving these honours, deposed him, and inted Xanthippus in his place (xi. 27). A more simple explanation is perhaps to be found in the fact, that a new campaign having begun, new commanders were na- turally appointed ; and certainly the most important post for an Athenian statesman would no longer be at the head of the fleet, after the enemy’s navy had been destroyed, and while he had an enormous army in Thessaly. 263 Σγράττι τῷ Χίου τυράννῳ. This Strattis was one of the Ionian dynasts who discussed the question whether they should destroy the bridge which Darius ὕΒΑΝΙΑ. ΥὙΠΠ. 182, 133. 389 ἐγένοντο, ἐξενείκαντος τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἑνὸς τῶν μετεχόντων, οὕτω δὴ οἱ λοιποὶ, ἐξ ἐόντες, ὑπεξέσχον Ἶ“ ἐκ τῆς Χίου, καὶ ἐς Σπάρτην τε ἀπίκοντο καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε ἐς τὴν Alyway, τῶν Ελλήνων δεόμενοι καταπλῶσαι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην' οὗ προήγαγον αὐτοὺς μόγις μέχρι “Δήλου τὸ γὰρ προσωτέρω πᾶν δεινὸν ἦν τοῖσι “Ελλησι, οὔτε τῶν ναὶ are χώρων ἐοῦσι ἐμπείροισι, στρατιῆς τε πάντα πλέα ἐδόκεε εἶναι" τὴν τὰς θη ὼ δὲ Σάμον ἔπιστέατο δόξῃ καὶ Ἡρακλέας στήλας ἴσον ἀπέχειν 355" συνέπιπτε δὲ τοιοῦτο, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν βαρβάρους τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἀνωτέρω Σάμου ™* μὴ τολμᾶν καταπλῶσαι, καταρρωδηκότας" τοὺς δὲ Ἑλληνας, χρηϊξζόντων Χίων, τὸ πρὸς ἠῶ κατωτέρω 4ήλου' οὕτω δέος τὸ μέσον ἐφύλασσέ σφεων. Οἱ μὲν δὴ “Ελληνες ἔπλωον ἐς τὴν Δῆλον: Μαρδόνιος δὲ περὶ 133 τὴν Θεσσαλίην ἐχείμαζε""᾽, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρμεώμενος, ἔπεμπε κατὰ Dating the τὰ χρηστήρια ἄνδρα Εὐρωπέα yévos™, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Μῦς, ἐν- oi by Mar had thrown across the Ister, when the failure of his expedition into Scythia had become manifest (iv. 138). He had no doubt been replaced in his position by the Persians, when they recovered Ionia after the revolt had been crushed by the cap- ture of Miletus (vi. 31). The dative case Zrpdrr: is analogous to KAdof: (i. 31), and also to the adjectives ἀχάρι and ἀπόλι (i. 41; ix. 61). 364 ῥπεξέσχον. See note 186 on v. 72. 265 τὴν δὲ Σάμον .... ἴσον ἀπέχειν. This observation has been noticed as an extravagant exaggeration on the part of the author. ‘His object is here, by an i effect of contrast, to place in a more striking light the rapid increase during his own time, of nautical power and enterprize among his European fellow countrymen, of which result the victories he had just celebrated were a principal cause. And in his zeal to produce this illusive effect he would have us believe, that prior to the epoch of those victories the great central port of Samos, which was probably even in those days little less familiar to Attic merchants and seamen than the port of Pirreus, was viewed by the Greek commanders stationed at Delos, within sight of this very Samos, much in the light of some terra incognita or ui- tima Thule of the eastern waters.’’ (Mur, Critical History of the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece, iv. p. 405.) These remarks seem to leave out of con- sideration that the fleet was under the command of a Lacedemonian, totally un- used to operations by sea, and that the ‘“‘ Hellenes’”’ in the text have reference merely to the commandant and his staff. The feeling remarked with regard to the distance of Samos (not from Delos, but from Sparta) probably arose in s great measure from the failure of the enter- prize against that island, recorded in iii. 56. That expedition, the first undertaken to Asia since the Dorian invasion, turned out so badly, that it is not wonderful if “ 8 age to Samos” became pro- verbial at Sparta for an unlucky enter- prize. It will be seen that next year, when the Spartan admiral adopted s more venturous policy, it was in the sequel of an omen, which in ancient ways of think- ing would be regarded as a moet impor- tant matter. If any superstitious persons thought that a spell was laid upon all ex- peditions to Samos, here was an indica- tion that the spell was broken. 366 ἀνωτέρω Σάμου. See note 257 on § 130, above. 367 ἐχείμαζε. Herodotus elsewhere uses the form χειμερίζειν in this sense (see note 221 on § 113, above). And it is the more extraordinary that he should not have done so here, as he employs the word χειμάζειν in ὁ different sense (vii. 191). See the note on that passage. 368 Evpawda γένος. There was a town called Ewropus in Macedonia, and another in Syria, the latter of which however is of later times than the conquest of Alexan- 990 HERODOTUS Thessaly, τείλάμενος πανταχῆ μὲν χρησόμενον ἐλθεῖν τῶν old τε ἦν σφι he consults , ; = Η ἢ ; a various ἀποπειρήσασθαι. 5 τε μὲν βουλόμενος ἐκμαθέειν πρὸς τῶν χρηστη- by one} βίων ταῦτα ἐνετέλλετο, οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι οὐ γὰρ ὧν λέγεται" δοκέω ΩΣ δ᾽ ἔγωγε περὶ τῶν παρεόντων πρηγμάτων, καὶ οὐκ ἄλλων πέρι 134 πέμψαι. Οὗτος ὁ Μῦς ἔς τε Δεβάδειαν φαίνεται ἀπικόμενος, καὶ κόρῳ πὸ μισθῷ πείσας τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἄνδρα καταβῆναι παρὰ Τροφώνιον, pore visits καὶ ἐς "Αβας τὰς Φωκέων 5 ἀπικόμενος ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον" καὶ by aren δὴ καὶ és Θήβας πρῶτα ὡς ἀπίκετο, τοῦτο μὲν τῷ commie the cave of be in Α“πόλλωνι ἐχρήσατο' (ἔστε δὲ, κατάπερ ἐν OMe » ἐροῖσι the temple αὐτόθι χρηθτηρίάζεσθαξ) τοῦτο δὲ ξεῖνόν τινα 7 καὶ οὐ Θηβαῖον of the Isme- , ee ἃ nian Apollo χρήμασι πείσας κατεκοίμεισε ἐς "Appuipen"”. Θηβαίων δὲ οὐδενὶ also the ἔξεστι μαντεύεσθαι αὐτόθι, διὰ τόδε 7. ἐκέλευσέ σφεας ὃ "Ap- der. SrePHANUS ByYZANTINUS also speaks of an Europus in Caria, and it has been generally assumed that Mys must have been a native of this. But the only co- lour for such ἃ supposition seems to be the circumstance, that the Carians ia sub- sequent times appear to have frequently acted as interpreters between the Greeks and the Persian officials. Tissaphernes sent with the Spartan admiral Mindarus πρεσβεντὴν τῶν παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, Γαυλείτην ὄνομα, Κᾶρα δίγλωσσον. (THUCYDIDES, viii. 85.) Compare too ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ, Axabasis, i. 2.17. Stephanus, however, expressly says that the gentile name from the Carian Europus is Εὐρώπιος. I should be more disposed to think Mys a Mace- donian, and belonging to a part of the pulation which was of Pelasgian or Achean blood. (See below, note 276 on § 135.) The name Europé was a ΒΌΣ- name of Demeter in the ritual of nius, whose nurse she was said to have been. (Pausanras, ix. 39. 5.) It was therefore doubtless an Achsean or Pelas- gian word. 369 ἐς “ABas τὰς Φωκέων. The temple having been sacked and burnt the year before (see § 33, a grid ia it seems at first sight strange that onius should have endeavoured to conciliate the favour of the oracle. But certainly this outrage wag committed by a division of the army which Mardonius did not command in person (see notes 69, 71, and 72 on §§ 33, 34), and perhaps on the present occasion com- pensation was tendered. 270 κατάπερ ἐν Ολυμπίῃ, “in the same way as at Olympia.” This was through the appearances presented by the entrails of the victim while burning. Pixpar says: Ὀλυμπκία δέσποιν ἀλαθείας, tra pe cae ἄνδρες Ἐμπύροις τεκμαιρό- μενοι παραπειρῶνται Διὸς ἀργικεραύνου. Olymp. viii. tnit.) Hence δοριίσοοι 8 Gd. Tyr. 21) uses the expression, és’ Ἰσμηνοῦ τε μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, where the Scholiast, on the euthority οὗ Paitocno- RUS, explains the words by ageerting that the priests there resorted to this method of divination. 471 ξεῖνόν σιγα. Doubtless one of the pericecians to whom the temple originally belonged. See the next note but one. PLuTarca in one passage says that this individual was a Lydian (Aristid. § 19); in another he calls him a servant (De oraculorum defeciu, ὃ 5), and makes him receive the oracle ἢ Αἰολίδι. 372 ἐς ᾿Αμφιάρεω. Some οὗ the MSS have és ᾿Αμφιάραον. But although the usage of seems to have been to speak of Amphiaraus himself, and not his oracle, as giving advice, and even to say, πέμπειν παρὰ ᾿Αμφιάρεων (i. 46), aud not παρὰ ᾿Αμφιάρεω μαντεῖον, yet κατακοιμί- (ew τινὰ ἐς ᾿Αμφιάραον would certainly not be Greek. HyPrsripes (Pro Ἐν Ὁ, col. 28) asks respecting his client, τί καὶ ἀδικεῖ ὰ ὃ shed Said προσ- έταττε ταῦτ᾽ but describes his duty as having hese " commissioned, with two others, ἐγκατακλιθῆναι εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. Of the ritual of Amphiaraus, see note 164 on i. 62. Geisford prints κατ- εκαίμησε on the authority of a single MS, instead of κατεκοίμισε. 378 διὰ τόδε.ς The story which follows seems to be a mythical form of what may very reasonably be expected to have hap- URANIA. VIII. 134, 135. 391 φιάρεως διὰ χρηστηρίων ποιεύμενος ὁκότερα βούλονται ἑλέσθαι shrine of Amphia- τούτων, ἑωυτῷ ἢ ἅτε μάντι χρέεσθαι, ἢ ἅτε συμμάχῳ τοῦ ἑτέρου raw ; ἀπεχομένους' οἱ δὲ σύμμαχόν μιν εἵλοντο εἶναι" διὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἔξεστι Θηβαίων οὐδενὶ αὐτόθι ἐγκατακοιμηθῆναι. Τόδε δὲ θῶμά 135 μοι μέγιστον γενέσθαε λέγεταε ὑπὸ Θηβαίων! ἐλθεῖν ἄρα τὸν Apal tolls at Εὐρωπέα Μῦν, περιστρωφώμενον πάντα τὰ χρηστήρια, καὶ ἐς 4caphnia, a s 9 , \ : a \ τιν 7 where the tov Πτώου ᾿Απόλλωνος τὸ τέμενος" τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ἱρὸν καλέοται μὲν response was II raov, ἔστι δὲ Θηβαίων, κέεται δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς Κωπαΐδος Aduvys mde ina strange lan- πρὸς οὔρεξ, ἀγχοτάτω ᾿Ακραιφνίης *™ πόλεος ἐς τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν ἐπεί guage, but τε παρελθεῖν τὸν καλεύμενον τοῦτον Μῦν, ἕπεσθαί οἱ τῶν ἀστῶν mood by αἱρετοὺς ἄνδρας τρεῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ, ὡς ἀπογραψομένους τὰ called it Carian. θεσπιέειν ἔμελλε" καὶ πρόκατε," τὸν πρόμαντιν βαρβάρῳ γλώσσῃ χρᾶν" καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἑπομένους τῶν Θηβαίων ἐν θώματι ἔχεσθαι ἀκούοντας βαρβάρου γλώσσης ἀντὶ ᾿Ελλάδος, οὐδὲ ἔχειν ὅ τι χρήσονται τῷ παρεόντι πρήγματι" τὸν δὲ Εὐρωπέα Μῦν ἐξαρ- πάσαντα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν ἐφέροντο δέλτον, τὰ λεγόμενα ὑπὸ τοῦ προφήτεω γράφειν ἐς αὐτήν’ φάναι δὰ Καρίῃ pw γλώσσῃ χρᾶν 316 σνγγραψάμενον δὲ οἴχεσθαι ἀπιόντα ἐς Θεσσαλίην. pened upon the final settlement of the struggle between the Cadmean invaders and the aboriginal population of the country. Amphiaraus was a hero belong- ing to the mythology of the latter. He was and converted into an ally by respecting the privileges of his worshippers, or, in other words, by leav- ing his ritual in the hands of that race to which i belonged. It is to be remarked, that just before the battle of Leuctra, which led to the re-establishment of 8 actly the sane oracles which Mys did on the occasion of Mardoniua’s commission, with the addition only of that of Delphi. And some connexion of the oracle at Delphi with that of Ampbiaraus at Oropus ap- pears from the argument of Hyrrzripses (Pro Euxenippo, col. 28, line 21). 316 > νίη.. This is the of F, δ, d. Gaisford, with the majority of MSS, has ᾿Ακραιφίης. But in Ῥαυβανιλβ (ix. 23, 5) the town is called ᾿Ακραίφνιον. It was a mere hamlet within the of Thebes until the destruction of that city by eae when a portion of the population found refuge there. The tem- ae of Apollo Ptoiis was fifteen stades from the town, on the right of the road which led to it from Thebes. The legend aoe Plots, from whom the surname of the god was derived, a son of Aihamas and Themisto. The poet Asius of Samos is regarded by Pausanias as the authority for it. 315 πρόκατε. See note 392 on i. 111. 216 Kaply μιν γλώσσῃ χρᾶν. In the time of Pausan1as, the local accounts related that Mys consulted the oracle in hie own language, and not merely, as Herodotus pute it, understood the latter when s i in a foreign tongue. This would be the τ ᾿πριεητε ae ceeding, if we su w ere every reason to believe) that the oracle was founded antecedently to the invasion of the Cadmeans, and be- longed to the old inhabitants of the coun- try,—a population pretty nearly identical with the ‘aatoethiaods part of the populs- tion of Attica, and with that of the Me- garid at the time when the acropolis of Mogara was called Caria. (See note 167 on v. 66.) An acquaintance with the an- cient language would doubtless be pre- served by the functionaries of the temple 992 HERODOTUS 1386 Μαρδόνιος δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος ὅ τι δὴ ἦν λέγοντα τὰ χρηστήρια, Onreceiving werd ταῦτα ἔπεμψε ἄγγελον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν ᾿Αμύν- the responses eerie Tew *"’, ἄνδρα Maxedova”” ἅμα μὲν ὅτι οἱ προσκηδέες οἱ Πέρσαι payne ἦσαν" (᾿Αλεξάνδρου yap ἀδελφεὴν Γυγαίην, ᾿Αμύντεω δὲ θυγα- Alexander τέρα, Βουβάρης ἀνὴρ Πέρσης ἔσχε, ἐκ τῆς οἱ ἐγεγόνεε ᾿Αμύντης donian ὁἋὁ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ, ἔχων τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ μητροπάτορος" τῷ δὴ ἐκ Bact seat α * λέος τῆς Φρυγίης ἐδόθη ᾿Αλάβανδα "1" πόλις μογάλη νέμεσθαι) Athens, ἅμα δὲ ὁ Μαρδόνιος, πυθόμενος ὅτι πρόξενός τε εἴη καὶ evep- γέτης ᾿“ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὄπεμπε" τοὺς γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίους οὕτω ἐδόκεε μάλιστα προσκτήσεσθαι, λεών τε πολλὸν ἄρα ἀκούων εἶναε καὶ ἄλκιμον, τά τε κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν συντυχόντα σφι παθήματα κατεργασαμένους μάλιστα ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπίστατο" τούτων δὲ πτροσ- γενομένων, κατήλπιζε εὐπετέως τῆς θαλάσσης κρατήσειν, τάἄπερ ἂν καὶ ἦν" πεζῇ τε ἐδόκεε πολλὸν εἶναι κρέσσων" οὕτω τε ἔλογίζετο κατύπερθέ οἱ τὰ πρήγματα ἔσεσθαι [τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν 3.) τάχα long after it ceased to exist, as a living one, in the neighbourhood. Most probably for- mularies in it constituted a portion of the religious service of the deity. The pro- ceeding of Mys would be, in this view, analogous to that of a person who should address the Brahmins of Benares in Sans- crit, or the ecclesiastics of a Transalpine Romanist church in Latin. It would be a stroke of policy in Mardonius to employ as his agent an individual familiar with the religious system to which the temples visited by him belonged. 377 ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν ᾿Αμύντεω. For the conduct of this Alexander, in his younger days, to the Persian embassy at his father’s court, see v. 19—21. But his Persian brother-in-law was the son of Megabazus, the chief who had organized the European continent from the Helles- pont to the Strymon, and who stood in the highest favour with Darius. (See note 111 on vi. 44.) He therefore had doubt- less modified his views, and probably hoped to become in Europe what Histieeus had been in Asia. Compare the over- tures of Hydarnes to the Spartans, Sper- thias and Bulis (vii. 135). 378 &y3pa Μακεδόνα. This is the de- scription by which Alexander is intro- duced to notice in vii. 173, where see the note. 310 ᾿Αλάβανδα. SrerHaNus Byzan- TINUS appears to have found the reading ᾿Αλάβαστρα in his copy. But although Alabanda in Caria is well known, there is no notice elsewhere of an Alabanda in Phrygia, or of an Alabastra any where whatever. 380 πρόξενός τε εἴη καὶ eve s. This connexion was probably one not with Athens, but with the Pisistratid dynasty. Amyntas, the father of Alexander, had offered Hippias the town Anthemus on his final abandonment of the attempt to recover Athens (v. 94). But after the discomfiture of the Persians at Selamis, and the growth of the power of the com- monalty (which took such a start from that event; AnisToTLE, Polit. v. p. 1304), it became an absolute necessity to represent the relations which formerly subsisted be- tween the great dynastic families in a false light. See notes 197 and 20] on i. 60; notes 213 and 214 on i. 63; note 165 on v. 65; and note 315 on vi. 140. It is perhaps out of delicacy to democratic feel- ings that Alexander, both here and above, vii. 173 (where see the note), being spoken of as a friend to the Athenians, is de- scribed without any reference to his exalted position. 381 [τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν]. One manuscript (8) has Ἑλλήνων, another Ἑλληνικῶν, and a third τὰ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, variations which induce the belief that the whole originate in a marginal gloss. URANIA. VIII. 186, 137. 893 δ᾽ ἂν καὶ τὰ χρηστήρια ταῦτά οἱ προλέγοι, συμβουλεύοντα σύμμαχον τὸ ᾿Αθηναῖον οἱ ποιήσασθαι' τοῖσε δὴ πειθόμενος ἔπεμπε ™, Τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρον τούτου ἕβδομος γενέτωρ Περδίκκης ἐστὶ, ὁ 187 κτησάμενος τῶν Μακεδόνων τὴν τυραννίδα τρόπῳ τοιῷδε". ἐξ ᾿,εάϊστοο of ~ Apyeos ἔφυγον ἐς ᾿Ιλλυριοὺς τῶν Τημενοῦ ἀπογόνων τρεῖς ἀδελ- 4ουΐαι dy- nasty, which φεοὶ, Γαυάνης τε καὶ ᾿Δέροπος καὶ Περδίκκης" ἐκ δὲ ᾿Γχλυριῶν originally sprang from ὑπερβαλόντες ἐς τὴν ἄνω Μακεδονίην, ἀπίκοντο ἐς Δεβαίην modu Argos; and ἐνθαῦτα δὲ ἐϑήτευον ἐπὶ μισθῷ παρὰ τῷ βασιλέϊ, ὁ μὲν ἵππους their ἔπι νέμων, ὁ δὲ βοῦς, ὁ δὲ νεώτατος αὐτῶν Περδίκκης τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν went in Macedonia. “προβάτων: ἦσαν δὲ τὸ πάλαι καὶ ai τυραννίδες τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀσθενέες χρήμασι", οὐ. μοῦνον ὁ δῆμος" ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοῦ βασιλέος αὐτὴ τὰ σιτία σφι ὄπεσσε' ὅκως δὲ ὀπτῷτο ὁ ἄρτος τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ θητὸς Περδίκκεω, διπλήσιος ἐγίνετο αὐτὸς ἑωυτοῦ ἐπεὶ δὲ αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐγίνετο, εἶπε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν ἑωυτῆς" τὸν δὲ ἀκούσαντα ᾿ἐσῆλθε αὐτίκα, ὡς εἴη τέρας καὶ φέροι ἐς μέγα Te καλέσας δὲ τοὺς θῆτας, ππροηγόρευέ σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐκ γῆς τῆς ἑωυτοῦ" οἱ δὲ τὸν μισθὸν ἔφασαν δίκαιοι εἶναι ἀπολαβόντες, οὕτω ἐξιέναι" ἐνθαῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦ μισθοῦ πέρι ἀκούσας, ἦν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν καπνοδύκην ἐς τὸν οἶκον ἐσέχων 6 ἥλιος, εἶπε θεοβλαβὴς γενόμενος" “μισθὸν δὲ ὑμῖν ἐγὼ ὑμέων ἄξιον τόνδε ἀποδίδωμι" δείξας τὸν ἥλιον. ὁ μὲν δὴ Γανάνης τε καὶ ὃ ᾽᾿Δέροπος, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, ἕστασαν ἐκπεπληγμένοι, ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα' ὁ δὲ παῖς, ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ἔχων μάχαιραν, εἶπας τάδε' “ δεκόμεθα, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ διδοῖς 321 tdya δ' ἂν καὶ τὰ χρηστήρια... πειθόμενος. ἔπεμπε. The manuscripts Β and V have τάχα δὲ τὰ χρηστήρια ταῦτά οἱ προλέγουσι, and 8 has τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖον. Instead of of ποιήσασθαι, all but 8 and V have ποιεῖσθαι. There can certainly be little doubt that Mardonius’s object was not a purely superstitious one; but that he was endeavouring to shake the Greek confederacy by means of an appeal to the religious predilections of a portion of it. 233 ὁ κτησάμενος τῶν Μακεδόνων τὴν τυραννίδα τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. THUCYDIDES so far coincides with Herodotus in his account of the origin of the Macedonian ™.” περυγράφει TH μαχαίρῃ ἐς der) the eighth (ii. 100). The traditions therefore which these writers follow are entirely distinct from those which make the original founder of the empire to be Caranus, a brother of Phidon the dynast of ς 384 ἦσαν δὲ τὸ πάλαι καὶ al τυραννίδες τῶν ἀσθενέες χρήμασι The instances in the Homeric poems οὗ Naa- sicaa employed in washing the garments of the family (Odyss. vi. 57, seqq.), and of the brothers of Andromache slain while tending their father’s herds (Iliad. vi. 422) will recur to every one. 285 δεκόμεθα, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ διδοῖς. kings, as to make Perdiccas the first of There is no “ ambiguous answer ”’ here as them, and Archelaus (the son of Alexan- VOL. II. has been supposed. According to ancient 3 E 138 140 Legation of Alexander to Athens, 394 HERODOTUS τὸ ὄδαφος τοῦ οἴκου τὸν HALov περυγράψας δὲ, ἐς τὸν κόλπον τρὶς ἀρυσάμενος τοῦ ἡλίου, ἀπαλλάσσετο αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἀπήϊσαν' τῷ δὲ βασιλέϊ σημαίνει τις τῶν παρέδρων οἷόν Te χρῆμα ποιήσειε ὁ παῖς, καὶ ὡς σὺν νόῳ κείνων ὃ νεώτατος λάβοι τὰ διδόμενα: ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας, καὶ ὀξυνθεὶς, πέμπει ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἱππέας ἀπολέοντας. ποταμὸς δέ ἐστι ἐν τῇ χώρῃ ταύτῃ, τῷ θύουσι οἱ τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπ᾽ ”Apyeos ἀπόγονοι σωτήρια" οὗτος, ἐπεί τε διέβησαν οἱ Τημενίδαι, μέγας οὕτω ἐρρύη ὥστε τοὺς ἱππέας μὴ οἵους τε γενέσθαι διαβῆναι. οἱ δὲ, ἀπικόμενοι ἐς ἄλλην γῆν τῆς Μακεδονίης, οἴκησαν πέλας τῶν κήπων τῶν λεγομένων εἶναι Μίδεω τοῦ Γορδίεω' ἐν τοῖσε φύεται αὐτόματα ῥόδα, ἕν ἕκαστον ἔχον ἑξήκοντα φύλλα, ὀδμῇ τε ὑπερφέροντα τῶν ἄλλων. a [4 ᾿ ἐν τούτοισι καὶ ὁ Σιληνὸς ᾿" τοῖσι κήποισε ἥλω, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων: ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν κήπων οὗρος κέεται, Βέρμεον ᾿“ οὔνομα, ἄβατον ὑπὸ χειμῶνος. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρμεώμενοι, ὡς ταύτην ἔσχον, κατεστρέφοντο καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Μακεδονίην. ᾿Απὸ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Περδίκκεω ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὧδε ἐγεγόνεε" ᾿Αμύντεω παῖς ἦν ᾿Αλέξαν- δρος" ᾿Αμύντης δὲ ᾿Αλκέτεω" ᾿Αλκέτεω δὲ πατὴρ ἦν ᾿Δέροπος" τοῦ δὲ Φίλιππος" Φιλίππου δὲ ᾿Αργαῖος" τοῦ δὲ Περδίκκης ὁ κτησά- μενος τὴν ἀρχήν. ἐγεγόνεε μὲν δὴ ὧδε ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ᾿Αμύντεω. Ὥς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ᾿ ἀποπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου, ἔλογε τάδε' ““ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ways of thinking the offer and the omen are inseparable from each other, and both from the actual object which was visible to the eye,—the sunlight streaming into the hut. Hence the gesture of Perdiccas, as if securing his new possession. See notes on ix. 9], 92. 388 σωτήρια, “ἃ thank-offering for pre- servation.” Several of the MSS have σωτῆρι, which Gaisford adopts. But although the name σωτὴρ is applied as a surname to many of the ancient deities, the position of the word at the end of the sentence, without any explanation that it was ἃ surname, would be unusual. 387 ὁ Σιληνός. The legend of Silenus, and his dialogue with Midas, upon physi- cal subjects as well as the philosophy of life, appears to have been a very popular one in antiquity. TszoromPus seems to have gone most fully into the details of the matter. He made Silenus the son of 8 nymph, and to be something greater Μαρδόνιος τάδε λέγει ᾿"- ἐμοὶ than a man (for he was represented as immortal), although less than a deity (ap. AZlian. Var. Hist. iii. 18). Anis- TOTLE (ap. Plutarch. Consolat. § 27) introduced an allusion to Silenus in one of his own exoteric works, written in dia- logue, entitled Exdenns, or On the soul. But this does nothing more than impute to him a peculiarly dark view of human existence. His sentiment is: ἄριστον γὰρ πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις ph γενέσθαι" τὺ μέντοι μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ τὸ πρῶτον τῶν ἄλλων ἀνυστὸν, δεύτερον δὲ, τὸ γενομένου: ἀποθανεῖν ὧς τάχιστα. 388 Ἡέρμιον. S and K have Βέρβιον, which is confirmed by Valla’s fons Berdi- nus. Another (d) has Κέρμιον. 289 ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. The Athenians apparently returned home im- mediately after the retreat of Xerxes’s army northwards (§ 113), although the circum- stance is not mentioned by Herodotus. 300 Μαρδόνιος τάδε λέγει. See note URANIA. VIII. 1388—140. 395 ὠγγελέη ἥκει παρὰ βασιλέος λέγουσα οὕτω" ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὰς ἁμαρ- τάδας τὰς ἐς ἐμὲ ἐξ ἐκείνων γενομένας πάσας μετίημι' νῦν τε ὧδε, Μαρδόνιε, ποίεε' τοῦτο μὲν τὴν γῆν σφι ἀπόδος" τοῦτο δὲ, ἄλλην “τρὸς ταύτῃ ἐλέσθων αὐτοὶ ἥντινα ἂν ἐθέλωσι ἐόντες αὐτόνομοι" ἱρά τε πάντα σφι, ἣν δὴ βούλωνταί γε ἐμοὶ ὁμολογέειν, ἀνόρθωσον, ὅσα ἐγὼ ἐνέπρησα. τούτων δὲ ἀπυγμένων, ἀνωγκαίως ᾿ἔχει μοι “ποιέειν ταῦτα, ἢν μὴ τὸ ὑμέτερον ἀντίον ᾽" γένηται" λέγω δὲ ὑμῖν τάδε" νῦν τί μαίνεσθε πόλεμον βασιλέϊ ἀνταειρόμενοι ; οὔτε γὰρ ἂν ὑπερβάλοισθε οὔτε οἷοί τε ἐστὲ ἀντέχειν τὸν πάντα χρόνον' εἴδετε μὲν γὰρ τῆς Ἐέρξεω στρατηλασίης τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰ ἔργα: “πυνθάνεσθε δὲ καὶ τὴν νῦν παρ᾽ éuoi™ ἐοῦσαν δύναμιν: ὥστε καὶ ἣν ἡμέας ὑπερβάλησθε, καὶ νικήσητε, (τοῦπερ ὑμῖν οὐδεμία ἐλπὶς εἴπερ εὖ φρονέετε,) ἄλλη παρέσται πολλαπλησίη. μὴ ὧν Bov- λεσθε παρισεύμενοι βασιλέϊ, **, στέρεσθαι μὲν τῆς χώρης, θέειν δὲ αἰεὶ περὶ ὑμέων αὐτῶν ““ ἀλλὰ καταλύσασθε' παρέχει δὲ ὑμῖν ἔστε ἐλεύ- θεροι, ἡμῖν ὁμαιχμίην συνθέμενοι ἄνευ τε δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης. Μαρ- δόνιος μὲν ταῦτα, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐνετείλατό pot εἰπεῖν πρὸς ὑμέας" ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν εὐνοίης τῆς πρὸς ὑμέας ἐούσης ἐξ ἐμεῦ οὐδὲν λέξω" (οὐ γὰρ ἂν νῦν πρῶτον ἐκμάθοιτε 5.) προσχρηΐϊξζω δὲ ὑμέων, πείθεσθαι Μαρδονίῳ" ἐνορέω γὰρ ὑμῖν οὐκ οἵοισί τε ἐσομένοισι τὸν πάντα χρόνον πολεμέειν Ἐέρξῃ" (εἰ γὰρ ἐνώρων τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν, οὐκ ἄν κοτε ἐς ὑμέας ἦλθον ἔχων λόγους τούσδε") καὶ γὰρ δύναμες ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ἡ βασιλέος ἐστὶ, καὶ χεὶρ ὑπερμήκης “. ἣν ὧν μὴ αὐτίκα ὁμολογήσητε, μεγάλα προτεινόντων ἐπ᾽ οἷσι ὁμολογέειν κάλλιστα καταλύσασθαι, βασιλέος ταύτῃ ὡρμημένου. 118 on iii. 40. One manuscript (K) has for ἔλεγε τάδε simply λέγει, and then proceeds: ἀγγελίη fixes παρὰ βασιλέος, KT Δ, 291 ἀντίον. This is the ingenious emen- dation of Valcknaer, all the MSS having αἴτιον. 292 wap’ ἐμοί. This is the reading of one manuscript (a). The rest, with one exception, have wap’ ἐμέ. 293 χπαρισεύμενοι βασιλέϊ, “putting yourselves on a footing with the king.”’ The expression is used elsewhere of the proceeding of Aryandes, who, by issuing 8 coinage, put himself on the footing of an independent prince: παρισεύμενος Aa- ely διεφθάρη me the ; the Athenians indirectly matched them- selves with him. 294 θέειν δὲ αἰεὶ περὶ ὑμέων αὐτῶν. A similar expression is used above (vii. 57) : περὶ ἑωυτοῦ τρέχων. 295 ob γὰρ ἂν νῦν πρῶτον ἐκμάθοιτε. This apparently refers to the communica- tion made to the allies when they were encamped in the valley of the Peneus. See above, vii. 173. 306 yelp ὑπερμήκης. Ovip has ren- dered this proverbial expression into Latin: ‘An nescis longas regibus esse manus?” (Heroid. xvii. 166.) (iv. 166). By refusing to vassals of the Persian ki 3E2 Persia 141 is opposed by the La- cedsemo- nians. 396 HERODOTUS ἐθέλουσι, δειμαίνω ὑπὲρ ὑμέων, ἐν τρίβῳ τε μάλιστα οἰκημένων τῶν συμμάχων πάντων αἰεί τε φθειρομένων μούνων, ἐξαίρετόν τι μεταΐχμιον τὴν γῆν κεκτημένων. ἀλλὰ πείθεσθε: πολλοῦ γὰρ . ὑμῖν ἄξια ταῦτα, εἰ βασιλεύς γε ὁ μέγας μούνοισι ὑμῖν Ελλήνων τὰς ἁμαρτάδας ἀπιεὶς ἐθέλει φίλος γενέσθαι." ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε' Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ πυθόμενοι ἥκειν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ἐς ὁμολογίην ἄξοντα τῷ βαρβάρῳ ᾿Αθηναί- ους, ἀναμνησθέντες τῶν λογίων Ἢ", ὥς σφεας χρεόν ἐστι ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Δωριεῦσι ἐκπίπτειν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ὑπὸ Μήδων τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων, κάρτα τε ἔδεισαν μὴ ὁμολογήσωσι τῷ Πέρσῃ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, αὐτίκα τέ σφι ἔδοξε πέμπειν ἀγγέλους" καὶ δὴ συνέπιπτε ὥστε ὁμοῦ σφέων γίνεσθαι τὴν κατάστασιν" ἐπανέμειναν γὰρ οἱ ᾿Αθη- ναῖοι διατρίβοντες, εὖ ἐπιστάμενοι ὅτε ἔμελλον Δακεδαεμόνιοι πεύσεσθαι ἥκοντα παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἄγγελον ἐπ᾽ ὁμολογίῃ, πυθόμενοί τε πέμψειν κατὰ τάχος ἀγγέλους" ἐπίτηδες ὧν ἐποίευν, ἐνδεικνύμενοι τοῖσι Δακεδαιμονίοισι τὴν ἑωυτῶν γνώμην. “Ὥς δὲ ὀπαύσατο λέγων ᾿Αλέξανδρος, διαδεξάμενοι ἔλεγον of ἀπὸ Σπάρτης ἄγγελοι" “ ἡμέας δὲ ἔπεμψαν “ακεδαιμόνιοι δεησομένους ὑμέων, μήτε νεώτερον ποιέειν μηδὲν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Εἰλλάδα, μήτε λόγους ἐνδέκεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου' οὔτε γὰρ δίκαιον οὐδαμῶς οὔτε κόσμον φέρον οὔτε γε ἄλλοισι Ελλήνων οὐδαμοῖσι, ὑμῖν δὲ δὴ καὶ διὰ πάντων ἥκιστα, πολλῶν εἵνεκα" ἐγείρατε γὰρ τόνδε τὸν πόλε- μον ὑμεῖς, οὐδὲν ἡμέων βουλομένων, καὶ περὶ τῆς ὑμετέρης ἀρχῆς" 297 ἀναμνησθέντες τῶν λογίων. These ὑμέων ἡμῖν γέγονε (above, § 22). Bat prophecies are perhaps what Cleomenes the speech, although put into the mouth had brought with him from Athens, after the failure of his attempt to establish Isagoras in power at that place. See v. 90. Possibly they may have been com- posed by Onomacritus, who appears to have been retained as a sort of family seer by the Pisistratids. The oracles, on the strength of which Hippias foretold ill to the Corinthians (v. 93), appear to have had the same general bearing as thoee re- ferred to in the text. 398 περὶ τῆς ὑμετέρης ἀρχῆς. Wesse- ling, very naturally surprised at such lan- guage as this from Lacedemonian com- missioners to the Athenians, was at one time inclined to read wep) τῆς ὑμετέρης ἀρχῆθεν ὁ ἀγὼν ἐγένετο, in accordance with what Themistocles says to the I onians: ἀρχῆθεν ἡ ἔχθρη πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον ἀπ᾽ οὗ a Spartan, is from an Athenian mint, and of a coinage later than the time when the ἡγεμονία was transferred from Lace- deemon to Athens. See the note 243 on v.91. A similar remark is by what presently follows: of τινες αἰεὶ καὶ τὸ πάλαι φαίνεσθε πολλοὺς ἐλευθερώσα».- τες ἀνθρώπων. ‘The Lacedzemonians had enjoyed the reputation of universal libe- rators while their supremacy lasted, which was owing to their habitual policy of sub- stituting aristocratic for dynastic govern- ment wherever they could extend their influence. (See the beginning of the speech of the Corinthian Sosicles, v. 92, and THUCYDIDES, cited in the note 245 on the same.) When the Athenians stepped into their place as the leading city in Hellas, they earned the same title URANIA. VIII. 141—143. 397 ὁ ἀγὼν éyévero viv δὲ φέρει καὶ ἐς πᾶσαν τὴν Ελλάδα. ἄλλως τε τούτων ἁπάντων αἰτίους γενέσθαι δουλοσύνης τοῖσι “Ελλησι ᾿Αθηναίους, οὐδαμῶς avacyeréy™ οἵτινες αἰεὶ καὶ τὸ πάλαι φαίνεσθε πολλοὺς ἐλευθερώσαντες ἀνθρώπων. πιεζευμένοισι μέντοι ὑμῖν συναχθόμεθα, καὶ ὅτι καρπῶν ἐστερήθητε διξῶν ἤδη καὶ ὅτι οἰκοφθόρησθε χρόνον ἤδη πολλόν" ἀντὶ τούτων δὲ ὑμῖν “Δακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι ἐπωγγέλλονται γυναῖκάς τε καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἄχρηστα οἰκετέων ἐχόμενα πάντα ἐπιθρέψειν, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε συνεστήκῃ. μὴ δὲ ὑμέας ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Maxedav ἀνωγνώσῃ, Nenvas*™ τὸν Μαρδονίον λόγον' τούτῳ μὲν γὰρ ταῦτα ποιητέα ἐστί: τύραννος γὰρ ἐὼν τυράννῳ συγκατεργά- ἕεται ὑμῖν δέ γε οὐ ποιητέα, εἴπερ εὖ τυγχάνετε φρονέοντες, ἐπισταμένοισε ὡς βαρβάροισί ἐστι οὔτε πιστὸν οὔτε ἀληθὲς οὐδέν." ταῦτα ἔλεξαν οἱ ἄγγελοι. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ πρὸς μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὑπεκρίναντο τάδε “καὶ 148 αὐτοὶ τοῦτό γε ἐπιστάμεθα, ὅτε πολλαπλησίη ἐστὶ τῷ Μήδῳ Avy οἵ δύναμες ἤπερ ἡμῖν' ὥστε οὐδὲν δέει τοῦτό ye ὀνειδίζειν" ἀλλ᾽ yen ὅμως ἐλευθερίης γλιχόμενοι ἀμυνεύμεθα οὕτω ὅκως ἂν καὶ δυνώ- μεθα: ὁμολογῆσαε δὲ τῷ βαρβάρῳ μήτε σὺ ἡμέας πειρῶ ἀνα- πείθειν, οὔτε ἡμέες πεισόμεθα. νῦν δὲ ἀπάγγελλε Μαρδονίῳ, ὡς ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὁ ἥλιος τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἴῃ τῆπερ καὶ νῦν ἔρχεται, μήκοτε ὁμολογήσειν ἡμέας Ἐέρξῃ ἀλλὰ θεοῖσί τε συμμάχοισι πίσυνοί pw ἐπέξιμεν ἀμυνόμενοι καὶ τοῖσε ἥρωσι by supporting the commonalty against an aristocracy of families, whenever they could. In later times these two policies were popularly confounded with each other, which furnished the orators with abundant material for flattering the national vanity. 299 ἄλλως τε τούτων ἁπάντων αἰτίους γενέσθαι δουλοσύνης τοῖσι Ἕλλησι ᾿Αθη- valous, οὐδαμῶς ἀνασχετόν. This sentence is not easy to explain. Schifer reads ἀπαντώντων for ἁπάντων. Matthie ex- plains the passage as if the word αἰτίους were intended to do double duty, and be, as it were, repeated: “and that Athenians, the cause of all these things, should be- come the cause of slavery to Hellas, is a matter not to be thought οἵ," This view of the is considered to be sup- ported by § 80, above: ἴσθι γὰρ ἐξ ἐμέο τὰ ποιεύμενα ὑπὸ Μήδων, where see note 160. 1 should be more disposed to take τούτων ἁπάντων to mean “ all these Hel- lenes,”’ gathered inferentially from πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, and to translate: “" and be- sides, that among all these Hellenic powers, Athenians should become the cause of slavery to Hellas,” &c. 300 οἰκετέων ἐχόμενα. Compare i. 120: τά γε τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐχόμενα. i. 193: τὰ εἰρημένα καρπῶν. ἐχόμενα. 80) Aefvas. See note 48 on vii. 9. 302 ὑπεκρίναντο τάδε. According to PiutarcnH (Aristid. § 10) the answer to Alexander was made by Aristides, who was authorized to return it by a public decree. The terms are, as was to be ex- pected, more energetic than they appear in Herodotus. 144 to the Spar- tan commie- sioners. 398 HERODOTUS τῶν ἐκεῖνος οὐδεμίαν ὅπιν ἔχων "“", ἐνέπρησε τούς τε οἴκους καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα. σύ τε τοῦ λοιποῦ λόγους ἔχων τοιούσδε μὴ ἐπι- φαίνεο ᾿Αθηναίοισι, μηδὲ δοκέων χρηστὰ ὑπουργέειν ἀθέμεστα ἔρδειν παραίνεε' οὐ γάρ σε βουλόμεθα οὐδὲν ἄχαρι πρὸς *AGn- ναίων παθέειν ᾽“, ἐόντα πρόξεινόν τε καὶ φίλον." Πρὸς μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο' πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σπάρτης ἀγγέλους τάδε" “ τὸ μὲν δεῖσαι Λακεδαιμονίους μὴ ὁμολογήσωμεν τῷ βαρβάρῳ, κάρτα ἀνθρωπήϊον hv ἀτὰρ αἰσχρῶς γε οἴκατε, ἐξεπιστάμενοι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τὸ φρόνημα, ἀρρωδῆσαι' ὅτε οὔτε χρυσός ἐστι γῆς οὐδαμόθι τοσοῦτος οὔτε χώρη κάλλεξ καὶ ἀρετῇ μέγα ὑπερφέρουσα, τὰ ἡμεῖς δεξάμενοι ἐθέλοιμεν ἂν μηδίσαντες καταδουλῶσαι τὴν Ελλάδα. πολλά τε γὰρ καὶ μεγάλα ἐστὶ τὰ διακωλύοντα ταῦτα μὴ ποιέειν, μηδ᾽ ἣν ἐθέλωμεν" πρῶτα μὲν καὶ μέγιστα “5, τῶν θεῶν τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα ἐμπεπρη- σμένα τε καὶ συγκεχωσμένα' τοῖσι ἡμέας ἀνωγκαίως ἔχει τιμωρέειν ἐς τὰ μέγιστα μᾶλλον, ἤπερ ὁμολογέειν τῷ ταῦτα épyacapéve’ αὗτις δὲ, τὸ ᾿Ελληνικὸν ἐὸν ὅμαιμόν τε καὶ ὁμόγλωσσον, καὶ θεῶν ἱδρύματά τε κοινὰ καὶ θυσίαι, ἤθεά τε ὁμότροπα' τῶν προδότας 303 οὐδεμίαν ὄπιν ἔχων. The word ὄπιν is used below, ix. 76. But the word is otherwise peculiar to the Homeric poems, or rather is to be considered as an Jonic hrase, remaining only in them. 306 οὐδὲν ἄχαρι πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίων παθέειν. In the time of the orators it was currently believed that Alexander narrowly escaped stoning at the hands of the Athenians on this occasion. (Lycurcus, c. Leocrat. § 72, p. 156.) He represents him how- ever as coming from Xerzres, not from Mardonius. 305 ἐόντα πρόξεινόν τε καὶ φίλον. above, note 280 on § 136. 306 πρῶτα μὲν καὶ μέγισται. After the victory of the allies δὲ Plateea, it became 8 popular view of the war at Athens to represent it as one waged against the Per- sians in revenge for the outrages they had committed in destroying the temples of the Hellenic deities. In this spirit is the oath conceived,which according to the orator Lycurcus (c. Leocrat. § 82, p. 158) was taken by the collective allies just be- fore the battle at Plateea: οὐ ποιήσομαι περὶ πλείονος τὸ (ἣν τῆς ἐλευθερίας, οὐδὲ καταλείψω τοὺς ἡγεμόνας οὔτε (ὥντας οὔτε ἀποθανόντας" τοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ See τελευτήσαντας τῶν συμμάχων ἅπαντας θάψω" καὶ κρατήσας τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν βαρ- βάρων οὐδεμίαν τῶν ἀγωνισαμένων πόλεων ἀνάστατον ποιήσω" τὰς δὲ τὰ τοῦ βαρβά- pov προελομένας ἁπάσας δεκατεύσω' καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν ἐμπρησθέντων καὶ κατα- βληθέντων ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων οὐδὲν οἰκο- δομήσω παντάπασιν, ἀλλ' ὑπόμνημα τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἐάσω καταλείπεσθαι τῆς τῶν βαρβάρων ἀσεβείας. Isocrates (Pane- gyric. p. 73) attributes the resolution re- specting the temples to the Jonians; and as no temple was burnt in the Pelopon- nése (from which the greater part of the allied force was drawn), this seems the more probable statement of the two. But in fact THrorompvs, who was himself a scholar of Isocrates, asserted that the oath is an Athenian fiction (/fragm. 167); a circumstance which peeps out from under the observation of Lycurgus, that the allies drew up the formula οὐ wap’ αὑτῶν εὑρόντες, ἀλλὰ μιμησάμενοι τὸν παρ᾽ ὅμῖν εἰθισμένον ὅρκον (§ 81). The resolution sworn to at the commencement of the war by the Peloponnesian confede- rates (vii. 132) is of a much more prac- tical character. URANIA. VIII. 144. 399 γενέσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους οὐκ ἂν εὖ ἔχοι. ἐπίστασθέ τε οὕτω, εἰ μὴ καὶ πρότερον ἐτυγχάνετε ἐπιστάμενοι' ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ εἷς περιῇ ᾿Αθηναίων, μηδαμὰ ὁμολογήσοντας ἡμέας Ἐέρξη ᾽. ὑμέων μέντοι ἀγάμεθα τὴν προνοίην τὴν ἐς ἡμέας ἔχουσαν “", ὅτι προείδετε ἡμέων οἰκοφθορημένων οὕτω, ὥστε ἐπιθρέψαι ἐθέλειν ἡμέων τοὺς οἰκέτας" καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν ἡ χάρις ἐκπεπλήρωται' ἡμέες μέντοι λιπα- ρήσομεν οὕτω ὅκως ἂν ὄχωμεν, οὐδὲν λνπέοντες ὑμέας. νῦν δὲ, ὡς οὕτω ἐχόντων, στρατιὴν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκπέμπετε' ὡς γὰρ ἡμέες εἰκάζομεν, οὐκ ἑκὰς χρόνου παρέσται ὁ βάρβαρος ἐσβαλὼν ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα πύθηται τὴν ἀγγελίην ὅτι οὐδὲν ποιήσομεν τῶν ἐκεῖνος ἡμέων προσεδέετος πρὶν ὧν παρεῖναι ἐκεῖνον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, ἡμέας καιρός ἐστι προσβωθῆσαι ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην." οἱ μὲν, ταῦτα ὑποκριναμένων ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀπαλλάσ - σοντο ἐς Σπάρτην. 807 ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ εἷς περιῇ ᾿Αθηναίων... ἡμέας Hépty. It is difficult not to feel some scepticism about the sincerity of these sentiments, when it is considered how very soon afterwards (according to Herodotus’s own account) the Athenians pressed upon the Lacedemonians (ix. 6) that they had the option of an alliance with Persia. After the entire discomfiture of the invaders, and the developement of Hellenic national power which imme- diately followed, it became an object of emulation among the several states to make themselves out deadly enemies to the barbarian. Just in the same way the Parisians under the Directory took pride in having had relations guillotined during the reign of terror. 308 χὴν ἐς ἡμέας ἔχουσαν. This is the reading of Gaisford and the manuscripts Sand V. The others have the variation Thy πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐοῦσαν. Here the differ- ence is apparently to be attributed to an original diversity of διασκευαὶ, and not, as in v. 8], to the introduction into the text of an explanatory gloss. ‘“HPOAOTOT ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩΝ H’. EXCURSUS ON VIIL 76. In describing the details of the battle of Salamis, modern writers have, without any exception so far as I am aware, been almost exclu- sively guided by the narrative of Herodotus; bestowing little or no attention on those features of the transaction which appear in other writers, and which are in some cases altogether incompatible with the details of the historian’s account. This is the more to be wondered at, as Herodotus himself plainly intimates, that there were many par- ticulara about which he was unable to speak positively’; while about some there was a very great disagreement at the time he wrote’. CoLonEL Leake, whose view of the matter seems to have been adopted unhesitatingly by the best modern historians of Greece, gives what appears to me a very false turn to these facts, by the re- mark, “that, instead of giving a consecutive narrative of the battle, Herodotus has related only a few of the most interesting occurrences ; consistently with that determination not to be responsible for any but ascertained facts, which is observable in every part of his history of the Persian invasion *.” No person can have a higher opinion of the truthfulness of the so-called Father of History than myself, if by this is meant no more than an honest desire to relate such accounts as he received, in the form in which he received them,—to judge on principles of common sense between conflicting statements,— and to avoid the appearance 1 viii. 87. 3 viii. 94, where see note 185. 3 Athens and the Demi of Attica, Appendix II. p. 264. νυ produit $k | | “peu? σῷ F PP Brum arm PY} WONT οὐ p ‘sopra qeorydasbool uaaes ynogn yo -—_s YOMAUTP ὁ In γασιω i ἾΝ ΠΟ Ῥ AIUTYSIPD DTD του Ζε SY PUOPES συ sO APUIAGT? U4 m qr eyn a vay τσ Ὁ ey . »Ὁ wa Ag Gav εν soya) eden yo ney cys eh Ἑ. ἢ | ἡστν »γσ ὄλαγντω wep ya) ' Oral Or ur oF + ? εχ Pi > | . ει... ἘΓΕΤ ΑΒΗ 1 Su 4 » aa | SUDTUOT : a ! PPPPP ‘suo Κ᾽ συσμαϊ() PPP?P? SUMRIMAIY [ 99999 χρῳ po Aypvy2 uo yrug ἦν» ν seo so uomsod ιν ο STULTIOS? FO Bf Yrs) WwW ΙΗ SuomMoy PPPPP ‘suo y sumude) VIII|D sUnR AY] 49999 ᾽ς ς do LUV Ἐ- ee et \ τὰ fy nun a ’ ΕΣ ᾿ 9) 918 ΠΒΉΠΙ 07 dep -ς } 7 \ oe 3 cai aka eg es : Νὴ [ ; - ; SRO. OY? Jo UIT RI LTA Vo 4 wry ἃ Digitized by Google EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 401 of bestowing credence upon such stories as seemed to him manifestly not to merit it. For this, and for the clear eye of an observer, he deserves entire credit. But neither the character of Herodotus’s work, nor any thing which has been related of himself by the ancients, warrant us in attributing to him that searching criticism which should lead us (as it might in the case of Thucydides or Aristotle) to prefer his statements to those of a contemporary wit- ness of the events described,—especially if such a one’s position had made him an active participator in them. Now in the case of the battle of Salamis we have the account of a contemporary, deserving of the closest attention,—which, if it had proceeded from s prose-writer, it would probably have received. But the unconscious association in modern minds between the ideas of poetry and jiction has, I believe, deprived the great Greek dramatist of his due weight with our historians. schylus, who, even if he did not himself take a part in the action ‘, most undoubtedly was perfectly familiar with it under the aspect which it must have borne to those who did take part in it, produced his play The Persians, of which it constitutes the main feature, only seven years afterwards, before an audience chiefly made up of the very men who had manned the victorious gallies; to whom consequently every line of his description must have vividly recalled circumstances with which they were perfectly familiar. If his availableness for the purpose of the modern historian is somewhat curtailed in one respect, that before such an audience he could not enter into details with which they were well acquainted, although it would be most interesting for us to know them,—details most appropriate to the historian, and which we are thankful to Herodotus for preserving ‘,—there is on the other hand an advantage which he possesses without a rival. It was alto- 4 Late writers assert, or assume, that he did (Pausanras, i. 14.5). But though it is very possible that such was the case, these writers are little to be depended upon for a fact, six centuries old if true, unless it appears that there is some intermediate authority to which they had access. Pausanias seems merely to speak on the strength of the current opinion of his time. δ It is only through an indirect allusion that we can at all infer from Aschylus that Athens had been burnt, and that the whole hopes of the citizens lay in the fleet at Salamis : — ἔτ᾽ Bp’ ᾿Αθηνῶν ἐστ᾽ ἀπόρθητος πόλις, ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ὄντων, ἕρκος ἐστὶν dopards.—v. 348, 9. VOL, II. 3 F 402 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. gether impossible for him, without the certainty of disapproval, to present any view of the transaction which did not commend itself to Athenian eye-witneeses,—full, we may allow, of national prejadices and personal vanity, and quite ready to accept any grouping of the facts which actually occurred that might most flatter themselves, but still eye-witnesses, who would be at once revolted by any picture which contradicted their actual experience. Herodotus, it should be re- membered, whatever weight we may please to attach to his indi- vidual judgment, is exempted from this corrective influence. Sup- posing him to have been actuated by even a critical spirit, in the modern sense of the word,—of which however there is not the slightest trace,—his facts were a generation old; the Athenians of his time were the sons and grandsons of those before whom the Persians was acted; and in the forty years or more that had elapsed since the battle, its story had been told over and over again in every family, as the twentieth day of Boédromion returned, and the school- boys had a holiday to go and see the procession of Iacchus. It is not at all necessary to suppose wilful misrepresentation on the part of those who fought their battles over again to their children and grand- children on their knees, in order to believe that the gallant bearing of the Athenian sailors, and the brilliant acts of individual com- manders, together with such exciting incidents as the device of Artemisia to escape destruction, were more interesting both to tell and hear, than the accurate notice of times and places and other circumstances attending the movements of the forces engaged ; although these were of far more vital importance to success, and by the actual combatants would at the time be felt to be 80. I assume it, therefore, as an axiom, that when A‘schylus does relate any particulars of the action of such a kind as must have come under the notice of eye-witnesses, his narrative possesses paramount authority; and that if any incident, or any special notice of time or place appears in Herodotus irreconcilable with these, it must be re- garded as erroneous. On the other hand, if any circumstance re- corded by the historian, of difficult explanation when we merely regard its agreement with his main story, be yet found to harmonize well with the course of events contemplated in the dramatic narra- tive, it is to be received without hesitation. Now, in the description of Herodotus there is room for the appli- EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 403 cation of each of these principles. It is, I believe, quite incompatible with the view of the battle taken by A‘schylus, that the engagement should have commenced—which Herodotus implies it to have done— with the Persian fleet formed in line along the strait between Salamis and the main. This is the position assigned to it by Leake, and it is @ view in which he has been unhesitatingly followed. Assuming this position to be the true one, Leake naturally finds a difficulty in the well-known passage of Herodotus °, in which it is stated that with a view of enclosing the Greeks between the island Salamis and the main, the Persians caused a squadron of ships at Ceos and another at Cynosura to close up. Cynosura was the name of the cape forming the northern headland of the bay of Marathon’, and as this was more than sixty geographical miles from Salamis,—a distance which could not be completed in the time required,—and as Hesyouius adds that it was a generic name given to every thing like a peninsula, Leake identifies it with the cape of S¢. Barbara (Aghia Varvara), in the island Salamis. But independently of there being no foundation in ancient writers for this arbitrary allocation, Ceos, the island to the s.E. of Sunium, is more than forty geographical miles from Salamis ;— a distance almost equally unmanageable in the time which Herodotus allows for the operation. Leake is therefore driven to the necessity of supposing “ it is possible that Ceos may have been a place in Sala- mis, or on the Attic coast opposite to Cape Cynosura: it is also pos- sible that there is some error in the text*.” I will endeavour to show in the sequel that Ceos and Cynosura are respectively the well- known island and cape, and that the real difficulty is occasioned, not by their distance, but by the erroneous notion conceived by Hero- dotus of the operations of the Persian fleet, which is to be corrected by the help of the description of Aschylus. Before, however, proceeding to contrast the narrative of the two writers who come near to the time of the events they describe, it will be well to turn for a while to that of Droporus. Of course no one would wish to compare so vague and modern 8 compiler with Hero- dotus, if the question were merely between the judgment of the one and the other; but in this instance our attention is attracted by the fact that in his description of this celebrated action, he is not 6 viii. 76. 7 Husycuivs, διό v. ® See note 164 on viii. 76. 8 F 2 404 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. epitomizing from Herodotus and superadding further facts from his various collections, but is undoubtedly following an entirely different authority ;—a circumstance the more remarkable, as a very short time before, he had been taking Herodotus as his text-book. Ac- cording to the latter, after the Persian fleet had been collected in the bay of Phalerum, the army having in the mean time overrun the whole of Attica and burnt Athens, a council of war is held, and the result of this is, that on the day before the great engagement, it having been determined to fight by sea in the presence of the king, the fleet (or at least the main portion of it) advances to Salamis, and makes dispositions at its leisure with the intention of engaging the next day ; while the vanguard of the army marches the same evening upon the isthmus of the Peloponnese, where the Greeks were assem- bled to oppose it. Diodorus, for his part, makes the Persian fleet proceed at once from the open sea, to attack the Greeks who are drawn up across the strait of Salamis, their line occupying the ferry between the island and the Heracleum on the main®. Other cir- cumstances in which he differs from Herodotus will be mentioned in the sequel; but here it is sufficient to direct attention to the impor- tant point, that according to the authority he followed (whatever it may have been), the great engagement begins by the Persians at- tempting to force their way into the eastern entrance of the strait of Salamis, the Greek line being drawn up acroes ἐξέ to oppose them ; while in Herodotus they are supposed to be already within the strait and drawn up in line along it, the Greeks being ranged opposite to them along the northern coast of Salamis. Now if we turn to Zschylus, we find another important variation. His description makes the Persians completely taken by surprise, the Greeks advancing upon them at daybreak quite unexpectedly, and they themselves having made preparations, not for fighting, but only for intercepting an enemy which they imagine to be dispersing stealthily. The narrator attributes the whole calamity which has befallen his countrymen to the false intelligence sent by Themistocles. So indeed do Herodotus and Diodorus. But in those two writers the only benefit resulting to the Greeks from the movements which that intelligence occasioned is, that they are compelled to give up all ® xi. 19. EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 405 thoughts of retreating, and to put confidence in themselves. Far different is it in the view of the dramatic poet. With him the intel- ligence becomes the cause of the Persians altering a disposition which was favourable for fighting,—taking up one in which they were quite disqualified for engaging,—and, while in this, being brought un- expectedly to an action. This will be plain if attention be given to the several features brought prominently forward in his description, although the very fact of his audience having been engaged in the battle would necessarily (as observed above) prevent him from de- tailing the manceuvres in the way that would be proper for an historian. Taking Herodotus as our guide up to the point where Aschylus’s description commences, we have the great bulk of the Persian war gallies, on the day before the action, advanced from Phalerum to Salamis, too late in the day to render it desirable to fight; so that all they do is to make at their leisure arrangements for engaging the next day. There is every reason to believe that their disposition was within tho strait of Salamis, along the coast of the main, from the roots of Mt. Aigaleos on the west to the headland opposite Cape St. Barbara, in Salamis, on the east. This would, in fact, be a very advantageous position. The whole of the coast behind them was lined with the flower of the Persian army, so that if in the approach- ing engagement the gallies should chance to be driven on shore, they would be secure of protection. Their ships were high out of the water, so that a strong breeze would have been productive of much incon- venience to them by rendering them difficult to steer'*. Here, being land-locked, they would be to a great extent protected from this evil. The great numbers of their vessels would enable them to extend their line beyond that of the enemy, without at the same time weakening it ; and the narrow channel being unfavourable to manwuvring, there seemed every prospect of using with great effect the Sacan and Per- sian archers from the forecastles of their vessels,—the archers being an arm in which they placed the greatest confidence", and as the 10 PLrutarcn, Themistoctles, § 14. 1! In addition (it would seem) to the native marines, thirty Persians, Sacans, or Medes were embarked in that capacity on each of the ships furnished by the foreign dependencies (vii. 184). These would probably be all archers. The Athenian ships at Salamis had only sixteen marines, of which four were archers, on board of each. 406 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. battle of Platewa showed", with perfect reason. It is after this position has been taken up, opposite to the allied fleet of probably less than half the number of vessels, lying in the bight of Salamis to the west of the Silenian promontory (Aghia Varvara), that the treacherous message of Themistocles is brought to the Persian com- mander. Here the detailed narrative of Aschylus begins ; and every single particular of it was doubtless intended to have weight. The instant the Persian admiral receives the intelligence, he obviously dismisses all thoughts of a battle from his mind, and bends his whole attention to taking measures for preventing the escape of the sup- posed fugitives. Orders are at once issued to all the captains for ἃ movement, which is to be carried out as soon as it should be dark ἢ. In the mean time every thing is done which could be done, without attracting attention, to facilitate the intended operations. The men have their supper rations distributed to them, and make their oars fast to the pins"*. 442 soon as it ts dark, sailors and marines embark — at once, and, encouraging one another with cheers, repair to their respective stations *, the orders having been to block each entrance (PLUTARCH, Themistocies, § 14.) Hence the appropriateness of the complaint of the Persian messenger in the play of Aéschylus, that the course of events prevented this superiority from being made available :— οὐδὲν γὰρ ἤρκει τόξα’ was δ᾽ ἀπώλλυτο στρατὸς δαμασθεὶς ναΐοισιν ἐμβολαῖς.--- Pers. 278. 12 See ix. 61. 15. ὁ 8 εὐθὺς ὡς ἤκουσεν, ob ξυνεὶς δόλον “Ἕλληνος ἀνδρὸς, οὐδὲ τὸν θεῶν φθόνον, πᾶσιν προφωνεῖ τόνδε νανάρχοις Adyor.—vv. 361—3. € δεῖπνόν τ᾽ ἐπορσύνοντο, ναυβάτης τ᾽ ἀνὴρ ὀτροκοῦτο κώπην σκαλμὸν dug’ εὐήρετμον.--τῦ. 375, 6. ὀκεὶ δὲ φέγγος ἡλίου κατέφθιτο καὶ νὺξ ἐπήει, was ἀνὴρ κώπης ἄναξ ἐς ναῦν ἐχώρει, πᾶς θ᾽ ὅπλων ἐπιστάτης. τάξις δὲ τάξιν παρεκάλει νεὼς μακρᾶς, πλέουσι δ᾽ ὡς ἕκαστος: ἦν reraypévos.—vv. 377—81. Herodotus, who makes the Persian movement begin αὐ sidnighi, says that it was executed in silence, that the Greeks might not perceive what was being done (viii. 76). But in the view of Aschylus, the only object was to get the start of the Greeks ina race to the outlets of the channel. Accordingly, though preparations for getting rapidly under weigh are made in secrecy before sunset, yet when once off, there is no occasion for the observance of silence, and the men encourage one another by cheers as they push for their several stations. The outlets once blocked, the Greeks were caught. = ea = ω EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 407 of the channel of Salamis with a triple line of gallies, and to post others all round the island’. If the Greeks escape, they are to lose their heads’. All night long they are kept cruising: strange! time passes, and the Greeks have never attempted to get away 3. Morn- ing breaks, and the first thing they hear is the clear sound of the Greek pean re-echoed from the island rocks. A panic comes over them: they have been deluded! that solemn pean means any thing but fight'*! A trumpet sound kindles up all the region where the enemy is, and immediately there is the simultaneous dash of oars in water, and he is plainly discovered advancing in full force”. First, the right wing led, in perfect order, and next the whole fleet ad- vanced; and at the same instant loud shouts were heard, “On, children of Greece! now have ye every thing at stake™.”’ The cry of the Persians responds to the sound; there is no time for delay, and ship at once turns upon ship with brazen beak ™, the onset com- mencing by a Greek galley crippling a Phoenician one. Surprised however as the barbarians are, they do not fly. 4 stream of ships at 16 τάξαι νεῶν στῖφος μὲν ἐν στίχοις τρισὶν ἔκπλους φυλάσσειν καὶ πόρους ἁλιρρόθους, ἄλλας δὲ κύκλῳ νῆσον Αἴαντος wépit.—vv. 366—8. 17 ὡς εἰ μόρον φευξοίαθ᾽ “Ἕλληνες κακὸν, ναυσὶν κρυφαίως δρασμὸν εὑρόντες τινὰ, πᾶσιν στέρεσθαι κρατὸς ἦν προκείμενον.---τν. 369 —71. 18 καὶ πάννυχοι δὴ διάπλοον καθίστασαν ναῶν ἄνακτες πάντα ναυτικὸν λεών" καὶ νὺξ ἐχώρει, κοὺ μάλ᾽ Ἑλλήνων στρατὸς κρυφαῖον ἔκπλουν οὐδαμῆ καθίστατο. ---τνν. 382--ὅ. — φόβος δὲ πᾶσι βαρβάροις παρῆν γνώμης ἀποσφαλεῖσιν" οὐ γὰρ ὧς φνγῇ παιᾶν᾽ ἐφύμνουν σεμνὸν “Ἕλληνες τότε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς μάχην ὁρμῶντες εὐψύχῳ θράσει.---τν. 391—4. 30 σάλπιγξ δ᾽ ἀῦντῇ πάντ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἐπέφλεγεν" εὐθὺς δὲ κώπη“ ῥοθιάδος ξυνεμβολῇ ἕπαισαν ἅλμην βρύχιον ἐκ κελεύσματος, se θοῶς δὲ πάντες ἦσαν ἐκφανεῖς I8eiv.—vv. 395 - 8. 2 Sad τὸ δεξιὸν μὲν πρῶτον εὐτάκτως κέρας ἡγεῖτο κόσμφ' δεύτερον δ᾽ ὁ πᾶς στόλος ἐπεξεχώρει, καὶ παρῆν ὁμοῦ κλύειν πολλὴν βοήν" ὦ παῖδες ᾿Ελλήνων, ἴτε, x.7.A.—vv. 399— 405. 33. — κοὺκ ἔτ' ἦν μέλλειν ἀκμὴ, εὐθὺς δὲ ναῦς ἐν wnt χαλκήρη στόλον ἕπαισεν.---τὺ. 407—9. Compare note II, above. 408 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. first makes head against the assailants ; but their numbers crowded together in ἃ narrow space prevent mutual aid. They run into each other and sweep away one another’s oars. In the mean time the Greeks with no little skill surround them, keeping up a continued onset with their beaks”, till the whole sea is concealed from view by the wrecks of capsized gallies and the corpses of men. Finally, the whole fleet takes to flight in disorder, followed closely by the victors, who present the spectacle of fishermen pursuing a shoal of tunny-fish and destroying them with broken oars and fragments of wreck. The wail of despair spreads over the open sea, until night puts an end to the pursuit. It appears to me perfectly impossible to reconcile this account with the view which Colonel Leake (justified as he certainly appears to be by the narrative of Herodotus *) takes of the relative positions of the two navies at the commencement of the battle. If the triple line of the Persians had been drawn up, as he imagines, along the strait which separates Salamis from the main, immediately opposite to the line of the Greeks, they could not have been attacked uner- pectedly **; the right wing of the enemy would not have been first seen leading the onset ; they themeelves in their efforts to get into action would have presented nothing like the appearance of a stream _ of ships; there is no reason why they should have run aboard of each other; and least of all—their line extending from the entrance of the Pireus to beyond the western extremity of Mount A°galeos— would the enemy, who can have extended scarcely half the distance, . have been able to surround them. It may be added, that when they began to retreat, none but the easternmost part of the line could by any possibility have escaped into the open sea; neither would it have occurred to them to attempt it, when in their immediate rear 33 τὰ πρῶτα μὲν δὴ ῥεῦμα ΤΙερσικοῦ στρατοῦ ἀντεῖχεν" ὡς δὲ πλῆθος ἐν στενῷ νεῶν ἤθροιστ᾽, ἀρωγὴ δ᾽ οὔτις ἀλλήλοις παρῆν, αὑτοὶ 3 ὑφ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐμβολαῖς χαλκοστόμοις καίοντ᾽, ἔθραυον πάντα κωκήρη στόλον, Ἑλληνικαί τε νῆες οὐκ ἀφραδμόνως κύκλῳ πέριξ ἔθεινον, x.7.A. 3. — οἰμωγὴ δ᾽ ὁμοῦ κωκύμασιν κατεῖχε πελαγίαν ἅλα.---τν. 426, 427. 23 viii. 70, compared with §§ 76, 84, and 91. 39 Herodotus makes not the Greeks but the Persians the attacking party (viii. 84). EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 409 the whole coast was lined with their own troops, who, on their beaching their gallies, would have furnished them with effectual pro- tection,—a course as natural in ancient warfare as running under the guns of a friendly battery would be in modern. Moreover the island Psyttalea would not have been in the middle of the line of colli- sion ”, but quite at the extremity; and the wrecks would have been carried by the afternoon swell rather into the bay at the head of which stands the Heracleum, than, as they actually were, on to Cape Colias *. All these difficulties will be avoided if we take a different view of the object of Themistocles’s stratagem, and suppose that his design was not merely to induce the enemy to surround the Greeks and so compel them to fight, but also to bring him into such a position as, at the beginning of the engagement, to be just entering the narrow channel where Leake supposes him to be already drawn up in fighting order. Supposing the invading fleet to have taken up the position which Leake assigns to them, the afternoon before the battle—a supposition which has the apparent sanction of Herodotus, and is not opposed to A¢schylus—the movements which would follow the change of plan produced by Themistocles’s message would naturally bring about this result. The westernmost squadron of the Per- sian line would move on to block the narrow outlet between Salamis and the coast of Megaris. The squadron at Ceos might from the point of Sunium be signaled to close up near to Agina, and that at Cynosura to make sail round Sunium ; and the remainder of the fleet in the channel, passing outwards by the eastern strait, would take their stations round the s.z. side of the island Salamis, the last of them (which we shall presently see would be the Pheeni- cians) blocking the narrow entrance with a triple line of gallies. When morning broke the land breeze would be blowing; and if they desired to re-enter the channel, the Phenician ships, their crews fatigued with their labour throughout the night, would be obliged to pull against it round the head of the Silenian promontory (Aghfa Varvéra) and through the narrow channel between Psyttalea and the main. The Greeks (I apprehend) timed their movements so as to 39 ἐν γὰρ δὴ πόρῳ τῆς ναυμαχίης τῆς μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι ἕκειτο ἡ νῆσος (viii. 76). 30 viii. 96. VOL. II. 96 410 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. attack them just at this conjuncture. The right wing would thus be seen by the enemy apparently leading, but the object being to wheel into line by bringing forward the extreme left, the Athenians (which were there stationed) would be quite as likely as any others to be well up in front when the actual shock took place”. They would make this with the advantage of the wind, and success would be nearly certain. The headmost ships of the Persians would be crippled, and would drift back upon those who advanced to support them from the rear; these as they pressed forward would enter a continually narrowing channel, and not only fall aboard of each other, but have their oars swept away by those which had been previously crippled. The triple lme would be thrown into disorder, and the crowd of advancing vessels, each pressing forward as it best might, would present the appearance so graphically described by Zéschylus as “a stream’”’ of ships. As the head of the column got clear of the narrow passage, it would be “surrounded” by the Hel- lenic line and at once destroyed. This state of things would con- tinue so long as the invaders continued their attempt to force the passage; but when they gave this up and retreated, the pursuit would continue on the open sea, over which (as A‘schylus says) the cries of the enemy were heard as they were being destroyed. The description of the naval part of the engagement by the dra- matic poet ceases here. The formidable resistance made by the Ionians, of which Herodotus speaks®, finds no mention in him. This is exactly what might be expected. At the time The Persians was acted liberty had been restored to the Asiatic Greeks, and good taste forbade the mention of any passage of arms between them and their European brethren. But still the course of proceedings in the engagement which the description of Aschylus indicates affords an explanation of what is related in Herodotus respecting 31 Athenian vanity, a generation afterwards, would scarcely fail to turn this move- ment to account. To effect the manceuvre it would be necessary for the extreme right of the allies to remain stationary, or even back their gallies, while the speed of the others would be proportioned to their distance from the right, the pivot on which the whole wheeled. This is, I believe, the fact, which in a distorted form became the statement of Herodotus: of μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες ἐπὶ πρύμνην ἀνεκρούοντο, καὶ ὥκελλον τὰς νῆας" ᾿Αμεινίης δὲ Παλληνεὺς, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, ἐξαναχθεὶς, wnt ἐμβάλλει (viii. 84). 823 viii. 85. EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 411 the Ionians. If the Persian fleet had, in the night before the battle, taken up the position I have supposed in the order which Diodorus’s . authority gives, the Ionians would be the furthest removed from the narrow channel where the action commenced, and in fact so placed that they could not have acted until the Phoenicians were out of the way. If, too, the Athenians were the part of the Greek fleet which began the battle, the remainder of the allies would not have come into the front until after the enemy had been forced back through the eastern strait. Hence the Peloponnesian force would be the part of the fleet brought into collision with the Ionian contingent ; but this would not be until the channel was cleared and they had got out into the open sea, where naturally the efforts of the Ionians would be more fruitful. But still at the time these were brought into action, they would have been rowing ever since sunset on the preceding day, and would be encouraged to the treason pre- viously suggested to them by Themistocles, by seeing the entire ruin that had fallen upon the Phosnician squadron. It is not there- fore a matter of surprise that they too should have given way, although their resistance was beyond all comparison the most effective of any rendered by the several contingents that made up the navy of the invaders. Various insulated particulars which appear here and there in the narratives of Plutarch and Diodorus, as well as that of Herodotus, receive some illustration from the above remarks. Plutarch says that Themistocles did not begin the action until the usual breeze set in from the sea, causing a swell to set into the straits; and that the effect of this was most detrimental to the Persian ships, which were high out of the water and top-heavy, and being caught by the wind could not be steered well; so that they laid their flanks open to the beaks of the Hellenic gallies*. Here what Plutarch does is merely to confound the land breeze which is blowing at daybreak— the time at which the engagement really eommenced—and the sea breeze—which sets in late in the forenoon, and which doubtless had the effect he mentions,—not indeed upon ships engaged sathim the channel (where the island Salamis, as above observed, would have served as a breakwater), but upon vessels in the open sea, which, in 33. Themist. § 14. 83a2 412 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. the course of events I have sketched out, would naturally first come — into action several hours after daybreak. Diodorus also, although here, as elsewhere, his notions of the course of proceeding are extremely vague, goes to confirm the view above taken. He makes (as I have observed) the Greek line of battle to be formed across the strait between Salamis and the main (τὸν πόρον μεταξὺ Σαλαμῖνος καὶ Ἡρακλείου κατεῖχον), not, as Leake makes it, along the same. And he also supposes the advance of the Persians to be from the open sea into the narrow. “ They held their course,”’ he says, “at first in good order, for they had plenty of sea-room; but on entering the channel they were obliged to with- draw some of the ships from the line, and made terrible confusion. The admiral, too, who led and began the action, was killed after a brilliant struggle, and when his ship was sunk, confusion spread over the barbarian fleet; for orders were given by many, and each one issued different commands; so that they desisted from a forward course, and, backing their gallies, retired into the open sea; upon which the Athenians, seeing the confusion of the barbarians, advanced upon them™.” .... It is obvious that this description is quite com- patible with the view which I have taken, and agrees with the nar- rative of Aschylus as well as the vague account of a writer compiling his history hastily from books five hundred years after the event can be expected to agree with the vivid description of an eye-witness ; but that it is altogether incompatible with the notion of Leake. It is also to be observed that the naval force of the Persians was arranged, according to Diodorus, dy nations, in order (he says) that the crews who understood one another’s language might be near to edch other, and able to express to one another the need they might have for assistance. Arranged on this principle, he says, the Phe- nicians occupied the right wing, and the Greeks in the Persian service the left**. But if this idea was really acted upon, the most natural place for the Egyptians would be beyond the Phoenicians on the extreme right: for the great intercourse between Phoenicia and Egypt would certainly produce some facility of oral communication between the maritime and fluvial population of these two countries. Now if the Egyptians really did occypy the extreme right, when the 34 xi, 19. 35 xi. 17. EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 413 Persian fleet took up the position along the strait of Salamis, which Herodotus indicates, (although Diodorus himself says nothing about it,) the day before the battle,—and if the movements were such as I have above supposed**—the Egyptian squadron would be exactly the one whose position rendered it desirable for it to move westward for the purpose of blocking the western channel; and after it had been detached for this purpose, the Phoonicians would remain (as Diodorus places them) the extreme right of the Persian fleet. And it also happens that the especial service of blocking the western channel actually was, according to Diodorus’s express statement, assigned to the Egyptians, although, by the way he mentions the matter, he does not imagine that at the time they were moved they were actually in line in the channel of Salamis, but rather conceives of them as despatched from Phalerum ”’. Again, Herodotus mentions that when the battle was over, the victorious Greeks towed in to Salamis “as much of the wreck of the destroyed vessels as remained still in that part,” but that a large quantity was carried by the west wind on to Cape Colias**. This is exactly the description of what would occur under the circumstances which have been sketched out. The conflict beginning at the entrance of the channel of Salamis, just as the head of the Persian column rounded the Silenian headland and the northern extremity of Psyttalea (the land breeze blowing at the time), part of the wrecks would be caught by the point and the βίδα ἢ, but a large portion would drift out into the open water till the sea breeze sprang up, which, as it took them, would carry them in the direction of which 36 Herodotus esys that the Persians surrounded their opponents by moving their right wing round to the island and closing up the eastern channel with the squadrons from Ceos and Cynosura: ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο μέσαι νύκτες, ἀνῆγον μὲν τὸ dx’ ἑσπέρης κέρας κυκλούμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα" ἀνῆγον δὲ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὴν Κέον τε καὶ τὴν Κυ- νόσουραν τεταγμένοι, κατεῖχόν τε μέχρι Μουνυχίης πάντα τὸν πορθμὸν τῇσι νηυσί (§ 76). This, as Leake says, is an impossibility. 37 xi. 17. 38 viii. 96. 29 As, for instance, the body of Artembares was, which στύφλου: wap’ ἀκτὰς θείνεται ZecAnvieaw.— Pers. 303. The bodies would not float like the wrecks, and therefore it was the island Salamis and the immediate neighbourhood where they were chiefly found. πλήθουσι νεκρῶν δυσπότμως ἐφθαρμένων Σαλαμῖνος ἀκταὶ πᾶς τε πρόσχωρος τόπο:. -- Pers. 273. 414 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. Herodotus speaks. Had the action taken place where Leake sup- poses, the wreck could not have been carried any thing like so far along the coast of Attica. That eminent topographer appears to have been led in no small degree to form the view which he has taken of the position of the Persian fleet, from the interpretation which he has put upon an oracle which Herodotus records and mentions as having been strik- ingly fulfilled by the course of events. Ruin is predicted in a prophecy of Bacis to the arrogant invaders, “when they with their ships shall have made a bridge from the sacred shore of Artemis, bearer of the sword of gold, to sea-girt Cynosura*’.’’ Leake ima- gines this to refer to the Persian line of battle extending, as he supposes it to have done, from a cape of Salamis opposite to the Silenian promontory, on which he believes a temple of Artemis to have stood. As the Silenian headland, which he identifies with Cynosura, would lie opposite to the centre of their assumed line, he argues that by taking up this position they fulfilled the conditions of the prophecy; and that in fact this circumstance was the main cause of Herodotus mentioning Cynosura at all in the passage above quoted ‘'. This appears to me 8 most unsatisfactory explanation of the passage, to say nothing of the gratuitous assumptions which it involves. The way in which the prophecy was fulfilled will be plain 40 viii. 77. The words are :— ὅταν ᾿Αρτέμιδος xpucadpou ἱερὸν ἀκτὴν νηυσὶ γεφυρόσωσι καὶ εἰναλίην Kurdcoupay. Leake translates this erroneously, “ when the barbarians shall cover with their ships the sacred shore of Diana and that of Cynosura,”’ and the erroneous translation masks the meaning of the oracle. 41 “Thus the point of Cynosura [by which he understands the Silenian headland] and the island of Psyttalea were opposite to the centre of the triple line of the Per- sians, and near their right was a cape of Salamis, upon or adjacent to which, as we have already seen from Pausanias, stood a temple of Diana; and hence the words of the oracle of Bacis relating to the shore of Diana, which Herodotus has quoted.” (Appendix ii. p. 261.) ‘On the one side of the city a temple of Diana, and on tke other the trophy erected in honour of the victory gained over the Persians.”” (vol. ii. p- 169.) All that Pausanias really says is, that there is af Salamis the temple and the trophy (i. 36. 1), while Leake has apparently considered that the expression τοῦτο μὲ» --- τοῦτο δὲ was intended to denote a position such as he has assigned to the two. “‘ Hero- dotus seems to have introduced the name of Cynosura [in § 76, quoted in note 36, above] solely for the purpose of noticing the fulfilment of the prophecy of an oracle.” (Appendix ii. p. 259.) EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 415 enough, if we only consider the manner in which the armada of the invaders was moved, before the land and sea forces were united for the last time at Phalerum. It is obvious that with an enormous multitude like that under Xerxes (even allowing an unlimited amount of exaggeration as to its numbers), the: great difficulty must have been to move the forces and provide them with supplies. And the way in which this problem was attempted to be solved may be made out by the smdirect notices of Herodotus, although he was (as may be proved from various passages of his work) quite unable to com- prehend the vast scale of oriental strategics ἡ. The endeavour of the Persian commander was as much as possible to proceed part passu with the army and the fleet. This was desirable, because wherever opposition was encountered, it was important they should be able to act together; consequently, although great preparation had been made beforehand in forming magazines, it would be impossible to dispense with the attendance of vessels to carry supplies. An army of such magnitude as even to be reported able to drink con- siderable streams dry, could not by any possibility be moved except in bodies separated from each other by a considerable interval. The same would be the case with the fleet, the crews of which (as is notorious) were in ancient times compelled continually to land. A supply of food and water in a ship of war sufficient to render it able to keep the sea even for a very few days is a thing unheard of in ancient history. And if we turn to Herodotus’s account of the march from Doriscus (where the whole force was first assembled) to Acanthus“*, we see that the mode of advance is obviously planned with a reference to the means of providing supplies. The army moved on three lines; one considerably inland; another along the coast, keeping up 8 communication with the fleet; and a third between the two. This last was the line of march taken by the guards and the king in person. That the main force of the army was included in the second of these divisions can scarcely be ques- tioned. The first having to pass through a mountainous region, would be lightly equipped, and thus would be more able to provide for its own subsistence by foraging, without depending altogether upon the commissariat. The third, with the king in person, moving 42 See notes 268 on i. 77, and 234 on iv. 83. 43 vii, 121. 416 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. along the line of the inhabited towns, where stores were laid up“, would also be provided for. But the second must have been mainly supplied through the medium of the fleet, with which it kept up a close communication. The extreme importance of maintaining this was perhaps the cause that the division advanced under the immediate command of Mardonius“’, the general of greatest reputation in the service. When the central division arrived at Acanthus, the nature of the shore necessitated a change of plan for a time. It was no longer possible to keep up a constant communication between the army and the fleet; and accordingly the latter was ordered to make all sail for that point at which such a communication could be restored, viz. the bay of Therme“. There a halt was again made, and the land force encamped along a considerable line of coast, “‘ from the city Therme and Mygdonia, as far as the river Lydias and the Haliacmon, which form the boundary between Bottiwa and Mace- donia “.᾽ From Therme a second simultaneous move of both army and navy took place. And in fact here their difficulties really began. There was now ἃ prospect of meeting an enemy in force, which involved the necessity of concentrating the war gallies to a considerable extent; and when steps for securing this had been taken, the evil that had been foreseen occurred,—there was no port large enough to receive the whole in the event of foul weather“. There can be no question that it was the expectation of resistance from the Greek fleet at Arte- misium, that induced the Persians to bring on the same day to Sepias, so large a force as to be obliged to anchor in eight lines off the shore “. The land forces were being pushed forward to Thermopyle, and it was necessary to get the fleet into the bay of Pagase to co- operate with them *. The enormous loss which was sustained on this occasion would undoubtedly prevent 8 similar risk from being unnecessarily incurred; and when the pass of Thermopyle was at last forced, and the Greek fleet retreated to Salamis δ᾽, the two arms of the invading force once more found themselves united, with no- thing in the shape of an enemy to stop them until another concen- 44 vii. 109, et seq. 45 vii. 121. vii. 121. 4 vii. 127. 48 vii. 49. vii. 183. 80 vii. 193. Compere viii. 66. 8λ viii. 40. EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 417 tration should be effected in the ports of Attica. The army advanced without the least resistance, over-running Attica and sacking Phocis ; and Xerxes had his head-quarters at Athens", with a large force ready to be pushed on to the isthmus”, at the time when the fleet entered the port of Phalerum. The question now is, what was the nature of their movements to reach this point: and common sense would suggest that squadrons were advanced in succession, perhaps within signal distance of each other, but at any rate not so near as gratuitously to risk the safety of the ships, and increase the difficulty of procuring water and other necessaries for the crews. Wherever there was an extensive beach upon which the gallies might be hauled up, there, in the nature of things, it would be arranged for a large number to assemble. This would doubtless be the case at Eretria in Euboea, which lies most opportunely for re-assembling the fleet after its necessary delay in passing through the narrow channel between Aulis and Chalcis. After Eretria, the next beach of any capacity would be that of the bay of Marathon, some fifteen miles off, in running for which the point Oynosura, its northern extremity, would be the natural landmark. And here, I apprehend, is to be found the solution of the problem offered by Bacis’s prophecy. Seven sfades only from Eretria, at the hamlet Amarynthus, was the temple of Artemis Amarusia™, a deity worshipped with the greatest pomp under this name by Athenians as well as Eretrians*. A fleet of 800 or 1000 ships crossing to Marathon in the order in which they would have to take up their station on their arrival, when seen from the hills overhanging Rhamnus or Tricorythus, could hardly fail to suggest to the imagination of a spectator the notion of bridging over the sea between the two points. Again, as between Marathon and Phalerum there is no facility for beaching any large number of ships, the advance from the one to the other would naturally be by detached squadrons, and the great bulk of the fleet might very well be reported at head-quarters while the rear still remained on the safe shore of Marathon (ἀμφὶ τὴν Κυνόσουραν), and while an intermediate squadron had been advanced only as far as Ceos in their course round the southern foreland of Attica. In such circumstances the signaling them to close up, under the impression which the Persian admiral had 52 viii. 66. 58. viii. 71. 54. 5ΤΒΑΒΟ, x. p. 324. 85 PaUsANtAs, i. 31. δ. VOL, 11. 3H 418 EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. formed of the intentions of the Greeks, would be exactly what we might look for. By so doing the more advanced ships would be in a position to sweep the channel between the islands of Salamis and JEgina; and it is exactly here that if any Greek vessels had stolen out from Salamis in the night, they would have been found when day broke. I will conclude these remarks by a reference to one other passage of Herodotus, which confirms the view just taken of the movement of the squadron from Ceos. When Aristides, in the night before the engagement, arrived suddenly in Salamis and informed Themistocles that the enemy’s fleet had surrounded the island, he said “ that he had come from gina, and found great difficulty in getting out to sea without being seen by the squadron of observation™.”” Herodotus in- deed makes him add, by way of explanation, “that the whole Greek position was surrounded by Xerxes’ vessels.’’ But this circumstance would have been a hindrance to him, not in getting out from gina, but in getting én to Salamis. If however the squadron of observation he meant was the one which had been signaled to close up from Ceos, the difficulty is exactly what would have occurred. According to Aschy- lus’s view, the false intelligence of Themistocles is conveyed to the Per- sian commander-in-chief a considerable time before sunset *’. Orders would instantly be telegraphed to the squadrons at Ceos and Cyno- gura, and they would get under way with all speed: and this would easily bring the former into the neighbourhood of the island A‘gina before it was too dark to distinguish them. Thus commanding the space between the two islands, the difficulty of Aristides would be to get paet them, which isexactly what appears to be indicated by the phrase (μόγις ἐκπλῶσαι). The vessels actually surrounding Salamis would oc- casion him comparatively little difficulty. He was probably only in a small boat, much more speedy, and less distinguishable at night-time than a trireme would be; and when he approached the southern shore of Salamis, it would be easy for him to watch his moment, row in to land, and proceed over the hills to the Grecian camp on foot. 56 viii. 81: ἐὲ Αἰγίνης τε ἥκειν, καὶ μόγις ἐκπλῶσαι λαθὼν τοὺς ἑπορμέοντας. 8? This must have been the case; for the time was sufficient to give orders to each of the captains, and for them in their turn to get their several gallies ready to start the instant it should be dark. The entirely different view of Herodotus is remarked above, note 15. EXCURSUS ON VIII. 76. 419 The battle of Salamis has so long been popularly considered as an example of what may be effected by mere valour against enormous odds, that possibly some may experience a feeling of unwillingness to take any view of the subject which diminishes the disparity between the contending navies. But this is scarcely a reasonable way of look- ing at a matter of history. Bravery does much when directed by skill; but all experience leads us to doubt statements of any great results effected by it when without this guidance. If the foregoing views are well-founded, our wonder at the extraordinary success of the Greek fleet may perhaps be diminished ; but certainly in at least as great a degree must our admiration of the acuteness and resolu- tion of its commander be increased. With an overwhelming force opposed to him actually drawn up in order of battle, a friendly coast lined with the flower of the Persian army in its rear, he succeeds, first of all in detaching a large portion of the ships opposed to him, and placing them in a quarter where it was out of the question that they should be active; secondly, in getting the remainder out of the position they occupied into one incomparably inferior; thirdly, in exhausting the enemy’s crews by keeping them in motion all night δ; and, finally, in bringing them on a sudden to action in a way which rendered their peculiar armament unavailable, and under circum- stances which must have made them feel, not only that their estimate of their foes had been totally wrong, but that probably they had traitors in their own ranks. 58 It should not be overlooked, that according to Aischylus’s view the crews of the Persian fleet get their suppers ear/y,—not as they would under ordinary circumstances, at nightfall. Hence, when day broke, they had not only been at the oar all night, but likewise fasting for a longer period than customary. 3H 2 1 On the re- turn of Alexander, Mardonius moves to- chiefs. 2 The The- bans wish ‘HPOAOTOY ISTOPIQN ENNATH. KAAAIONH. MAP4AONIO®Z δὲ', ὥς οἱ ἀπονοστήσας ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὰ παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐσήμῃνε, ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ Θεσσαλίης ἦγε τὴν στρατιὴν σπουδῇ ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας" ὅκου δὲ ἑκάστοτε γίνοιτο, τούτους παρ- ἐλάμβανε ὅ. τοῖσι δὲ Θεσσαλίης ἡγεομένοισι οὔτε τὰ πρὸ τοῦ πεπρηγμένα μετέμελε οὐδὲν, πολλῷ τε μᾶλλον ἐπῆγον τὸν Πέρσην: καὶ συμπροέπεμψέ τε Θώρηξ ὁ Anpiocaios® Ἐέρξεα φεύγοντα, καὶ τότε ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ παρῆκε Μαρδόνιον ἐπὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πορευόμενος γίνεταε 6 στρατὸς ἐν Βοιωτοῖσι, οἱ Θηβαῖοι κατελάμβανον τὸν Μαρδόνιον " καὶ συνεβούλευον αὐτῷ, λέγοντες 1 Μαρδόνιος δέ. The close connexion of this clause with the one which terminates the last book, shows plainly the arbitrary nature of the present division,—which however (it should be remembered) is an essential part of Lucian’s story relative to the recitation at Olympia: παρελθὼν és τὸν ὀπισθόδομον ov θεατὴν, ἀλλὰ ἂγω- γνιστὴν ᾿Ολυμπίων παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν, ἄδων τὰς ἱστορίας καὶ κηλῶν τοὺς παρόντας, ἄχρι τοῦ καὶ Μούσας κληθῆναι τὰς βίβλους αὑτοῦ, ἐννέα καὶ αὐτὰς οὔ- σας. (Aetion. § 1.) 3 ὅκον δὲ ἑκάστοτε γίνοιτο, tovrous παρελάμβανε. Dioporvus makes the num- ber of troops levied by Mardonius, in ad- dition to the 300,000 left with him by Xerxes, to be 200,000 (xi. 28). 8 Odpnt ὃ Anpiocaios. Thorax was one of the Aleuade. He is mentioned together with his two brothers, Eurypylas and Thrasydzus, below (§ 58). 4 κατελάμβανον τὸν Μαρδόνιον, “ tried to stop Mardonius.” This sense is rea- dily deducible from the original idea of the word καταλαμβάνειν, on which see note 139 on i. 46, and note 55 on v. 21. Compare iii. 36: ἴσχε καὶ καταλάμβανε σεωντόν, ‘‘ restrain and controul yourself;”’ iii. 128: κατελάμβανε ἐρίζοντας, "" stopped their disputing ;”’ iii. 52: Περίανδρος rov- τοισι αὑτὸν κατελάμβανε, ““ Periander at- CALLIOPE. IX. 1—3. 421 ὡς οὐκ εἴη χῶρος ἐπιτηδεώτερος ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαε ἐκείνον" οὐδὲ Mardonius A alt in ἔων ἰέναι ἑκαστέρω, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἱξόμενον " ποιέειν ὅκως ἀμαχητὶ Baotia, and a m ence τὴν πᾶσαν ‘Edddba καταστρέψηται "" “ κατὰ μὲν yap τὸ ἰσχυρὸν to attempt to gain par- “Ελληνας ὁμοφρονέοντας, οἵπερ καὶ πάρος ταὐτὰ ἀγίνωσκον, tinkns it the veral Hel- χαλεπὰ εἶναι περυγίνεσθαι καὶ ἅπασι ἀνθρώποισι - εἰ δὲ ποιήσεις jenic states ; τὰ ἡμεῖς παραινέομεν," ἔφασαν λέγοντες, “ ἕξεις ἀπόνως ἅπαντα τὰ κείνων βουλεύματα. πέμπε χρήματα ἐς τοὺς δυναστεύοντας ἄνδρας ἐν τῆσι πόλισ'᾽ πέμπων δὲ, τὴν “Ελλάδα διαστήσεις" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τοὺς μὴ τὰ σὰ φρονέοντας ῥηϊδίως μετὰ τῶν στα- σεωτέων " καταστρέψεαι." οἱ μὲν ταῦτα συνεβούλευον" 6 δὲ οὐκ ὃ ἐπείθετο", ἀλλά οἱ δεινός τις ἐνέστακτο ἵμερος τὰς ᾿Αθήνας δεύτερα ἐπε SL tempted to manage him by these re- marks.” δ ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἰ(όμενον. Before these words is to be supplied the verb ἐκέλενον, or some one of similar sense, derived by inference from the οὐκ ἔων which has gone before. See note 301 on vii. 104. 6 καταστρέψηται. This is the reading of all the MSS. But Bekker adopts the correction καταστρέψοεται, which is in ac- cordance with the invariable use of Hero- dotus. Compare i. 8: ποίεε ὅκως ἐκείνην θεήσεαι γυμνήν. i. 9: σοὶ μελέτω τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ὅκως μή σε ὄψεται ἰόντα διὰ θυρέων. iii. 36: ὅρα ὅκως μή cev ἂπο- στήσονται Τίέρσαι. iii. 185 : ἐδέετο av- τοῦ ὅκως ἐξηγησάμενος πᾶσαν τὴν ἜἘλ- λάδα ὀπίσω ἥξει. ν. 109 : ποιέειν χρεόν ἐστι ὑμέας ὅκως τὸ κατ᾽ ὑμέας ἔσται 7 Ἰωνίη ἐλευθέρη. ix. 9] : ποίεε ὅκως αὐ- τὸς ἀποπλεύσεαι. 7 κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν Ἕλληνας ὁμοφρονέοντας .. . ἀνθρώποισι, “ for that in point of actual force, those Hellenes who before acted together, were enough to make it difficult for even all the world to hold their own against them.” The sentence if continued as begun would have ended with the words: καὶ ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους κατα- πολεμεῖν οἵους Te, or some equivalent phrase. But ae d manners would have forbidden the putting this sentiment in its direct form to the Persian com- mander, the normal structure is aban- doned, and an anacoluthon results. See notes 412 on i. 117, and 200 on viii. 100. So too is to be explained the sentence ii. 66: ταῦτα δὲ γινόμενα πένθεα μεγάλα τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους καταλαμβάνει. The normal structure would have been ταῦτα δὲ γινό- μενα τοὺς Αἰγνπτίους λυπεῖ, But the au- thor rightly understanding that it was not affection for the animals perishing, but a superstitious interpretation of the pheno- menon which caused the mourning, inti- mates as much by changing the form of the sentence. 8 pera τῶν στασιωτέων, ““ with the aid of your partizans.” That there was a very powerful party, even in Athens, favourable to Persian schemes, is plain from the story told by PLutrarcn (Aris- tid. § 13). A number of Athenians of noble families, who had been ruined by the war, met together in a house at Pla- teea, at the very time the two armies were in position over against one another, to concoct a scheme for betraying their country to the invader; and it was only the tact of Aristides which baffled their attempt. The manuscripts S and V have μετὰ στρατιωτέων, ‘with the aid of a military force.” Neither of these read- ings appear to me to be a corruption of the other. See ἃ similar variation in iii. 144, and note 308, thereon. 9 ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐπείθετο, The Attic orators assert that one Arthmius of Zela was sent into the Peloponnese with a large amount of secret-service money, for the purpose of sowing dissension among the allies. DemosTHENES professes to quote from an inscription on the acropolis at Athens, in which a sentence of outlawry against him for that offence stood regis- tered. (Philipp. iii. p. 122.) There is no direct notice of this in Herodotus, but there is not wanting very plain indirect evidence that such a policy was pursued. See note 34 on § 12, below. 422 HERODOTUS eer ἅμα μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἀγνωμοσύνης, ἅμα δὲ πυρσοῖσι διὰ νήσων ἐδόκεε βασιλέϊ δηλώσειν ἐόντι ἐν Σάρδισι, ὅτε ἔχοι ᾿Αθήνας. ὃς ten honths 0082 rére ἀπικύμενος és τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν εὗρε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ἀλλ᾽ after its first ν ra capture. ὄν Te Σαλαμῖνι τοὺς πλείστους ἐπυνθάνετο εἶναι, ἔν τε τῆσι νηνσί: αἱρέει τε ἐρῆμον τὸ ἄστυ ἡ δὲ βασιλέος αἵρεσις ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην τὴν Μαρδονίου ἐπιστρατηΐην δεκάμηνος ἐγένετο. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ἀγένετο ὁ Μαρδόνιος, πέμπει ἐς Σαλαμῖνα Μουρνχίδην ἄνδρα ᾿Ἑλλησπόντιον, φέροντα τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους τοὺς καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδὼν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναέοισι διεπόρθμευσε. ταῦτα δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀπέστελλε, προέχων μὲν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων οὐ which he 4 He sends one Muri- Hellerpe ellespon- tine, to Sa- lamis, with new over- tures. φιλίας γνώμας “", ἐλπίζων δέ σφεας ὑπήσειν τῆς ἀγνωμοσύνης * ὡς δοριαλώτου ἐούσης πάσης τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς χώρης καὶ ἐούσης ἤδη ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ τούτων μὲν εἵνεκα ἀπέπεμψε Μουρυχίδην ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. ὋὉ δὲ, ἀπικόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν, ἔλεγε τὰ παρὰ ἹΜαρδονίον: τῶν δὲ βουλευτέων Λυκίδης εἶπε γνώμην "5, ὥς οἱ 10 προέχων μὲν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων οὐ φιλίας γνώμας. As this passage is commonly i in- terpreted, προέχων is taken in a very un- usual sense, as meaning “ previously aware of.” But both προέχω and its derivative πρόσχημα uniformly express the notion of “standing forward,” or “ putting for- ward.”” And the meaning of this passage seems to be that Mardonius sent a com- munication to the Athenians, on the face of which he acknowledged their enmity to Persia, but appealed to their sense of their own interest. I should translate, ‘* putting forward indeed the unfriendly disposition of the Athenians, but hoping that they would relax in their perverse- ness, seeing that the land of Attica was overrun entirely, and now under his abso- lute command.’’ This is exactly the view of the case, which, after the final defeat of the Persians, would be most palatable to Athenian vanity. Their enemy is made to bear testimony to their disinterested patriotism in the very wording of his overtures to them. 11 δλπίζων δέ σφεας ὑπήσειν τῆς ἀγνω- μοσύνης, “ but expecting that they would relax something of their perverseness.”’ The construction is the same as that of bwels τῆς ὀργῆς (i. 156; iii. 52). 132° Λυκίδης εἶπε γνώμην. ΒΙΒΗΟΡ THIRLWALL, who follows the account given by Herodotus of the outrage which follows, remarks that ‘it is somewhat perplexing to find this incident related by DemostHEeNneEs (De Cor. p. 296) of one Cyrsilus, whom, as it would appear from the comparison he draws, he conceived to have excited the anger of his countrymen by opposing Themistocles the year before, when he proposed the evacuation of At- tica. It can scarcely be doubted, that the orator alludes to the same occurrence which the historian describes. Perhaps the easiest solution of the difficulty would be to suppose that Lycidas bad also been called Cyrsilus,—a name which wight imply that he had already made himself odious or contemptible by overbearing manners.” (History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 327, note.) This explanation is, in my Opinion, scarcely more satisfactory than the one offered by Valckenaer, viz. that on two occasions happening within a year of each other, two different persons brought upon themselves the fury of the populace by the same proceeding, and that while the one of these is noticed by Herodotus, the other is alluded to by Demosthenes. In the time of the orators, the battle of Salamis and the energetic conduct of the Athenians antecedently to it, bad become so completely the prin- cipal national boast, that it is only na- tural that anecdotes of which the cha- racter was mainly ethical should be re- ferred to that time rather than the year following. See, for an exemplification of CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 4—6. 423 the council, ἐδόκεε ἄμεινον elvas δεξαμένους τὸν λόγον τόν σφι ΜουρυχίδηςῚ arpodépe, ἐξενεῖκαι ἐς τὸν δῆμον: ὁ μὲν δὴ ταύτην τὴν γνώμην death for ° ἀπεφαίνετο, εἴ re δὴ δεδεγμένος χρήματα παρὰ Μαρδονίου εἴ τε of entertain = καὶ ταῦτα ἑάνδανε" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ αὐτίκα δεινὸν ποιησάμενοι, of te ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οἱ ἔξωθεν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο, περιστάντες Λυκίδεα κατέλευσαν βάλλοντες, τὸν δὲ ᾿Ελλησπόντιον Movpvy®ea ἀπ- ἔπεμψαν ἀσινέα' γενομένου δὲ θορύβου ἐν τῇ Σαλαμῖνι περὶ τὸν “υκίδεα, πυνθάνονται τὸ γινόμενον αἱ γυναῖκες τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων" The women stone his διακελευσαμένη δὲ γυνὴ γυναικὶ, καὶ παραλαβοῦσα, ἐπὶ τὴν wife and “υκίδεω οἰκίην ἤϊσαν αὐτοκελέες "ἢ, καὶ κατὰ μὲν ἔλευσαν αὐτο τὴν γυναῖκα κατὰ δὲ τὰ τέκνα. children Ὁ afterwards. "Es δὲ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα διέβησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι dde ἕως μὲν 6 προσεδέκοντο τὸν "" ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου στρατὸν ἥξειν τιμωρή- σοντά σφι, οἱ δὲ ἔμενον ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ; ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ μὲν μακρότερά τε καὶ σχολαίτερα ἐποίεον, 6 δὲ ἐπιὼν καὶ δὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ ἐλέγετο εἶναι", οὕτω δὴ ὑπέξεκομίσαντό te πάντα καὶ αὐτοὶ διέβησαν island ἐς Σαλαμῖνα" ἐς Λακεδαίμονά τε ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους 5, ἅμα μὲν μεμψομένους τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι ὅτι περιεῖδον ἐμβαλόντα τὸν άρβαρον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μετώ σφεων ἠντίασαν ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην, ἅμα δὲ ὑπομνήσοντας ὅσα ode ὑπέσχετο ὁ Πέρσης μεταβαλοῦσι δώσειν" προεῖπαί τε, ὅτι εἰ μὴ ἀμυνεῦσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι, ὡς καὶ αὐτοί τινα ἀλεωρὴν εὑρήσονται "Ἶ, οἱ γὰρ δὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι the way in which the historic details of an ethical story vary, notes 90 on ii. 30, and 9 on iii. 4. 13 αὐτοκελέες. One manuscript (F) has αὐτομολέες. But the word seems to be genuine, and to have the force of αὐτό- κλητοι. 14 τόν, Gaisford, on the authority of five MSS, omits the article. But it is found in the rest. 15 καὶ δὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ ἐλόγετο εἶναι. The manuscripts A, B, 8, V, have ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην ἐλέγετο εἶναι, which may per- haps be defended, if the reading of Gais- ford and the MSS in i. 21, és τὴν Μίλητον ἦν, is the true one. Bat such a construc- tion is not the usual one in Herodotus. (See note 72 on that passage.) The con- nexion of the particle δὴ with ἤδη is well shown by this expression. The rumour of the enemy having reached Boeotia was what made the cup of impatience run over. The Athenians were uneasy at the Lacedsemonian slowness, but still re- frained from incurring the inconveniences of crossing to Salamis; when however at last (καὶ δὴ) accounts reached them of Mardonius being in Boeotia, then, under such circumstances (οὕτω δὴ), they trans- ported all their moveables, and went over in person. See note 21 on § 7, below, and note 6 on i. 1. 16 ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους. Aristides ap- pears to have been the framer of the resolution in virtue of which these com- missioners were sent. In subsequent times he himself was said to be one. But PLurarcn remarks that his name does not occur in the decree, but those of Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides. (Aristid. § 10. 17 ὡς καὶ avrol τινα ἀλεωρὴν εὑρήσον- ται. 866 above, note 307 on viii. 144. Cireum- stances un- der which the Athe- nians cross to the at the time of the Lace- demonian 7 Commis- sioners ar- rive in strong re- presenta- tions from the Atheni- ans, and a demand that 424 Ψ , A / ὅρταζόν τε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον HERODOTUS καί σφι ἣν ‘TaxivOia’ περὶ . πλείστου δ᾽ ἦγον τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πορσύνειν' ἅμα δὲ τὸ τεῖχός σφι τὸ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ ἐτείχεον' καὶ ἤδη ἐπάλξεις ἐλάμβανε. “ῆς δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Δακεδαέμονα οἱ ὥγγελοι οἱ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἅμα ἀγόμενοι ἔκ τε Μεγάρων ἀγγέλους καὶ ἐκ Πλαταιέων, ἔλεγον Sparta with Τάδε ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους" “ ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας ᾿Αθηναῖοι, λέγοντες ὅτι ἡμῖν βασιλεὺς ὁ Μήδων, τοῦτο μὲν τὴν χώρην ἀποδιδοῖ, τοῦτο δὲ συμμάχους ἐθέλει ἐπ᾽ ἴσῃ τε καὶ ὁμοίῃ ποιή- σασθαι, ἄνευ τε δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης" ἐθέλει δὲ καὶ ἄλλην χώρην ὑπ᾽ “Ελλήνων καὶ καταπροδιδόμενοι, ἐπιστάμενοί τε ὅτε κερδα- λεώτερόν ἐστι ὁμολογέειν τῷ Πέρσῃ μᾶλλον ᾿" ἤπερ πολεμέειν" οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ ὁμολογήσομεν ἑκόντες εἶναι. ν ΣΝ . 2 2 ¢€ ¢F “ καί TO μὲν ATT ἡμεῶν OUTO) ἀκίβδηλον ἐὸν νέμεται ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ελληνας" ὑμεῖς δὲ, ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην τότε ἀπικόμενοε μὴ ὁμολογήσωμεν τῷ Πέρσῃ, ἐπεί τε ἐξεμάθετε τὸ ἡμέτερον φρόνημα σαφέως, ὅτε οὐδαμὰ προδώσομεν 18. καί σφι ἦν “γακίνθια. The celebra- tion of the Carnea had last year inter- posed an obstacle to the concentration of a force at Thermopyle (vii. 44); never- theless king Leonidas absented himself from it. The Hyacinthia however was a festival which seems to have been of a more popular character; for all the citi- zens, and indeed the slaves also, took a part in it. This would be very natural if it were a festival of the ante-dorian times; and that it was so seems certain, both from its nature (see note 207 on ii. 79) and from the circumstance that during its celebration Sparta was deserted for Amy- cle. (POLYCRATES ap. Atheneum, iv. p. 139.) See note 189 on v. 72. To neg- lect the ceremonial would consequently have been a much more dangerous expe- riment on the temper of the bulk of the citizens, than the proceeding of Leonidas was, even supposing the Spartan magnates to have been strongly inclined to march— itself a doubtful matter. (See note 34 on § 12.) 19 Ala re Ἑλλήνιον αἰδεσθέντες. It is not very plain to what Zeus the ambas- sadors refer under this title. Perhaps it may be the Olympian. But, on the other hand, it is far from impossible that it was the deity worshipped under the name of Πανελλήνιος at gina; for the temple there was regarded as possessing ἃ pecu- liar sanctity. It was mythically con- nected with Aacus, by whose mediation alone the Delphic oracle declared that Hellas could be relieved from a drought which desolated both the region within and that without the isthmus. (Pausa- NIAS, ii. 29. 6.) It will be remembered, that the presence of the Aginetan acids was considered of vital importance at Sala- mis, 85 well as on another occasion (v. 80; vi. 84), and that the Delphic deity ex- pressly required an offering from the Eginetans after that victory. Up to this time, therefore, the reputation of the JEginetan Zeus must have been very great. After the battle of Platea (in which the A’ginetans appear not to have taken any active part), the Olympian Zeus may reasonably have been preferred. See below, § 8]. 20 κερδαλεώτερον ... See note on vii. 143, above. . μᾶλλον. CALLIOPE. IX. 7—9. 425 τὴν ᾿ Ἑλλάδα, καὶ διότι τεῖχος ὑμῖν διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ ἐλαυνόμενον ἐν τέλεϊΐ ἐστι, καὶ δὴ λόγον οὐδένα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ποιέεσθε """ συνθέμενοί τε ἡμῖν τὸν Πέρσην ἀντιώσεσθαι ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην προ- δεδώκατε, περιείδετέ τε ἐσβαλόντα ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν τὸν βάρβαρον. ἐς μέν νυν τὸ παρεὸν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑμῖν μηνίουσι" οὐ γὰρ ἐποιήσατε ἐπιτηδέως" νῦν δὲ ὅτι τάχος στρατιὴν ἅμα ἡμῖν ἐκέλευσαν ὑμέας ἐκπέμπειν, ὡς ἂν τὸν βάρβαρον δεκώμεθα ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ" ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡμάρτομεν τῆς Βοιωτίης, τῆς γε ἡμετέρης ἐπιτηδεώτατόν ἐστι ἐμμαχέσασθαει τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον". ‘As δὲ ἄρα ἤκουσαν οἱ 8 ἔφοροι ταῦτα, ἀνεβάλλοντο ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην ὑποκρίνασθαι" τῇ δὲ barat ΜΕ ρὰ ὑστεραΐῃ, ἐς τὴν ἑτέρην. τοῦτο καὶ ἐπὶ δέκα ἡμέρας ἐποίεον, ἐξ 'πκ them an ἡμέρης ἐς ἡμέρην ἀναβαλλόμενοι' ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ τὸν by day ior ᾿Ισθμὸν érelyeov, σπουδὴν ἔχοντες πολλὴν πάντες Πελοποννήσιοι: until at ἦωι καί σφι ἦν πρὸς τέλεϊ. οὐδ᾽ ἔχω εἶπαι τὸ αἴτιον, διότε ἀπικο- the Isthmus μένου μὲν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἐς ᾿Αθήνας σπουδὴν μεγά- plete. λην ἐποιήσαντο μὴ μηδίσαι ᾿Αθηναίους, τότε δὲ ὥρην ἐποιήσαντο οὐδεμίαν, ἄλλο γε ἢ ὅτι ὁ ᾿Ισθμός σφι ἐτετείχιστο, καὶ ἐδόκεον ᾿Αθηναίων ἔτι δέεσθαι οὐδέν᾽ ὅτε δὲ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, οὔκω ἀπετετείχιστο' ἐργάζοντο δὲ μεγάλως καταρρωδη- κότες τοὺς Πέρσας. Τέλος δὲ, τῆς τε ὑποκρίσιος καὶ ἐξόδου τῶν Σπαρτιητέων 9 ἐγένετο τρόπος τοιόσδε' τῇ προτεραίῃ τῆς ὑστάτης καταστάσιος ἃ Mrong τε- μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι ᾽", Χίλεος, ἀνὴρ Τεγεήτης, δυνάμενος ἐν Aaxe- in behalf of / t , 4 A ’ ge 7 ; : x the Athe- δαίμονι μέγιστα" ξείνων “5, τῶν ἐφόρων ἐπύθετο πάντα λόγον τὸν Rian de- 21 καὶ δὴ λόγον οὐδένα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ποιέεσθε, “ come to take no account of the Athenians.’”? So above (ἢ 6), καὶ δὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ ἐλέγετο εἶναι, ‘ came to be talked οὗ as being in Boeotia.” See note 15, above. 42 ἐπιτηδεώτατόν ἐστι ἐμμαχέσασθαι τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον. The suggestion of the Thriasian plain as a desirable locality for engaging an enemy who was possessed of an overwhelming force of cavalry, strikes at first as somewhat strange. But apparently the Athenians considered that the command of the sea would give them great advantages if the enemy were brought to action there. They would lave menaced his rear by crossing over from Salamis; and in the event of his VOL. Il. being defeated, might have closed up the from the Thriasian plain into the plain of Athens. This would have com- pelled Mardonius to retire into Bootia by Phyle alone, if the victorious Peloponnesi- ans succeeded, as they probably would have done, in stopping the road by Cinoe, by which alone Cithseron could be crossed. 23 τῇ προτεραίῃ Ths ὑστάτης καταστά- σιος μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι, “Οὐ the eve of the last audience there was to be.’’ Com- pare viii. 141. 4 δυνάμενος ἐν Λακεδαίμονι μέγιστα ξείνων. That a Tegean should then have great influence at Lacedxmon, probably arose from the circumstance of the Achean party being likewise strong there, and at the time jealous of their influence 31 426 HERODOTUS mend is δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι EXeyov’ ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Χίλεος Edeye ἄρα σφι τάδε' one Chi οὕτω ἔχει, ἄνδρες ἔφοροι" ᾿Αθηναίων ἡμῖν ἐόντων μὴ ἀρθμίων Tegean, τῷ δὲ βαρβάρῳ συμμάχων, καίπερ τείχεος διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ ἐληλαμένου καρτεροῦ, μεγάλαι κλισιάδες ἀναπεπτέαται " ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον τῷ Πέρσῃ. ἀλλ᾽ ἐσακούσατε, πρίν τε ἄλλο ᾿4θη- 10 ναίοισι δόξαι σφάλμα φέρον τῇ “ENA.” Ὃ μέν σφι ταῦτα and δ cuveBovrcve οἱ δὲ φρενὶ λαβόντες τὸν λόγον, αὐτίκα, φράσαντες pone Pau- οὐδὲν τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι τοῖσι ἀπυγμένοισι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, νυκτὸς oa ἔτε ἐκπέμπουσι πεντακισχιλίους Σπαρτιητέων, [καὶ ἑπτὰ περὶ roe kere, © ἕκαστον τάξαντες τῶν eihotov™,| Παυσανίῃ τῷ Κλεομβρότου eis to ἐπιτρέψαντες ἐξάγειν. ἐγένετο μέν νυν ἡ ἡγεμονίη Πλειστάρχου bassy, τοῦ Λεωνίδεω" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἣν Ere παῖς, ὁ δὲ τούτου ἐπίτροπός τε καὶ ἀνεψιός: Κλεόμβροτος γὰρ, 6 Παυσανίεω μὲν πατὴρ ᾿Αναξ- ανδρίδεω δὲ παῖς, οὐκέτι περιῆν ἀλλὰ ἀπωγωγὼν ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν τὸ τεῖχος δείμασαν Ἶ, μετὰ ταῦτα οὐ πολλὸν being impaired. Leonidas, the hero of Thermopyle, had married the daughter and heiress of Cleomenes, who scorned the name of Dorian, and called himself an Achewan. The child Pieistarchus was therefore the representative both of the Eurystheneid line of kings and of the Achzean party, while his uncle Cleombro- tus (his legal guardian) was by a different mother from Cleomenes, and (by the death of his elder brother Dorieus) had become representative of the Dorian party. That his son Pausanias should have retained the partialities of his grand- mother’s connexions, seems likely from his association of Dorieus’s son Euryanax with himself in the command of the army (§ 10). Under these circumstances there was apparently some cause for uneasiness on the part of the Achean faction ; and the existence of this would give great weight to the representations of an ally who belonged to the same race. 25. μ t κλισιάδες ἀναπεπτέαται. This phrase appears to have been taken by Potyz2nvs as if specially referring to the means of invading the Peloponnese, which the possession of the Athenian fleet would confer upon the Persians : πολλὰς διαβάσεις ἕξουσιν els τὴν Πελο- πόννησον οἱ βάρβαροι (v. 30). And Ρευ- TARCH puts the matter with ial re- ference to the utility of the lines at the isthmus: τοῦ διατειχίσματος οὐδὲν ὄφελός ἐστι Πελοποννήσῳ, ἂν ᾿Αθηναῖοι Μαρδονίῳ προσγένωνται (ii. p. 871). The phrase became in subsequent times almost a proverbial one. Plutarch has μεγάλας ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντίοχον Ῥωμαίοις ἀναπετάσας κλισιάδας (Comparat. Arist. c. Cat. § 2): μεγάλας αὐτῷ κλισιάδας ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀνοΐγον- Tos τοῦ τε γένους καὶ τοῦ πλούτου (Alci- biad. § 10): μεγάλας μὲν τῷ ἀθέῳ λεῷ κλισιάδας ἀνοίγοντες (De Istde et Osi- ride, § 23). Sr. Pau uses the same figure in 1 Cor. xvi. 9, and 2 Cor. ii. 12 but in Coloss. iv. 3, ἵνα ὅ Θεὸς ἀνοίξῃ ἡμῖν θύραν τοῦ λόγου, this does not seem Bo clear. 36 [καὶ ἑπτὰ wep) ἕκαστον τάξαντες τῶν εἱλώτων.] These words do not exist in ὃ and V, nor in the translation of Valla. Wesseling supposes them to have been introduced into the text from § 28. 3] ἀ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ τὴν στρα- τιὴν τὴν τὸ τεῖχος δείμασαν. TRIRL- WALL considers that the retirement of Cleombrotus to Sparta from the lines across the isthmus, took place during the time that the Athenian envoys were at Sparta; and he endeavours to explain the conduct of the Lacedsemonians,— which on the face of things he regards as capricious and childish,—from this cir- cumstance. ‘If Cleombrotus brought his army back during the ten days that the envoys were detained, his illness and death, and the appointment of the new CALLIOPE. IX. 10,11. 427 χρόνον τινὰ βιοὺς ἀπέθανε. (ἀπῆγε δὲ τὴν στρατιὴν ὁ Κλεόμ- βροτος ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ διὰ τόδε"" θυομένῳ οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ, ὁ ἥλιος ἀμαυρώθη ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.) προσαιρέεται δὲ ἑωυτῷ Παυσανίης Εὐρυάνακτα τὸν Δωριέος, ἄνδρα οἰκίης ἐόντα τῆς αὐτῆς. Οἱ μὲν δὴ σὺν Παυσανίῃ ἐξεληλύθεσαν ἔξω Σ᾽ πάρτης" οὗ δὲ ἄγγελοι, ὧς ἡμέρη ἐγεγόνεε, οὐδὲν εἰδότες περὶ τῆς ἐξόδου ἐπῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἐν νόῳ δὴ ἔχοντες " ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τῆν ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος" ἐπελθόντες δὲ ὄλογον τάδε" ὑμεῖς μὲν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, αὐτοῦ τῇδε μένοντες, Ὑακίνθιά te ἄγετε, καὶ παίξζετε καταπροδόντες τοὺς συμμάχους" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, ὡς ἀδικεόμενοι ὑπὸ ὑμέων, χήτι συμμάχων", καταλύσονται τῷ Πέρσῃ οὕτω ὅκως ἂν δύνωνται' καταλυσάμενοι δὲ, δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι σύμμαχοι βασιλέος γινόμεθα, συστρατευσόμεθα ἐπὶ τὴν ἂν ἐκεῖνοι ἐξηγέωνται" ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν μαθήσεσθε ὁκοῖον ἄν τι commander-in-chief, might render so long a delay unavoidable, and the departure of Pausanias, instead of having been deferred to the last moment, may have taken place at the very first that admitted of it; yet it may at last have been both sudden and secret.”” (History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 329.) But it seems extremely unlikely that the army of the confederates should have been employed during the winter months in completing the lines. There is no instance of any thing like such a con- tinued retention ofa wholearmy under arms in ancient history, and the commissariat requisite for the purpose would have far exceeded the resources of the country. The course of events seems to have been, that immediately after the battle of Sala- mis, the thought of attacking the Persian army occurred to Cleombrotus. But the eclipse seemed to forbid the step. The Persian army appeared to be in full re- treat, and it was the Spartan principle to give a pont dor toa flying enemy. Ac- cordingly he broke up his position and returned home, imagining the war at an end. But in the spring Mardonius showed that he was going to try his fortune again. He had halted in Thessaly, and his move- ments ‘“‘ woke the Greeks up’ (ἤγειρε). The land force had been disbanded and not reassembled : οὕκω συνελέγετο (viii 13). 39 ἀπῇγε δὲ τὴν στρατιὴν... διὰ τόδε. There is nothing at all in the text to jus- tify the assertion that the eclipse “terrified Cleombrotus so that he returned home with his army.” All that would be gathered from the omen by the Spartan chief would be, that the step he contemplated was not to be made. If he put any more special interpretation upon the appearance of the sun, it would probably be one unfavour- able to the prospects of Xerxes. See the passage of ARJSTOPHANES cited in note 133 on vii. 37. 9 ὁ ἥλιος ἁμαυρῴθη ἂν τῷ οὐρανῷ. LARCHER states, on the authority of M. Pingré, that there was an eclipse of the sun of from six to seven digits on the 2nd of October, s.c. 479. Petavius had considered the one in the text to have happened on the 2nd of October, the year before. Larcher believes that it is the eclipse of 479 to which Herodotus refers, but that he puts it defore the battle of Plateea, whereas it did not occur antil afterwards. If so, the story relative to Cleombrotus (who would have been dead when the eclipse really took place) must have grown up some time after the actual event. See, for what appears like a pa- rallel case to this, note 132 on vii. 37. 890 ἐν νόῳ δὴ ἔχοντες, “intending, at last." See above, note on § 6. 31 χήτι συμμάχων. This is the reading adopted by Gaisford, on the authority of Sand V. Most of the MSS have χήτεϊ τε, and two χήτι τε. 312 11 428 HERODOTUS ὑμῖν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐκβαίνῃ." ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν ἀγγέλων, οἱ ἔφοροι which is εἶπαν ἐπ᾽ ὅρκου, καὶ δὴ δοκέειν εἶναι ἐν ᾿Ορεστείῳ " στείχοντας Πρ σρος Νὴ ἐπὶ τοὺς ξείνους" (ξείνους γὰρ ἐκάλεον τοὺς βαρβάρους ") οἱ δὲ ner ὡς οὐκ εἰδότες ἐπειρώτεον TO λεγόμενον, ἐπειρόμενοι δὲ ἐξέμαθον cali πᾶν To ἐόν: ὥστε ἐν θώματι γενόμενοι, ἐπορεύοντο THY ταχίστην from the Suaaxovres: σὺν δέ σφι, τῶν περιοίκων Λακεδαιμονίων λογάδες Ἄς πεντακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίεον. 12 Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἠπείγοντο. ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ, ἐπεί τε ici foie TaxuoTa ἐπύθοντο τοὺς μετὰ Πανσανέεω εἐξεληλύθοτάς ἐκ Σ πάρ- πολ τῆς, πέμπουσι κήρυκα, τῶν ἡμεροδρόμων ἀνευρόντες τὸν ἄριστον, ar aaa és τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν, πρότερον αὐτοὶ Μαρδονίῳ ὑποδεξάμενοι σχήσειν τὸν Σπαρτιήτην μὴ ἐξιέναι "“- ὃς ἐπεί τε ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ἔλεγε rade “ Μαρδόνιε, ἔπεμψάν με ᾿Αργεῖοι φράσοντά τοι ὅτι ἐκ Δακεδαίμονος ἐξελήλυθε ἡ νεότης, καὶ ὡς οὐ δυνατοὶ αὐτὴν ἴσχειν εἰσὶ ᾿Δργεῖοι μὴ οὐκ ἐξιέναι. πρὸς ταῦτα τύγχανε εὖ 13 βουλενόμενος." Ὃ μὲν δὴ, εἴπας ταῦτα, ἀπαλλάσσετο ὀπίσω; Μαρδόνιος δὲ οὐδαμῶς ἔτι πρόθυμος ἦν μένειν ἐν τῇ 821 dy ᾿Ορεστείῳ. Two manuscripts (F and δὴ have ‘Opectely. The Oresteum here mentioned is apparently in the vici- nity of Tegea, upon the mountain Mena- lus, τὸ ᾿Ορέστειον Μαιναλίας as Tuucy- pipes calls it (v.64). The town was a very ancient one, and in the local tradi- tions reputed to have been founded in the third generation after Pelasgue, by his grandson Orestheus, from whom it was at first called Oresthasium. The name was afterwards called Oresteum, from Orestes. (Pausanias, viii. 3. 2.) From an anecdote related of an heroic action of a hundred volunteers of the town, who, by the sacrifice of themselves, purchased the return of the population of Phigalia, it may be inferred that the name could not have been changed, and consequently the tutelary hero altered, until the latter part of the seventh century B.c. (PAUSANIAS, viii. 39. 3.) But the dramstic poets paid no regard to such chronological considera- tions. Evuripipzs makes the Dioscuri say to Orestes : Σὲ 8 ᾿Αρκάδων χρὴ πόλιν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλφειοῦ ῥοαῖς οἰκεῖν, Λυκαίου πλησίον σηκώματος-" ἐπώνυμος δέ σον πόλις κεκλήσεται. (Electr., 1278.) "Artin, In the Orestes, too, Apollo orders him to pass a year before lustration in the Parra- sian plain, of which he says: κεκλήσεται δὲ σῆς φυγῆς ἐπώνυμον ᾿Αζᾶσιν ᾿Αρκάσιν τ᾽ ᾿Ορέστειον καλεῖν. (1647. 83 ξείνους γὰρ ἑκάλεον τοὺς βαρβά- pous. See note on ix. 55. 4 ὑποδεξάμενοι σχήσειν τὸν Lwapris- τὴν μὴ ἐξιέναι. In what way did the Argives expect to be able to hold the Spartans in check? Certainly it could not have been by any force they could hope to bring into the field. Possibly they tried to foment the jealousy of the pure Spartans at Lacedwemon against the Achean portion of their fellow country- men. They had been so much alarmed by the designs of Cleomenes, as to render this no difficult task. A current report in Heltas in the time of Herodotus, was that the Argives actually invited the Per. sians, in consequence of the blow which had been strack by that king (viii. 152). If there is any trath in the statements of the Attic orators, there was no want cf money for the purpose of furthering in- trigues in the Peloponnese. See note 9, above, and note on § 88, below. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 12-- Ἰ|. 429 ὡς ἤκουσε ταῦτα. πρὶν μέν νυν ἢ πυθέσθαι, ἀνεκώχενε, θέλων who ravages εἰδέναι τὸ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ὁκοῖόν Tt ποιήσουσι καὶ οὔτε ἐπήμαινε ‘alle beck οὔτε écivero™ γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ", ἐλπίζων διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου Bootie, ὁμολογήσειν σφέας: ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε, πυθόμενος τὸν πάντα λόγον, πρὶν ἢ τοὺς μετὰ Παυσανίεω ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν, ὑπεξεχώρεε ἐμπρήσας τε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ εἴ κού τε ὀρθὸν ἦν τῶν τειχέων ἢ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἢ τῶν ἱρῶν, πάντα καταβαλὼν καὶ συγχώσας. ἐξήλαυνε δὲ τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὅτε οὔτε ἱππασίμη ἡ χώρη ἦν ἡ ᾿Αττικὴ, εἴ τε νικῷτο συμβαλὼν ἀπάλλαξις οὐκ ἦν ὅτε μὴ κατὰ στεινὸν Ἷ, ὥστε καὶ ὀλύγους σφέας ἀνθρώπους ἴσχειν. ἐβουλεύετο ὧν, ἐπαναχωρήσας ἐς τὰς Θήβας, συμβαλεῖν πρὸς πόλε τε φιλίῃ καὶ χώρῃ ἱππασίμῃ "". Μαρδόνιος μὲν δὴ ὑπεξεχώρεε: ἤδη δὲ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ἐόντι αὐτῷ 14 ἦλθε ἀγγελίη, πρόδρομον" ἄλλην στρατιὴν ἥκειν ἐς Μέγαρα, Μετ ἔπει attempting “Δακεδαιμονίων χιλίους: πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ἐβουλεύετο, θέλων fuitlesly > , a , “ ; \ N54, Beye advanced ε ΚΣ Τούτους πρῶτον ane tnroct peypas δὲ τὴν σΊΡΘΤΙΙ͂Ρ ἦγε guard of the ἐπὶ τὰ Méyapa: ἡ δὲ ἵππος προελθοῦσα κατιππάσατο “χώρην snemy in 33 δσίνετο. This is the reading of all enemy. To the reasons assigned in the the MSS but one (8), which has ἐσινέετο, text for his evacuation of Attica, may be and thie is adopted by Gaisford. In iv. 123, the same MS alone has σιρέεσθαι, which he also adopts. In v. 81, that MS has the common form ἐσίνοντο, and so have all the others except one (M). But Gaisford here adopts the exceptional read- ing. I have throughout preserved the common form, it being sanctioned by the majority of MSS, and the Ionic form ap- parently arising from an arbitrary altera- tion to produce conformity with the canons of the Alexandrine marians. In the existing state of the text, it ap- pears in moet instances quite futile to - attempt to ascertain what form the author actually used; but the safest course pro- bably is, in every case to adopt the com- mon form, unless the weight of MS au- thority decidedly predominates an _ the other side. 6 οὔτε ἐπήμαινε οὔτε ἐσίνετο γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν. While Mardonius held the country, it would have been bad policy in him to have injured the crops, as he would in so doing have been impairing his own resources. When, on the other hand, he determined to retreat into Boso- tia, it became no less desirable to prevent them from falling into the hands of the added that by this means he approached nearer to his own magazines, and removed the allies farther from theirs. 37 ὅτι μὴ κατὰ στεινόν. If he had fought the battle in the Thriasian plain, and been defeated, he would probably have had to withdraw by the pass of Phyle alone. See above, note 22. If i he had engaged in the plain of Athens, his only road in case of defeat would have been by Decelea. 38 irwagiuy. The manuscripts V, P, K, F, a, and c, have the form frraciug, and 8 τῇ ἱππασίμῳ, although the same unanimously agree in ἱππασίμη in the preceding sentence. 39 αὶ y. This is the conjecture of Schweighauser, and adopted by Bek- ker. The MSS and Gaisford have xpd- δρομος. But ἀγγελίη πρόδρομος is an ex- pression which occurs nowhere else, and affords no satisfactory sense, while πρό- δρομοι ἱππέες is found in iv. 121, and πρόδρομοι in iv. 122, for the advanced ts; and in vii. 203, it is asserted of the y of troops under the command of Leonidas: ὡς αὐτοὶ μὸν ἥκοιεν πρόδρομοι τῶν ἄλλων. 15 Mardonius marches by S; dales, ‘una and us, where he constructs a fortified camp within the Theban territory. 16 430 HERODOTUS τὴν Μεγαρίδα. (és ταύτην δὴ ἑκαστάτω τῆς Εὐρώπης δ᾽ τὸ πρὸς ἡλίου δύνοντος ἡ Περσικὴ αὕτη στρατιὴ ἀπίκετο) Mera δὲ ταῦτα, Μαρδονίῳ ἦλθε ἀγγελίη ὡς ἁλέες εἴησαν οἱ "EXAnves ἐν τῷ Ισθμῷ οὕτω δὴ ὀπίσω ἐπορεύετο διὰ Δεκελέης: οἱ yap βοιωτάρχαι μετεπέμψαντο τοὺς προσχώρους τῶν ᾿Ασωπίων" οὗτοι δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν ὁδὸν ἡγέοντο ἐς Σ᾽ φενδαλέας" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἐς Τανά- γρην ἐν Τανάγρῃ δὲ νύκτα ἐναυλισάμενος, καὶ τραπόμενος τῇ ὑστεραίῃ ἐς Σ κῶλον, ἐν γῇ τῇ Θηβαίων ἦν" ἐνθαῦτα δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων καίπερ μηδιξζόντων ἔκειρε τοὺς χώρους, οὔτε κατὰ ἔχθος αὐτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀνωγκαίης μεγάλης ἐχόμενος. βουλόμενος ἔρυμά τε τῷ στρατῷ ποιήσασθαι, καὶ ἣν συμβαλόντι οἱ μὴ ἐκβαΐνῃ ὁκοῖόν τι ἐθέλοι, κρησφύγετον τοῦτο ἐποιέετο. παρῆκε δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ στρα ΤΟΊ ΞΟΟν ἀρξάμενον ἀπὸ Ns oad παρὰ ‘Tous κατ- érewe δὲ ἐς τὴν Πλαταιΐδα γὴν “, παρὰ" τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν ποταμὸν τεταγμένον: οὐ μέντοι τό γε τεῖχος τοσοῦτον ἐποιέετο, GAN ὡς ἐπὶ δέκα σταδίους μάλεστά xn μέτωπον ὅκαστον. ᾿Ἐχόντων δὲ τὸν πόνον τοῦτον τῶν βαρβάρων, ᾿Ατταγῖνος 40 ὡς ταύτην δὴ ἑκαστάτω τῆς Εὑρώπης. See note on viii. 70. Some difficulty has been occasioned by the circumstance that Delphi is considerably to the west of the Megarid; so that the plunder of that temple by the Persian detachment militates against the assertion in the text. This difficulty may be explained away by considering that ἡ Περσικὴ αὕτη στρατιὴ refers only to the second campaign under Mardonius in person. But I rather doubt whether this is the true solution. The determina- tion of the cardinal points is a much more recent discovery than the time of Hero- dotus; and it seems likely that the nar- rator, taking an imaginary standing place at the Dardanelles, would consider gene- rally that the farther the invader went, the greater his westing would be. In fact, the text does not mean, “ This was the westernmost point of Europe reach- ed,’’ but ‘‘ This was the farthest point of Europe, looking westward, which was reached.’’ Δ ἐν γῇ τῇ Θηβαίων ἦν. I suspect that the two next sentences sre trans- posed in the MSS from their original order, and that the text ran: ἐν γῇ τῇ Θηβαίων» ἣν βουλόμενος ἔρυμά τε τῷ στρατῷ ποιήσασθαι, κιτιλ. PAUSANIAS speaks of Scolus as if it had been on the Plateean side of the Asopus, and appa- rently forty stades down the stream from the point where the road from Platea to Thebes crossed that river. That this log fortification, or pak, was actually com- pleted before the general action, seems to follow from the account of the difficulty of its capture (§ 70, below). 42 xarérewe δὲ és τὴν Πλαταίδα γῆν». Just at the entrance of the domain of Plateea were the barrows (three in num- ber) of the Athenians, Lacedemonians, and other Greeks, who fell in the battle. (Pausantas, i ix. 2. 5.) The MSS vary between this word and wepi. I suspect that not only is περὶ the true reading, but that ἀπὸ ᾿Ερυθρέων and περὶ Ὑσιὰς are alternative readings which have become combined m the MSS. Erythra and Hysia are mentioned by Pausanias as if the ruins of the two were close to each other, on the right hand of the road leading from Eleuthere to Plates. Jurt after return- ing to the main road, the tomb of Mardo- hius was seen, likewise on the right of Hv- sie (ix. 2. 1 and 2). Seo note 197 on νυ. 74, above. CALLIOPE. IX. 15, 16. 431 ὁ Φρύν wvos, ἀνὴρ Θηβαῖος, παῤθακευάσειίενοῖ μεγάλως “*, ἐκάλεε He and ἐπὶ ξείνια αὐτόν τε Μαρδόνιον καὶ πεντήκοντα Περσέων τοὺς preci λογιμωτάτους" κληθέντες δὲ οὗτοι ἕποντο' ἦν δὲ τὸ δεῖπνον ποιεύ- πο βῆ εἰ μενον ἐν Θήβῃσι. τὰ δὲ ἤδη τὰ ἐπίλοιπα ἤκουον Θερσάνδρου, ee ἀνδρὸς μὲν ᾿Ορχομενίου, λογίμου δὲ ἐς τὰ πρῶτα ἐν ᾿Ορχομενῷ' Thebes Τιμοῦδα, ia ἔφη δὲ ὁ Θέρσανδρος κληθῆναι καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ ᾿Ατταγίνου ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦτο κληθῆναι δὲ καὶ Θηβαίων ἄνδρας πεντήκοντα’ καί σῴφεων οὐ χωρὶς ἑκατέρους κλῖναι, ἀλλὰ Πέρσην τε καὶ Θηβαῖον ἐν κλίνῃ ἑκάστῃ" ὧς δὲ. ἀπὸ δείπνου ἧσαν, διαπινόντων "", τὸν Πέρσην τὸν ὁμόκλινον, Ελλάδα γλῶσσαν ἱέντα, εἴρεσθαι αὐτὸν ὁποδαπός ἐστι ; αὐτὸς δὲ ὑποκρίνασθαι ὡς εἴη ᾿Ορχομένιος" τὸν δὲ εἰπεῖν' “ ἐπεὶ νῦν ὁμοτράπεζός τέ μοι καὶ ὁμόσπονδος story told ἐγένεο, μνημόσυνά τοι γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς καταλιπέσθαι θέλω, ἵνα τ iy καὶ προειδὼς αὐτὸς περὶ σεωυτοῦ βουλεύεσθαι ἔχῃς τὰ συμφέ- Therander ροντα. ὁρᾷς τούτους τοὺς Sasvupévous Πέρσας, καὶ τὸν στρατὸν menus: who τὸν ἐλίπομεν ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ στρατοπεδευόμενον ; τούτων πάν- the com- των ὄψεαι, ὀλύγον τινὸς χρόνου διελθόντος, ὀλύγους τινὰς τοὺς περυγενομένους." ταῦτά τε ἅμα τὸν Πέρσην λέγειν, καὶ μετιέναι πολλὰ τῶν δακρύων αὐτὸς δὲ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον, εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν’ “ οὐκῶν Μαρδονίῳ τε ταῦτα χρεόν ἐστε λέγειν, καὶ τοῖσι μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν αἴνῃ ἐοῦσι "5 Περσέων ;" τὸν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα εἰπεῖν' “ξεῖνε, ὅ τι δεῖ γενέσθαι ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ ἀμήχανον ἀποτρέψαι ἀνθρώπῳ' οὐδὲ γὰρ πιστὰ λέγουσι ἐθέλει πείθεσθαι οὐδείς" 44 παρασκενασάμενος μεγάλως. The and the consequence of the loss of the constitution of Thebes appears at this time to have been a very close oligarchy, the members of which (to judge from the instance of Attaginus and some of his party, see below, § 88) were men of very great wealth. The Theban orator in Tuucypipes, iii. 62, so describes the matter: ἡμῖν μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις τότε ἐτύγ- xavey οὔτε κατ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίαν ἰσόνομον πο- λιτεύουσα οὔτε κατὰ δημοκρατίαν" ὅπερ δέ ἐστι νόμοις μὲν καὶ τῷ σωφρονεστάτῳ ἐναντιώτατον, ὀγγυτάτω δὲ τυράννου, δυ- ναστεία ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν εἶχε τὰ πράγματα. Of course, after the defeat οὗ Mardonius, and the expulsion of the heads of the Per- sian party (below, § 88), the constitution would be in some way or other changed. At the time of the battle of Ginophyta, which happened quite at the beginning of the year 456 3.c., it was a democracy ; battle was the destruction of that form of government. (AnisToTie, Polit. v. 2. ) 45 διαπινόντων. This phrase is espe- cially applicable to the conviviality of a drinking party, where the cup is passed from the one to the other, and 80 goes through the whole number. Similarly διακελεύειν is to pass an order through a number of persons, from one to the other. The expression rests on the same idea with the English phrase, “to drink about.” Compare v. 18, ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ δείπνον γένοντο, διαπίνοντες εἶπαν of Πέρσαι τάδε. 46 ἐν αἴνῃ ἐοῦσι. This same expression is applied to Prexaspes, iii. 74, and to Themistocles, viii. 42: πυνθανόμενοι ὡς εἴη ἐν αἴνῃ μεγίστῃ τῶν στρατηγῶν. Proceedings 17 of Mardo- nius to- wards a body of 1000 Pho- ctan ho lites, who came late into the field. 18 432 HERODOTUS ταῦτα δὲ Περσέων συχνοὶ ἐπιστάμενοι ἑπόμεθα ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδε- δεμένοι ". ἐχθίστη δὲ ὀδύνη ἐστὶ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι αὕτη, πολλὰ φρονέοντα μηδενὸς κρατέειν.᾽ ταῦτα μὲν τοῦ ᾿Ορχομενίου Θερ- σάνδρου ἤκουον, καὶ τάδε πρὸς τούτοισι, ὡς αὐτὸς αὐτίκα λέγοι ταῦτα πρὸς ἀνθρώπους πρότερον ἢ γενέσθαε ἐν Πλαταιῇσε τὴν μάχην. Μαρδονίου δὲ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ otparoredevopévou, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παρείχοντο ἅπαντες στρατιὴν, καὶ συνεσέβαλον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ὅσοι- περ ἐμήδιζον Ελλήνων τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων: μοῦνοι δὲ Φωκέες οὐ συνεσέβαλον' ἐμήδιζον γὰρ δὴ σφόδρα καὶ οὗτοι", οὐκ ἑκόντες ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης" ἡμέρησι δὲ οὐ πολλῇσι μετὰ τὴν ἄπιξιν τὴν ἐς Θήβας ὕστερον, ἦλθον αὐτῶν ὁπλῖται χίλιοι: ἦγε δὲ αὐτοὺς “Αρμοκύδης, ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν δοκιμώτατος “" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπίκατο καὶ οὗτοι ἐς Θήβας, πέμψας ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἱππέας, ἐκέλευσέ σφεας ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἵζεσθαι" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐποίησαν ταῦτα, αὐτίκα παρὴν ἡ ἵππος ὅπασα' peta δὲ ταῦτα, διεξῆλθε μὲν διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῦ ᾿Ελληνικοῦ τοῦ μετὰ Μήδων "' ἐόντος φήμη, ὡς κατακοντιεῖ σφέας" διεξῆλθε δὲ δι’ αὐτῶν Φωκέων τὠντὸ τοῦτο: ἔνθα δή σφι ὁ στρατηγὸς ‘Appoxddns παραίνεε λέγων τοιάδε: “ὦ Φωκέες, πρόδηλα γὰρ ὅτι ἡμέας οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι μέλλουσι προ- ὄπτῳ θανάτῳ δώσειν, διαβεβλημένους ὑπὸ Θεσσαλῶν, ὡς ἐγὼ εἰκάζω: νῦν ὧν ἄνδρα πάντα τινὰ ὑμέων χρεόν ἐστι γενέσθαι ἀγαθόν: κρέσσον γὰρ ποιεῦντάς τι καὶ ἀμυνομένους τελευτῆσαι τὸν αἰῶνα, ἤπερ παρέχοντας διαφθαρῆναι αἰσχίστῳ μόρῳ: ἀλλὰ μαθέτω τις αὐτῶν ὅτι ἐόντες βάρβαροι ἐπ᾽ “Ἕλλησι ἀνδράσι φόνον ἔρραψαν." Ὃὧ μὲν ὧν ταῦτα παραΐίνεε οἱ δὲ ἱππέες, ἐπεί τέ σφεας ἐκυκλώσαντο, ἐπήλαυνον ὡς ἀπολεῦντες, καὶ δὴ διετεί- 47 ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδεδεμένοι. A similar ex- pression is used i. 11: ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδεῖν. 48 ἐμήδιζον γὰρ δὴ σφόδρα καὶ οὗτοι, “(ῸΓ these too came to profess Persian views strongly.”’ The Phocians had at first refused to join the invaders (viii. 30), but seem to have been thoroughly cowed by the sufferings inflicted upon them by that division of Xerxes’s army which overran their territory (viii. 32, 33). The expression μηδίζοντες μεγάλως is used of the Thebans (§ 40, below), and some of the MSS have μεγάλως instead of σφόδρα in this passage. The affectation of violent attachment to the cause of the invader was perhaps produced by a desire to οαἴ- bid the Thessalians, if the statement of Herodotus as to the feelings of the Pho- cians (viii. 30) be correct; and to the last some seem to have stood out, and carried on a guerilla warfare against the enemy (§ 31, below). 43 δοκιμώτατος. The manuscripts M, P, K, F, have δυνατώτατος. 60 és” ἑωντῶν ἵζεσθαι. See below, note on § 38. $1 Μήδων. 8 has Μήδον. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 17---20. 433 vovro Ta βέλεα ὡς ἀπήσοντες" καί κού τις καὶ ἀπῆκε. καὶ οἱ ἀντίοι ἕστασαν, πάντη συστρέψαντες ἑωντοὺς καὶ πυκνώσαντες "2 ὡς μάλιστα: ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἱππόται ὑπέστρεφον, καὶ ἀπήλαυνον ὀπίσω. οὐκ ἔχω δ᾽ ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν, οὔτε εἰ ἦλθον μὲν ἀπολέοντες τοὺς Φωκέας δεηθέντων Θεσσαλῶν, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὥρων πρὸς ἀλέξησιν τραπομένους, δείσαντες μὴ καὶ σφίσι γένηται τρώματα οὕτω δὴ ἀπήλαυνον ὀπίσω ὡς γάρ σφι ἐνετείλατο Μαρδόνιος" οὔτ᾽ εἰ αὐτῶν πειρηθῆναι ἠθέλησε εἴ τι ἀλκῆς μετέχουσι". ὡς δὲ ὀπίσω ἀπήλασαν οἱ ἑππόται, πέμψας Μαρδόνιος κήρυκα ἔλεγε τάδε' “θαρσέετε, ὦ Φωκέες" ἄνδρες γὰρ ἐφάνητε ἐόντες ἀγαθοὶ, οὐκ ὡς ἐγὼ ἐπυνθανόμην" καὶ νῦν προθύμως φέρετε τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον" εὐεργεσίῃσι γὰρ οὐ νικήσετε οὔτε ὧν ἐμὲ, οὔτε βασιλέα." τὰ περὶ Φωκέων μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτο ἀγένετο. “Δακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ, ὡς ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἦλθον, ἐν τούτῳ ἐστρατο- 19 πεδεύοντο᾽ πυνθανόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα οἱ λοιποὶ" Πελοποννήσιοι The allies | τοῖσι τὰ ἀμείνω ἑάνδανε, οἱ δὲ καὶ ὁρέοντες ἐξιόντας Σ᾽ παρτιήτας, Bleusis and οὐκ ἐδικαίευν λείπεσθαι τῆς ἐξόδον Δακεδαιμονίων. ἐκ δὴ ὧν has. τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ, καλλιερησάντων τῶν ἱρῶν, ἐπορεύοντο πάντες καὶ where they ἀπικνέονται ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα' ποιήσαντες δὲ καὶ ἐνθαῦτα ἱρὰ, ὥς uy oe σφι ἐκαλλιέρεε **, τὸ πρόσω ἐπορεύοντο, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἅμα αὐτοῖσι ay ene διαβάντες μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος συμμυγέντες δὲ ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι. ὡς δὲ ἄρα ἀπίκοντο τῆς Βοιωτίης ἐς ᾿Ερυθρὰς, ἔμαθόν τε δὴ τοὺς βαρ- βάρους ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ασωπῷ στρατοπεδευομένους, φρασθέντες δὲ τοῦτο ἀντετάσσοντο ἐπὶ τῆς ὑπωρείης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος. Μαρδόνιος δὲ, 90 ὡς οὐ κατέβαινον οἱ “Ελληνες ἐς τὸ πεδίον, πέμπει ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐς τ πον by πᾶσαν τὴν ἵππον, τῆς ἱππάρχεε Μασίστιος, εὐδοκιμέων παρὰ the Persian ͵ 19 56 , Ἂ ΠΕ un- Πέρσῃσι, (τὸν “EXAnves Maxioriov’® καλέουσι,) ἵππον ἔχων der asis- 52 πάγτῃ συστρέψαντες δωντοὺ: καὶ κυκνώσαντες. 8. has πάντες στρέψαντες ἑωυτοὺς καὶ κυκλώσαντες. The phrase συστρέφειν is used by Herodotus to de- note the policy of Deioces, by which he brought the Median clans into one na- tion (i. 101). In 6 military sense ov- στρέφεσθαι answers to the Latin “ con- globari.” 53 εἴ τι ἀλκῆς μετέχουσι. Two of the manuscripts (ὁ and d) have εἴ τι ἀλκῆς ἔχουσι, which Valckenaer would adopt. But a very good sense may be given to the compound verb, even without taking VOL. II. ἀλκῆς after μετέχουσι,---ἰο which how- ever there is no objection. See note 686 on i. 204, and 63 on vi. 23. δὲ Aoiwol. This word is omitted by 8. 55 Ss σφι ἑκαλλιέρεε. Gaisford reads, Ss σφι ἐκαλλιερέετο, πρόσω. But the form καλλιερεῖν is used in the sense re- quired here, not only two lines back, but in vii. 134. Bekker reads accordingly &s σφι ἐκαλλιέρεε, τὸ πρόσω ἐπορεύοντο. 56 Μακίστιον. The name Masista is said in Zend to have the signification of μέγιστος. But it does not appear to me likely that the variation of the name to 3 κ 21 The Mega- rians are hardest pressed, 22 alone volun- teer to re- lieve them. Masistius is slain with much 434 HERODOTUS Nicaiov", χρυσοχάλινόν τε καὶ ἄλλως κεκοσμημένον Karas ἐνθαῦτα ὡς προσήλασαν οἱ ἱππόται πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας, προσ- ἐβαλλον κατὰ τέλεα ". προσβάλλοντες δὲ κακὰ μεγάλα ἐργάζοντο, καὶ γυναῖκάς σφεας ἀπεκάλεον. Κατὰ συντυχίην δὲ Μεγαρέες ἔτυχον ταχθέντες ἦ τὸ ἐπιμαχώτατον ἣν τοῦ χωρίου παντός" καὶ πρόσοδος μάλιστα ταύτῃ ἐγίνετο τῇ ἵππῳ' προσβαλούσης ὧν τῆς ἵππου, οἱ Μεγαρέες πιεζόμενοι ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ελλήνων κήρυκα' ἀπικόμενος δὲ ὁ κήρνξ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τάδε' “ Meyapées λέγουσι ἡμεῖς, ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, οὐ δυνατοί εἰμεν τὴν Περσέων ἵτπον δέκεσθαι μοῦνοι, ἔχοντες στάσιν ταύτην ἐς τὴν ἔὄστημεν ἀρχήν' ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς τόδε λιπαρίῃ τε καὶ ἀρετῇ ἀντέχομεν, καίπερ πιεζεύμενοι" νῦν τε, εἶ μή τινας ἄλλους πέμψετε διαδόχους τῆς τάξιος, ἴστε ἡμέας ἐκλείψοντας τὴν τάξιν." ὁ μὲν δή σφι ταῦτα ἀπήγγειλε: Παυσανίης δὲ ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν ᾿Ελλή- νων, εἴ τινες ἐθέλοιεν ἄλλοι ἐθελονταὶ ἰέναι τε ἐς τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον, καὶ τάσσεσθαι διάδοχοι Μεγαρεῦσι οὐ βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑπεδέξαντο, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων οἱ τριηκόσιοι λογάδες τῶν ἐλοχήγεε ᾿Ολυμπιόδωρος ὁ Λάμπωνος. Οὗτοι ἧσαν οἵ τε ὑποδεξάμενοι, καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρεόντων ᾿Ελλή- νων ἐς ᾿Ερυθρὰς ταχθέντες, τοὺς τοξότας προσέλόμενοι: μαχο- μένων δέ σφεων ἐπὶ χρόνον, τέλος τοιόνδε ἐγένετο τῆς payns προσβαλλούσης τῆς ἵππου κατὰ τέλεα, ὁ Μασιστίου προέχων τῶν ἄλλων ἵππος βάλλεται τοξεύματι τὰ πλευρά' ἀνγήσας δὲ, ἵσταταί τε ὀρθὸς καὶ ἀποσείεται τὸν Μασίστιον' πεσόντι δὲ αὐτῷ φ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι αὐτίκα ἐπεκέατο' τόν τε δὴ ἵππον αὐτοῦ λαμβάνουσι Macistius arose out of any consciousness of this, and a desire to convey the sense. of the word. I should rather conceive it to have sprung out of a kind of jesting allusion to the stature of the Persian chief. (See § 25.) Both Piurarcsa and Pav- SANIAS speak of the individual by the name Masistiue, without any hint of a variation. δ΄ Νισαῖον. The manuscripts 8, F, c, have Νησαῖον. Of these horses see note 307 on iii. 106, and 14] on vii. 40. 48 προσέβαλλον κατὰ τέλεα. The ma- hoeuvre apparently was an attack by squadrons, each successive one delivering its javelins as it reached the line of the Greeks, but not attempting to break the phalanx. After the discharge of the mis- siles, each squadron would make room, by 8 movement in column, for its successor to attack. The greater the rapidity with which the whole were brought up one after the other, the more effective the operation would be; and this rapidity no doubt it was which prevented the troops from discovering that their commander had fallen, until the whole body had deli- vered their missiles and reassembled themselves. When this at last took place, they were in a situation to charge in a body, which they accordingly did (ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἵππους πάντες, οὐκέτι κατὰ τέλεα, §§ 22, 3). CALLIOPE. IX. 21—24. 435 \ >. λ" 3 4 ᾽ > 2 9 4 4 ’ "αὶ αὐτὸν ἀμυνόμενον κτείνουσι, κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς οὐ δυνάμενοι" ἐνεσκεύ- difficulty “ > A , , ’ , from the acto yap οὕτω" ἐντὸς θώρηκα εἶχε χρύσεον λεπιδωτόν' κατύπερθε excellence a , a ἢ , , ἢ . Οὗδ shirt of δὲ τοῦ θώρηκος κιθῶνα φοινίκεον ἐνδεδύκεε: τύπτοντες δὲ ἐς τὸν sold-mail Θώρηκα, ἐποίευν οὐδέν' πρίν γε δὴ μαθών τις τὸ ποιεύμενον, παίει δ λοι he μειν ἐς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν" οὕτω δὴ ἔπεσέ τε καὶ ἀπέθανε. ταῦτα δέ bis clothes. κως γινόμενα ἐλελήθεε τοὺς ἄλλους ἱππέας: οὔτε γὰρ πεσόντα 9 4 “ΝΟ tA > [4 > , tA pewv εἶδον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου οὔτε ἀποθνήσκοντα' ἀναχωρήσιός τε “γινομένης καὶ ὑποστροφῆς οὐκ ἔμαθον τὸ γενόμενον, ἐπεί τε δὲ ἔστησαν, αὐτίκα ἐπόθεσαν", ὥς σῴφεας οὐδεὶς ἦν ὁ τάσσων' μαθόντες δὲ τὸ γεγονὸς, διακελευσάμενοι ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἵππους ᾿Ιδόντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 23 οὐκέτι κατὰ τέλεα προσέλαύνοντας τοὺς ἱππέας, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα πάντας, ee κλω τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὴν ἐπεβώσαντο' ἐν ᾧ δὲ ὁ πεζὸς ἅπας ἐβώθεε “,, for the a 9 7] 9 nw A “Ὁ μ his co ἐν τούτῳ μάχη ὀξεῖα περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ γίνεται. ἕως μέν νυν οὐ Ἰνὼ ἦσαν οἱ τριηκόσιοι, ἑσσοῦντό τε πολλὸν καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἀπέλειπον' μην ae conledera ὡς δέ ot τὸ πλῆθος ἐπεβοήθησαν, οὕτω δὴ οὐκέτι οἱ ἱππόται carry off. ὑπέμενον, οὐδέ σφι ἐξεγένετο τὸν νεκρὸν ἀνελέσθαι' ἀλλὰ πρὸς > [4 ’ a e , 2 , 61 2 ἐκείνῳ ἄλλους προσαπόλεσαν τῶν ἱππέων. ἀποστήσαντες ' ὧν ὅσον τε δύο στάδια, ἐβουλεύοντο ὅ τι χρεὸν εἴη ποιέειν; ἐδόκεε vA e c ‘\ 2 , στάντες, ὡς ἂν τόν γε νεκρὸν ἀνελοίατο. δέ σφι, ἀναρχίης ἐούσης, ἀπελαύνειν παρὰ Μαρδόνιον. ᾿Απικο- 24 μένης δὲ τῆς ἵππου ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, πένθος ἐποιήσαντο Μασι- ἄκος, ἘΈ στίον πᾶσά τε ἡ στρατιὴ καὶ Μαρδόνιος μέγιστον, σφέας τε linea αὐτοὺς κείροντες καὶ τοὺς ἵππους καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια "5, οἰμωγῇ τε Masistiue. χρεώμενοι ἀπλέτῳ: ἅπασαν γὰρ τὴν Βοιωτίην κατεῖχε yo: 59 ἐπόθεσαν. This is the reading of all Thessalian allies. Prutancn (Pelopid., the MSS, but it is probably corrupt. The most probable conjecture is ὀπόθησαν, a word used by Herodotus in the sense of “4 missed ” (iii. 36). 60 ἐβώθεε. See above. 61 ἀποστήσαντες, “having retired.” The word seems used technically to de- note the manceuvre which was the oppo- site of προσελαύνειν. 62 σφέας τε αὐτοὺς κείροντες καὶ τοὺς ἵππους καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια. I am not aware of any thing confirming the inference which might be drawn from this passage, that the Persians cut the manes and tails of their horses as a mark of mourning. But such was really the practice of their note 4 on viii. l, § 33.) Thus Eurrprpzes makes Admetus on learning the death of his wife, give the order : τέθριππά τ᾽ of (εύγνυσθε καὶ μονάμπυκας πώλους, σιδήρῳ τέμνετ᾽ αὐχένων φόβην. (Alcest. 428.) 42 ὅπασαν γὰρ Thy Βοιωτίην κατεῖχε ἠχώ. This is not to be considered a simple exaggeration, meaning that the sound was so great that the noise of the mourners in the camp was heard all over the country. A general order was no doubt given for the highest funeral ho- nours to be bestowed on Masistius; and 3K 2 25 Exultation of the allies, who move from the neighbour- 8 position accessible to cavalry. 26 436 HERODOTUS ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀπολομένου μετά γε Μαρδόνιόν λογιμωτάτου παρά τε Πέρσῃσι καὶ βασιλέϊ. Οἱ μέν νυν βάρβαροι τρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ ἀποθανόντα ἐτίμων Μασίστιον: οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες, ὡς τὴν ἵππον ἐδέξαντο προσβάλλουσαν καὶ δεξάμενοι ὥσαντο, ἐθάρσησάν τε πολλῷ μᾶλλον, καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἐς ἅμαξαν ἐσθέντες τὸν νεκρὸν παρὰ τὰς τάξις ἐκόμιζον. 6 δὲ νεκρὸς ἦν θέης ἄξιος, μεγάθεος εἵνεκα καὶ κάλλεος" τῶν δὲ εἵνεκα καὶ ταῦτα ἐποίευν: ἐκλείποντες τὰς τάξις ἐφοίτεον θεησόμενοε Μασίστιον: μετὰ δὲ, ἔδοξέ σφι ἐπικαταβῆναι ἐς Πλαταιάς: ὁ γὰρ χῶρος ἐφαίνετο πολλῷ ἐὼν ἐπιτηδεώτερός σφι ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαε ὁ Πλαταιϊκὸς τοῦ ᾽Ἐρυ- θραίου, τά τε ἄλλα, καὶ εὐὐδρότερος" ἐς τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χῶρον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν κρήνην τὴν Γαργαφίην " τὴν ἐν τῷ χώρῳ τούτῳ ἐοῦσαν, ἔδοξέ ode χρεὸν εἶναε ἀπικέσθαι, καὶ διαταχθέντας στρατοπε- δεύεσθαι' ἀναλαβόντες δὲ τὰ ὅπλα, ἤϊσαν διὰ τῆς ὑπωρείης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος παρὰ Ὑσιὰς ἐς τὴν Πλαταιΐδα γῆν, ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐτάσσοντο κατὰ ἔθνεα πλησίον τῆς τε κρήνης τῆς Γαργαφίης καὶ τοῦ τεμένεος τοῦ ᾿Ανδροκράτεος τοῦ ἥρωος “, διὰ ὄχθων τε οὐκ ὑψηλῶν καὶ ἀπέδου χωρίου. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἐν τῇ διατάξι ἐγένετο λόγων πολλὸς "“ ὠθισμὸς the result of this would be a wailing and lamentation wherever troops were posted. If the numbers of Mardonius’s army were any thing like what is related, the extent of his line must have been such that the assertion in the text may well be true, almost to the letter. A traveller would no sooner get beyond the sound of the cries of one body of troops than he would begin to hear those of another. δ. Ῥαργαφίην. This is the reading of all the MSS except 8, which both here and below (§ 49) has Γαρσαφίην. The fountain has been identified with one named in the present day Vergentiani, ἃ copious stream just on the left of the road leading from the pass of. Cithzeron (for- merly called Apdos κεφαλαὶ) to Platea. During the summer months it supplies with water the villages of Gondara and Velia, the former of which is supposed to occupy the site of part of Hysie. From the pass Apidos κεφαλαὶ to the vestiges of the ancient Plateza is about three miles, and about half-way is a low range of hills running northward from the main range of Cithseron, and forming 8 waterahed be- tween one of the feeders of the Asopus, . which falls into the A°gean, and another river, probably the Oeroe, the waters of which after passing by Pilatea fall into the gulf of Corinth. Both the Asopus and this river have separate branches in the mountain, and the latter precisely forms that sort of island, described by Herodotus (below, § 50). Its streams, like those of other Grecian rivers, are merely torrents in the winter; but the Asopus, which is rather more consider- able, has stagnant pools in different parta of its channel, even throughout the sum- mer. (Connex Sauing, ap. Walpole's Turkey, i. p. 338.) 6S χεμένεος τοῦ ᾿Ανδροκράτεος τοῦ fipwos. This fane stood on the right hand of the road which led direct from Platea to Thebes (Tuucypipgg, iii. 24), and must have been quite close to the former. 66 πολλός. Several of the MSS have πολλῶν, but Gaisford has followed the reading of S and V. It is defended by the general use of Herodotus. Compare vii. 225: Περσέων τε καὶ Λακεδειρονίων CALLIOPE. IX. 26, 26. 437 Τεγεητέων te καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων" ἐδικαίευν yap αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ὄχειν Dispute for TO erepav κέρας, καὶ καινὰ καὶ παλαιὰ maparpépovres ἔργα. τοῦτο Beton tit μὲν οἱ Τεγεῆται ἔλεγον τάδε" “ ἡμεῖς αἰεί κοτε ἀξιεύμεθα ταύτης Τρ cated τῆς τάξιος ἐκ τῶν συμμάχων ἁπάντων, ὅσαι ἤδη ἔξοδοι κοιναὶ ἐγένοντο Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν “7 καὶ τὸ νέον, ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου ἐπεί τε “Hpaxdeidas ἐπειρῶντο μετὰ τὸν Εὐρυσθέος θάνατον κατιόντες ἐς Πελοπόννησον. τότε εὑρόμεθα τοῦτο διὰ πρῆγμα τοιόνδε' ἐπεὶ μετὰ ᾿Αχαιῶν καὶ ᾿Ιώνων τῶν τότε ἐόντων ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ “", ἐκβοηθήσαντες ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἰζόμεθα ἀντίοι τοῖσι κατιοῦσι' τότε ὧν λόγος Ὕλλον ἀγορεύσασθαι, ὡς χρεὸν εἴη τὸν μὲν στρατὸν τῷ στρατῷ μὴ ἀνακινδυνεύειν συμβάλλοντα: ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Πελοποννησίου στρατοπέδου, τὸν ἂν σφέων αὐτῶν κρίνωσι εἶναι ἄριστον τοῦτόν οἱ μουνομαχῆσαι ἐπὶ διακειμένοισι. ἔδοξέ τε τοῖσι Πελοποννησίοισι ταῦτα εἶναι ποιητέα, καὶ ὅταμον ὅρκια ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε' ἣν μὲν "Υλλος νικήσῃ τὸν Πελοποννησίων ἡγεμόνα, κατιέναι ᾿Ηρακλείδας ἐπὶ τὰ πατρώϊα' ἣν δὲ νικηθῇ, τὰ ἔμπαλιν Ἡρακλείδας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, καὶ ἀπάγειν τὴν στρατιήν" ἑκατόν τε ἐτέων μὴ ξητῆσαει κάτοδον ἐς Πελοπόννησον. προεκρίθη τε δὴ ἐκ πάντων συμμάχων ἐθελοντὴς "Ἔχεμος ὁ ᾿Ηερόπου, τοῦ Φηγγέος 5, στρατηγός τε ἐὼν καὶ βασιλεὺς ἡμέτερος" καὶ ἐμουνο- μάχησέ τε καὶ ἀπέκτεινε ὝΛλλον" ἐκ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου εὑρόμεθα ἐν τοῖσι Πελοποννησίοισι τοῖσι τότε καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα, τὰ διατελέομεν ἔχοντες Ἶν, καὶ τοῦ κέρεος τοῦ ἑτέρου αἰεὶ ἡγεμο- ἀθισμὸς ἐγένετο πολλός. Vili. 78 : φγένετο ὠθισμὸς λόγων πολλός. 67 +d παλαιόν. S and V have τὸ πάλαι, which perhaps may have been altered in the other MSS for the sake of metry. 66 Ἰώνων τῶν τότε ἐόντων ἐν TleAowor- γήσῳφ. The Ionians referred to here are the inhabitants of the Megarid, who, according to the Affic traditions, al- though not according to their own, were Ionian, and ethnically identical with the race inhabiting Attica, unti] the invasion of the latter by the Peloponnesians in the time of Codrus. (See the note 203 on v. 76.) Herodotus, therefore, would seem here to be giving an Afhenian account of the incident which he describes. 60 Ἔχεμος ὁ "Hepéwev, τοῦ Φηγέος. Pavusanras (viii. 5. 1) makes not Phe- geus, but Cepheus, to be the grandfather of Echemus. It need not necessarily be supposed that he foand a different read- ing in Herodotus. The traditions of the Greeks were, he says, very different from one another, and especially in the genealo- gies (viii. 58. δ). Phegeus has every mark of being 8 genuine Arcadian name. The combat in which Hyllus was slain was on the confines of the Megarian and Co. rinthian territory. 70 ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα, τὰ διατελέομεν ἔχοντες. What these privileges were, it is now impossible to do more than conjecture; but it seems likely that the influence of the Tegean Chileus mentioned above (§ 9) was not a merely personal one, but aroee, partly at least, out of the position which he held as representative of his country- men at Sparta. It will be seen, that in 27 488 HERODOTUS νεύειν κοινῆς ἐξόδου γινομένης. ὑμῖν μέν νυν, ὦ Δακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐκ ἀντιεύμεθα' ἀλλὰ διδόντες αἵρεσιν ὁκοτέρου βούλεσθε κέρεος ἄρχειν, παρίεμεν' τοῦ δὲ ἑτέρου φαμὲν ἡμέας ἱκνέεσθαι ἦγεμο- νεύειν, κατάπερ ἐν τῷ πρόσθε χρόνῳ χωρίς τε τούτον τοῦ ἀπηγημένου ἔργου, ἀξιονικότεροί εἶμεν ᾿Αθηναίων ταύτην τὴν τάξιν ἔχειν: πολλοὶ μὲν γάρ τε καὶ εὖ ἔχοντες πρὸς ὑμέας " ἡμῖν, ἄνδρες Σπαρτιῆται, ἀγῶνες ἀγωνίδαται, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἄλλους" οὕτω ὧν ἡμέας δίκαιον ἔχειν τὸ ἕτερον κέρας, ἤπερ ᾿Αθηναίους ἴ. οὐ γάρ σφί ἐστι ἔργα οἷά περ ἡμῖν κατεργασμένα, οὔτ᾽ ὧν καινὰ οὔτε παλαιά." Οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο τάδε' “ ἐπιστάμεθα μὲν σύνοδον τήνδε μάχης εἵνεκα συλλεγῆναι πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγων. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Τεγεήτης ᾿ προέθηκε παλαιὰ καὶ καινὰ λέγειν τὰ ἑκατέροισι ἐν τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ κατέργασται χρηστὰ, ἀνωγκαίως ἡμῖν ἔχει δηλῶσαι πρὸς ὑμέας, ὅθεν ἡμῖν πα- τρώϊόν ἐστι, ἐοῦσι χρηστοῖσι αἰεὶ, πρώτοισι εἶναι μᾶλλον ἡ Αρκάσιἵ"- the disposition of the troops, the Tegeans are quite separated from the rest of the Arcadians, and placed next to the five thousand Spartans,—in a more honour- able position therefore than even the picked Lacedzemonian pericecian hoplites, ---καὶ τιμῆς ἕνεκα καὶ ἀρετῆς (below, § 28). Perhaps one of the conditions under which they submitted to the su- premacy of Sparta, after the long series of wars, was that they should in all re- spects be on a superior footing to these, and always rank next to the pure Spar- tans. This, in time of war, would give them one of the wings where the force was purely Peloponnesian, and in time of peace might entitle those of them that were in Sparta to an honourable place at festivals, and such like distinctions. It would be only natural, if the Tegeans stood in a better position than the non- Spartan Lacedemonians, that the latter should be exceedingly pleased with any opportunity of humbling them, and should for this purpose take advantage of the new case which offered, of Athenians joining the Peloponnesian confederacy. The terms in which they decided in favour of the claim of these contain a supercilious re- flection on their opponents. See note 77 on § 27, below. 71 πρὸς budas. See above, i. 67. 72 οὕτω ὧν ἡμέας δίκαιον ἔχειν τὸ ἕτερον κέρας, ἥπερ ᾿Αθηναίους. This pas- sage is generally considered as an instance of the use of the positive adjective in pre- cise equivalence to the comparative; and if it be not corrupt, it certainly is so; for there is nothing in the words which allow even of the inference of a comparative sense, such, for instance, as in the passage of TuEocaitvs (ix. 20): ἔχω δέ τοι οὐδ' ὅσον Spay χείματος ἣ νωδὸς καρύων, ἀμύλοιο παρόν- TOS, or as in πρώτοισι εἶναι ἣ ᾿Αρκάσι in the next section, supposing the reading of S to be adopted. I doubt whether any real case can be produced from early authors of an interchange of degrees such as that in the text. But the manuscripts are unanimous; and the reading, if corrupt, is probably as ancient as the Alexandrine times, when apparent solecisms came to be studiously imitated, and thus to pro- duce real ones. 18 ὁ Teyefrns. i μᾶλλον ἢ ᾿Αρκάσι. This appears to be the reading of all the MSS een one (8), which omits the word μᾶλλον. Gais- ford however follows it, considering the word μᾶλλον in the rest to have been in- See note 511 on i. CALLIOPE. IX. 27. 439 ἩΗρακλείδας τῶν οὗτοι φασὶ ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἡγεμόνα ἐν ᾿Ισθμῷ, τοῦτο μὲν τούτους πρότερον, ἐξελαυνομένους ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν ᾿Ελ- λήνων ἐς τοὺς ἀπικοίατο φεύγοντες δουλοσύνην πρὸς Μυκηναίων, μοῦνοι ὑποδεξάμενοι, τὴν Εὐρυσθέος ὕβριν κατεΐλομεν, σὺν κείνοισι μάχῃ νικήσαντες τοὺς τότε ἔχοντας Πελοπόννησον: τοῦτο δὲ, ᾿Αργείους τοὺς μετὰ Πολυνείκεος ἐπὶ Θήβας ἐλάσαντας, τελευ- τήσαντας τὸν αἰῶνα καὶ ἀτάφους κειμένους, στρατευσάμενοι ἐπὶ τοὺς Καδμείους, ἀνελέσθαι τε τοὺς νεκρούς φαμεν καὶ θάψαι τῆς ἡμετέρης ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι. ἔστι δὲ ἡμῖν ἔργον εὖ ἔχον καὶ ἐς ᾿Αμα- ζονίδας, τὰς ἀπὸ Θερμώδοντος ποταμοῦ ἐσβαλούσας κοτὲ ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικήν 5. καὶ ἐν τοῖσι Τρωϊκοῖσι πόνοισι οὐδαμῶν ἐλει- πόμεθα. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τι προέχει τούτων ἐπιμεμνῆσθαι" καὶ γὰρ ἂν χρηστοὶ τότε ἐόντες ὠὐτοὶ νῦν ἂν εἶεν φλαυρότεροι, καὶ τότε ἐόντες φλαῦροι νῦν ἂν εἶεν ἀμείνονες. παλαιῶν μέν νυν ἔργων ἅλις ἔστω. ἡμῖν δὲ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶ ἀποδεδεγμένον, ὥσπερ ἐστὶ πολλά τε καὶ εὖ ἔχοντα εἰ τέοισι καὶ ἄλλοισι ᾿ Ἑλλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἔργου ἄξιοί εἰμεν τοῦτο τὸ γέρας ἔχειν, καὶ ἄλλα πρὸς τούτῳ' οἵτινες μοῦνοι ᾿Ελλήνων δὴ μουνο- μαχήσαντες τῷ Πέρσῃ, καὶ ἔργῳ τοσούτῳ ἐπιχειρήσαντες, περι- ἐγενόμεθα, καὶ ἐνικήσαμεν ἔθνεα ἕξ τε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα ἴδ. dp’ serted as a gloss. This is possible; but it seems to me more probable that it has been omitted from S by an error of the copyist, who originally left out 4 also. 73 ἐσβαλούσας κοτὲ ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Ατ- τικήν. The celebrated Hill of Mars was the site of the Amazonian encampment, and their settlement upon it was in the Attic older legends represented as an émi- τειχισμὸς against Athens. In this way ZESCHYLUS alludes to it (Humenid. 685— 690). See note 273 on v. 94. The his- torical fact lying at the bottom of the myth is the existence of a community in Attica, identical in religious traditions and in race with another localized in the neighbourhood of the river Thermodon. This race formerly spread over the north and west coasts of Asia Minor, and into the islands, Ephesus, Smyrna, Cuma, Myrine, Paphos, and other places, being said to be named after Amazonian founders. In the time of Srraso they were said to exist conterminously to the Gargares, whom Metrodorus the geogra- pher placed on the northern flanks of Caucasus (xi. c. 5, pp. 418—420). He remarks that the traditions of this race are the only instance in which it is impos- sible to draw the line between fable and history. On the subject of them, the essay entitled Anceus in the CamBRIDGE PaiLotogicaL Musxzum (vol. i. p. 106) may be studied with great advantage. 16 ἔθνεα ξξ τε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα. Few persons will be inclined to believe that troops from so many different nations were embarked in six hundred ships for the purpose of invading Greece; but it would be very interesting to discover the origin of the notion. It seems possible that its source is some arrangement (per- haps for the purpose of military service) in which the subjects of the Persian king were classed under forty-six different heads. Such, for instance, may have ap- peared on the στῆλαι which Darius set up at Byzantium (iv. 87, where see notes 245 and 247). The circumstance of the Athenians having been alone at the battle The Lace- dzemonians unani- mously decide for the Athe- nians. Arrange- ment of the line of the allies, 440 HERODOTUS ov δίκαιοί εἰμεν yew ταύτην τὴν τάξιν ἀπὸ τούτον μούνου τοῦ ἔργου ; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε τάξιος εἵνεκα στασιάζειν πρέπει, ἄρτιοί εἰμεν πείθεσθαι ὑμῖν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἵνα δοκέει ἐπιτηδεώ- τατον ἡμέας εἶναι ἑστάναι, καὶ κατ᾽ οὕστινας" πάντη yap τετα- γμένοι πειρησόμεθα εἶναι χρηστοί. ἐξηγέεσθε δὲ ὡς πεισομένων." οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἀμείβοντο' Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἀνέβωσε ἅπαν τὸ στρατόπεδον ᾿Αθηναίους ἀξιονικοτέρους εἶναι ἔχειν τὸ κέρας ἤπερ ᾿Αρκάδας "". οὕτω δὴ ἔσχον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ὑπερεβάλοντο τοὺς Τεγεήτας. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, ἐτάσσοντο ὧδε" οἱ ἐπιφοιτῶντές τε καὶ οἱ ἀρχὴν ἐλθόντες Ελλήνων" τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας εἶχον Δακεδαι- μονίων μύριοι’ τούτων δὲ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους, ἐόντας Σ΄ παρ- τιήτας, ἐφύλασσον ψιλοὶ τῶν εἱλωτέων πεντακισχίλιοι καὶ τρισ- μύριοι, περὶ ἄνδρα ἕκαστον ἑπτὰ τεταγμένοι. προσεχέας δέ σφι εἵλοντο ἑστάνας οἱ Σπαρτιῆται τοὺς Τεγεήτας, καὶ τιμῆς εἵνεκα καὶ ἀρετῆς" τούτων δ᾽ ἦσαν ὁπλῖται χίλιοι καὶ πεντηκόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἵσταντο Κορινθίων πεντακισχίλιοι’ παρὰ δέ σφι εὕροντο παρὰ Παυσανίεω ἴ" ἑστάναι Ποτιδαιητέων τῶν ἐκ Παλ- of Marathon, not only served them in good stead for the purpose of gratifying their national vanity, but likewise enabled them to put the facta of the transaction in their own way without the danger of contradiction,—a circumstance of which they took full advantage, if we may believe TuHEoromPus, who speaks of this as one of several matters, in which ἡ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις ἀλαζονεύεται καὶ παρα- κρούεται τοὺς “Ἕλληνας. By the begin- ning of the Peloponnesian war, every other state was heartily weary of it; and when an Athenian put it forward, a hub- bub was sure to follow: τὰ Μηδικὰ καὶ ὅσα αὐτοὶ Edmore, εἰ καὶ δι’ ὄχλον μᾶλλον ἔσται ἀεὶ προβαλλο- μένοις, ἀνάγκη λόγειν. (Taucrpipgs, i. 73. 7 hondBas. The use of this word should not be overlooked. It seems to be sub- atituted intentionally for Τεγεήτας by the Lacedseemonians. The Tegeans probably would not feel flattered by being massed together with the inhabitants of insignifi- cant hamlets under this name. (See note 70 on § 26, above. 18 ἐτάσσοντο ate. PAUSANIAS, de- scribing the statue of Zeus at Olympia, which was put up there by the allies who fought at Platea (below, § 81), gives a somewhat different list of the contingents from Herodotus. The names of the states were inscribed on the base of the statue, and stood in the following order: Lace- deemonians; Athenians ; Corinthians and Sicyonians; ‘Zginetans; Megarians and Epidaurians ; Tegeans and Orchomenians ; Phliuntians, Troezenians, and Hermio- nians; Tirynthians; Plateeans; Mycens- ans; Ceans and Melians; Ambracians; Tenians and Lepreate from Triphylia; Naxians and Cytherians; Styres from Kuboea ; Eleans, Potidsans, and Anacto- rians ; Chalcidians from the Euripus (v. 23, 1). Those in italics are not men- tioned by Herodotus, who, on the other hand, introduces KEretrians, Leucadians, and Pales from Cephallenia. Also he makes Eleans form pert of the army at the isthmus the year before (viii. 72). Droporvus expressly declares that they did not take an active part against the invader. 19 εὕροντο παρὰ Παυσανίεω, “they ob- tained leave from Pausanias.” The re- quest was doubtless made on account of Potidea having been a colony from Co- rinth. (Taucyrpipzs, i. 56.) CALLIOPE. IX, 28---80. 441 λήνης τοὺς παρεόντας τριηκοσίους. τούτων δὲ ἐχόμενοι ἵσταντο ᾿Αρκάδες ᾿᾽Ορχομένιοι ἑξακόσιοι: τούτων δὲ, Σικυώνιοι τρισχίλιοι. τούτων δὲ εἴχοντο ᾿Επιδαυρίων ὀκτακόσιοι. παρὰ δὲ τούτους Τροιζηνίων ἐτάσσοντο χίλιοι. Τροιζηνίων δὲ ἐχόμενοι, Λεπρεη- τέων διηκόσιοι τούτων δὲ, Μυκηναίων καὶ Τιρυνθίων τετρακόσιοι. τούτων δὲ ἐχόμενοι, Φλιάσιοι χίλιοι: παρὰ δὲ τούτους ἕστασαν ἝἙρμιονέες τριηκόσιοι. Ἑρμιονέων δὲ ἐχόμενοι ἵσταντο ᾿Ερε- τριέων τε καὶ Στυρέων ἑξακόσιοι: τούτων δὲ Χαλκιδέες τετρα- κόσιοι' τούτων δὲ, ᾿Αμπρακιητέων" πεντηκόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ τού- tous, Λευκαδίων καὶ ᾿Ανακτορίων ὀκτακόσιοι ἕστασαν" τούτων δὲ ἐχόμενοι, Παλέες of ἐκ Κεφαλληνίης διηκόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους, Αὐγινητέων πεντηκόσιοι ἐτάχθησαν. παρὰ δὲ τούτους ἐτάσσοντο Μεγαρέων τρισχίλιοι. εἴχοντο δὲ τούτων, Πλαταιέες ἑξακόσιοι. τελευταῖοι δὲ καὶ πρῶτοι ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐτάσσοντο, κέρας ἔχοντες τὸ εὐώνυμον, ὀκτακισχίλιοι: ἐστρατήγεε δ' αὐτῶν ᾿Αριστείδης ὁ and num- ; ἡ Η Bee ere a , , bers of the Δυσιμάχου. οὗτοι, πλὴν τῶν ἑπτὰ περὶ ἕκαστον τετωγμένων aggregate of an , an the several Σπαρτιήτῃσι, ἦσαν ὁπλῖται, συνάπαντες ἐόντες ἀριθμὸν τρεῖς TE contingents. μυριάδες καὶ ὀκτὼ χιλιάδες καὶ ἑκατοντάδες ἑπτά. ᾿Οπλῖται μὲν 29 οἱ πάντες συλλεγέντες ἐπὶ τὸν βάρβαρον ἦσαν τοσοῦτοι: ψιλῶν δὲ πλῆθος ἦν τόδε' τῆς μὲν Σπαρτιητικῆς τάξιος πεντακισχίλιοι καὶ τρισμύριοι ἄνδρες, ὧς ἐόντων ἑπτὰ περὶ ἕκαστον ἄνδρα’ καὶ τούτων πᾶς τις παρήρτητο ὡς ἐς πόλεμον" οἱ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν “Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ “Ἑλλήνων idol, ὡς εἷς περὶ ἕκαστον ἐὼν ἄνδρα, πεντακόσιοι καὶ τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ τρισμύριοι" ἧσαν' ψιλῶν μὲν δὴ τῶν ἁπάντων μαχίμων ἦν τὸ πλῆθος EE τε μυριάδες καὶ ἐννέα χιλιάδες "" καὶ ἑκατοντάδες πέντε“. Τοῦ δὲ σύμπαντος ᾿Ελληνικοῦ τοῦ συνελθόντος ἐς 80 ᾿Αμπρακιητέων. Sand V have ᾿Αμ- πρακιωτέων, but all the other MSS sup- port the reading of the text. In § 31, below, 8 has ᾿Αμβρακιώτας, and V and d ᾿Αμπρακιώτας. In iv. 123, the forms Μαιῆτιν and Mamréwy are supported by all the MSS. 81 πεντακόσιοι καὶ τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ τρισμύριοι. According to Herodotus’s own statement, the numbers of the light- armed troops, independently of the Helots, should be 33,700, or 800 less than he here puts them at. But the incorrect number seems to arise only from an error of cal- VOL. II. Πλαταιὰς σύν τε ὁπλίτῃσι καὶ culation, and not from any lacuna in the MSS, as the aggregate of the various con- tingents agrees with the sum given in the text for the numbers of the hoplites. 82 καὶ ἐννέα χιλιάδεςς These words are omitted from S and V, but apparently only by an error of transcription in the arche MS. 83 géyre. Two MSS have ἔπτα, which, as in other respects they do not vary from the others, would give too great a nume- rical force of the light-armed troops by 1000. 3 L 30 91 The enemy follow the allies to their posi- tion at Plata. Order of their line. 442 HERODOTUS ψιλοῖσι τοῖσι μαχίμοισι ἕνδεκα μυριάδες ἦσαν, μιῆς χιλιάδος πρὸς δὲ ὀκτακοσίων ἀνδρῶν καταδέουσαι" σὺν δὲ Θεσπιέων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι ἐξεπληροῦντο αἱ ἕνδεκα μυριάδες: παρῆσαν yap καὶ Θεσπιέων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οἱ περιεόντες ", ἀριθμὸν ἐς ὀκτα- κοσίους καὶ χιλίους ὅπλα δὲ οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι εἶχον. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταχθέντες ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ασωπῷ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο. Οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Μαρδόνιον" βάρβαροι, ὡς ἀπεκήδευσαν Maci- στιον "", παρῆσαν, πυθόμενοι τοὺς Ελληνας εἶναι ἐν Πλαταεῇσι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν τὸν ταὐτῃ ῥέοντα. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἀντετάσσοντο ὧδε ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου: κατὰ μὲν “ακεδαιμονίους ἔστησε Πέρσας" καὶ δὴ πολλὸν γὰρ περιέασαν" πλήθεϊ οἱ Πέρσαι, ἐπί τε τάξις πλεῦνας ἐκεκοσμέατο, καὶ ἐπεῖχον τοὺς Τογεήτας" ἔταξε δὲ οὕτω' ὅ τι μὲν ἦν αὐτοῦ δυνατώτατον πᾶν ἀπολέξας, ἔστησε ἀντίον Λακεδαιμονίων: τὸ δὲ ἀσθενέστερον παρέταξε κατὰ τοὺς Τεγεήτας" ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐποίεε φραζόντων τε καὶ διδασκόντων Θηβαίων. Περσέων δὲ ἐχομένους ἔταξε Μήδους: οὗτοι δὲ ἐπέσχον Κορινθίους τε καὶ Ποτιδαιήτας, καὶ ‘Opyope- νίους τε καὶ Σικνωνίους. - Μήδων δὲ ἐχομένους ἔταξε Βακτρίους: οὗτοι δὲ ἐπέσχον ᾿Επιδαυρίους τε καὶ Τροιζηνίους, καὶ Δεπρεήτας τε καὶ Τιρυνθίους, καὶ ἹΜυκηναίους τε καὶ Φλιασίους. μετὰ δὲ Βακτρίους ἔστησε ᾿Ινδούς" οὗτοι δὲ ἐπέσχον ‘Eppiovéas τε καὶ ᾿Ερετριέας, καὶ Στυρέας τε καὶ Χαλκιδέας. ᾿Ινδῶν δὲ ἐχομένους Σάκας ἔταξε of ἐπέσχον ᾿Αμπρακιήτας τε καὶ ᾿Ανακτορίους, καὶ THUCYDIDES uses the ποτὰ ἀπαλγεῖν to 84 of weptedvres. Thespize had been destroyed by the army of Xerxes the ρα before, on which occasion the inha- itants found refuge in the Peloponnese (viii. 50). But the phrase seems to refer especially to the loss they sustained at Thermopyle, where 700 were with Leoni- das (vii. 220), and remained voluntarily with him after his position was turned (vii. 222, where see note 557). 55 ἀμφὶ Μαρδόνιον. This is the reading of all the MSS except one (F), which has ἀμφὶ περὶ Mapddéviov,— obviously an union of two alternative readings. 86 ὡς ἀπεκήδευσαν Maclorioy, “as they finished lamenting for Masistius.’’ Compare ii. 40: ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀποτύψωνται, “‘when they have done beating their breasts.” ii. 73: ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀποπειρηθῇ, ‘‘ when it has completed its practice.’’ denote the remission of pain which fol- lowed the paroxysms of the plague pa- tients in Athens (ii. 61). An excellent illustration of this force of the preposition is supplied by some verses of ALEXIS as corrected by Valckenaer: πολλή γ᾽ ἀνάγκη καὶ τὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἀπο- έσαι πρώτιστον, ἀφυβρίσαι τ᾽, ἀπανθή- σαντα δὲ σκληρὸν γενέσθαι, καὶ καταστῆναι πάλιν. 87 περιέασαν. So Gaisford prints on the authority of the single manuscript S, all the rest having περίεσαν, which I should prefer. Still, in i. 187, the simple form Yas is adopted on the authority of the majority of MSS, and in ii. 19 they are unanimous for ἔα. CALLIOPE. IX. 31—33. 443 Acvxabdious, καὶ Παλέας, καὶ Aiywrras. Σακέων δὲ ἐχομένους ἔταξε ἀντία ᾿Αθηναίων τε καὶ Πλαταιέων καὶ Μεγαρέων Βοιωτούς τε καὶ Λοκροὺς, καὶ Μηλιέας τε καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς, καὶ Φωκέων τοὺς χιλίους" οὐ γὰρ ὧν ἅπαντες οἱ Φωκέεες ἐμήδισαν' ἀλλά τινες αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ᾿Ἑλλήνων ηὗξον, περὶ τὸν Παρνησσὸν κατειλη- μένοι" καὶ ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμεώμενοι, ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τήν τε ἹΜαρδονίον στρατιὴν καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐόντας Ελλήνων ἔταξε δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνας" τε καὶ τοὺς περὶ Θεσσαλίην οἰκημένους "" κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. Ταῦτα μὲν τῶν ἐθνέων τὰ μέγιστα ὀνό- 89 μασται τῶν ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου ταχθέντων, τάπερ ἐπιφανέστατά τε ᾿υπινοῖε of ἣν καὶ λόγου πλείστον" ἐνῆσαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλων ἐθνέων ἄνδρες ἀνα- *™Y: μεμυγμένοι, Φρυγῶν τε καὶ Θρηΐκων, καὶ Μυσῶν τε καὶ Παιόνων, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων: ἐν δὲ καὶ Αἰθιόπων τε καὶ Αὐγυπτίων (οἵ τε Ἕρμοτύβιες καὶ ot Καλασίριες καλεόμενοι) μαχαιροφόροι' οἵπερ εἰσὶ Αὐγυπτίων μοῦνοι μάχιμοι" τούτους δὲ ἔτι ἐν Φαλήρῳ ἐὼν ἀπὸ τῶν νηῶν ἀπεβιβάσατο, ἐόντας ἐπιβάτας" οὐ γὰρ ἐτάχθησαν ἐς τὸν πεζὸν τὸν ἅμα Ἐέρξῃ ἀπικόμενον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας Αὐγύπτιοι. τῶν μὲν δὴ βαρβάρων ἦσαν τριήκοντα μυριάδες, ὡς καὶ πρότερον δεδήλωται "5". τῶν δὲ ᾿Ελλήνων τῶν Μαρδονίου συμμάχων olde μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀριθμόν" οὐ γὰρ ὧν ἠριθμήθησαν' ὡς δὲ ἐπεικάσαι, ἐς πέντε μυριάδας συλλεγῆναι εἰκάζω. οὗτοι οἱ παραταχθέντες πεζοὶ ἦσαν ἡ δὲ ἵππος χωρὶς ἐτέτακτο. ‘As δὲ ἄρα πάντες"" οἱ ἐτετάχατο κατά τε ἔθνεα καὶ κατὰ 33 a a ? , Both sid τέλεα, ἐνθαῦτα τῇ δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ἐθύοντο καὶ ἀμφότεροι. “Ελλησι sacrifice for μὲν Τισαμενὸς ᾿Αντιόχου ἦν ὁ θυόμενος" οὗτος γὰρ δὴ εἵπετο τῷ the aties by στρατεύματι τούτῳ μάντις" τὸν, ἐόντα ᾿Ηλεῖον καὶ γένεος τοῦ Τίανιονωα v : of Elis. 9 , 7 94 7 3 7 , Φ Circum- Ἰαμεδέων Κλυτιάδην ", Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐποιήσαντο Newopérepor Viren 88 περὶ τὸν Παρνησσὸν κατειλημένοι. See vili. 32, and note 48 on § 17, above. 89 rate δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνας. These were the contingent furnished by Alex- ander the king of Macedonia, who com- manded them in person (§ 44, below). 99 τοὺς περὶ Θεσσαλίην οἰκημένους. These would doubtless be the clansmen and retainers of the Aleuade and Sco- padee, serving with Mardonius. 91 οἵ re Ἑρμοτύβιες καὶ of Καλασίριες καλεόμενοι. Of these soldiers see note 506 on ii. 164. 92 τριήκοντα μυριάδες, ὡς καὶ πρότερον δεδήλωται. These numbers are given above (viii. 113), but there the thirty myriads seem to include the cavalry. And of these thirty myriads, six attempt unsuccessfully to take Potidsea (viii. 126), and suffer very great loss before they raise the siege (viii. 129). Droporvs puts the numbers of the allies at 100,000, and those of the invading army at half a mil- lion (xi. 30). 93 πάντες. and V. 94 γένεος τοῦ ᾿Ιαμιδέων Κλυτιάδην. This is the reading of all the MSS except This word is omitted in 8 3L2 414 HERODOTUS under which Τισαμενῷ yap μαντευομένῳ ἐν Δελφοῖσι περὶ yovou™, ἀνεῖλε he was made alacede- ἡ Πυθίη ἀγῶνας τοὺς peyiorous ἀναιρήσεσθαι πέντε: ὃ μὲν δὴ ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χρηστηρίου, προσεῖχε γυμνασίοισι ὡς ἀναιερησύ- μενος γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας" ἀσκέων δὲ πεντάεθλον παρὰ ἕν πά- λαίσμα ἔδραμε " νικᾶν ᾿Ολυμπιάδα, 'ἱΙερωνύμῳ τῷ ᾿Ανδρίῳ ἐλθὼν ἐς ἔριν: Δακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μαθόντες οὐκ ἐς γυμνικοὺς ἄλλ᾽ ἐς ἀρηΐους ἀγῶνας φέρον τὸ Τισαμενοῦ μαντήϊον, μισθῷ ἐπειρῶντο πείσαντες Τισαμενὸν ποιέεσθαε ἅμα Ἡρακλειδέων τοῖσε βασι- λεῦσι ἡγεμόνα τῶν πολέμων" ὁ δὲ ὁρέων περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένους Σπαρτιήτας φίλον αὐτὸν προσθέσθαι, μαθὼν τοῦτο ἀνετίμα, σημαίνων σφι, ὡς ἤν μιν πολιήτην σφέτερον ποιήσωνται τῶν πάντων μεταδιδόντες, ποιήσει ταῦτα' ἐπ᾿ ἄλλῳ μισθῷ δ᾽ ov- Σπαρτιῆται δὲ, πρῶτα μὲν ἀκούσαντες δεινὰ ἐποιεῦντο, καὶ μετ- ίεσαν τῆς χρησμοσύνης" τὸ παράπαν τέλος δὲ, δείματος μεγά- monian citizen. 8, which has KAvrid8ovu instead of Κλυ- τιάδην. But it occasions a good deal of difficulty ; for both ᾿Ιαμίδης and Κλυτιάδης are gentile names; and Cicero (De di- vinatione, i. 41) expressly states that there were in Elis two families epecially distin- guished for their skill in divination, the Tamide and the Clytide. It would seem certain, therefore, that if Tisamenus be- longed to the one, he could not bear a name implying that he was a member of the other. It is remarkable too that Pav- SANIAS, in relating the story of this Tisa- menus, and obviously from this passage of Herodotus, does not mention the name Clytiades at all (iii. 11. 6). Under these circumstances I am inclined to suspect, that here, as in many other places, alter- native readings have been combined in the text. The tradition relative to Tiss- menus may very well have varied, some accounts making a member of one of the two families, and some one of the other. Thus some of the MSS will have run: τὸν, ἐόντα Ἡλεῖον Κλυτιάδην, and others: τὸν, ἐόντα ᾿Ἠλεῖον καὶ γένεος τοῦ ᾿Ιαμι- δέων. After the two variants were incor- porated into one, the scribe of S (or of its archetype) appears to have endeavoured to soften down the incongruity by making Tisamenus the son of a Clytiades. 95 μαντευομένῳ... περὶ γόνου. Schweig- hiuser seems to think that there must be some error in the text, because in the an- swerof the oracle there is no reference to the subject about which Tisamenus inquired. Bat although thedesireof a family may have been the special cause which took him to Delphi, there may well have been some- thing in the reply which led to farther m- quiries as to his career in after-life. Be- sides, it seems to have been no uncommon practice at Delphi to make answer quite beside the scope of the question put by the votary. (See iv. 150 and 155.) 96 al ty πάλαισμα ἕδραμε, “he had it turn on the issue of one fall in wrest- ling.” In the way in which Pausantas puts the matter, one is led to suppose that having beaten Hieronymus in running and leaping, and probably been beaten by him in throwing the javelin and the discus, the victory remained to be finally deter- mined by the issue of the wrestling bout. The expression παρὰ ty πάλαισμα may be illustrated by Ismus (iii. p. 41): παρὰ τέτταρας ψήφους μετέσχε τῆς πόλεως, ‘“‘his citizenship was established by ἔσαν votes,” — that number being the excess of the majority. DemosTHENes (c. Arisfo- crat. p. 688): παρὰ τρεῖς μὲν ἀφεῖσαν ψήφους τὸ μὴ θανάτῳ (ημιῶσαι, “ they acquitted him, saving him from capital punishment by three votes.’”” The com- mon formula παρ᾽ ὀλίγον is a famihar instance of the same idiom. α τῆς χρησμοσύνης, “ οὗ their need.” This word seems to have been employed by Heraclitus as a philosophical term, and the opposite of κόρος. Prito Jup.avs, speaking of the professors of one particular form of pantheism, says that such a one CALLIOPE. IX. 34, 35. 445 λον ἐπικρεμαμένου τοῦ Περσικοῦ τούτον στρατεύματος, καταίνεον μετιόντες: ὁ δὲ γνοὺς τετραμμένους σφέας, οὐδ᾽ οὕτω ἔφη ἔτι ἀρκέεσθαι τούτοισε μούνοισι, ἀλλὰ δεῖν ἔτι καὶ τὸν ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ ᾿Ηγίην" γίνεσθαι Σ᾽ παρτιήτην ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι λόγοισι Ταῦτα δὲ λέγων οὗτος ἐμιμέετο Μελάμ- 34 Similar story of Melanpus. τοῖσι καὶ αὐτὸς γίνεται. ποδα, ὡς εἰκάσαι βασιληΐην τε καὶ πολιτηΐην, αἰτεόμενος" καὶ yap δὴ καὶ Μελάμπους, τῶν ἐν "Αργεῖ γυναικῶν μανεισέων, ὥς μεν οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι ἐμισθοῦντο ἐκ Πύλου παῦσαι τὰς σφετέρας γυναῖ- κας τῆς νούσου, μισθὸν προετείνατο τῆς βασιληΐης τὸ ἥμισν' οὐκ ἀνασχομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αργείων ἀλλ᾽ ἀπιόντων, ὡς ἐμαίνοντο “πολλῷ πλεῦνες τῶν γυναικῶν, οὕτω δὴ ὑποστάντες τὰ ὁ Μελάμπους “προετείνετο, ἤσαν δώσοντές οἱ ταῦτα ὁ δὲ ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ἐπορέγεταε, ὁρέων αὐτοὺς τετραμμένους, φὰς, ἢν μὴ καὶ τῷ ἀδελφεῷ Βίαντι μεταδῶσι τὸ τριτημύριον τῆς βασιληΐης, οὐ ποιήσειν τὰ βούλονται" of δὲ ᾿Αργεῖοι, ἀπειληθέντες ἐς στεινὸν, καταινέουσι καὶ ταῦτα. Ὥς δὲ καὶ Σπαρτιῆται, ἐδέοντο γὰρ δεινῶς τοῦ Τισαμενοῦ, πάντως συνεχώρεόν οἷ συγχωρησάντων δὲ καὶ ταῦτα τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, οὕτω δὴ πέντε σφι μαντευόμενος ἀγῶνας τοὺς μεγίστους Τισα- μενὸς 6 ᾿Ηλεῖος, γενόμενος Σ᾽ παρτιήτης, συγκαταιρέει' μοῦνοι δὲ δὴ πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐγένοντο οὗτοι Σπαρτιήτησι πολειῆται "5". οἱ δὲ πέντε ἀγῶνες οἵδε ἀγένοντο' εἷς μὲν καὶ πρῶτος, οὗτος ὁ ἐν ΤΠλαταιῇσι. ἐπὶ δὲ, ὁ ἐν Τογέῃ πρὸς Τεγεήτας τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους ® 35 is ‘HpaxAcrelov δόξης ἑταῖρος, “ κόρον καὶ χρησμοσύνην,᾽" καὶ “ἣν τὸ way,” καὶ “πάντα ἀμοιβῇ᾽᾽ εἰσάγων. (Legum alle- φογίω, iii. p. 89, Mangey.) In another passage, giving a mystical meaning to the practice of dividing into portions an ani- mal offered as a victim, he says, ἡ δὲ els μέλη τοῦ (ώου διανομὴ δηλοῖ, Fro: ds ty τὰ πάντα, ἣ ὅτι ἐξ ἑνός τε καὶ εἰς ἕν' ὅπερ οἱ μὲν κόρον καὶ χρησμοσύνην ἐκάλε- σαν, οἱ δ' ἐκπύρωσιν καὶ διακόσμησιν. (De animal. sacrificio idoneis, p. 342.) Ῥευ- TARCH (De εἰ Delphico, § 9) refers to the same nomenclature: éwel δὲ οὐκ ἴσος 6 τῶν περιόδων χρόνος, ἀλλὰ μείζων ὃ τῆς ἑτέρας, ἣν κόρον καλοῦσιν, ὁ δὲ τῆς χρησμοσύνης- ἐλάττων. "]Ἱ τὸν ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ Ἡγίην. Tisa- menus appears to have had a grandson of the same name with his brother. He was said to have been Lysander’s seer, and by his auguries to have brought about the destruction of the Athenian fleet at Avgos- potami. This was the tradition attached to a bronze statue of him which Pausa- N1IA8 saw at Sparta (iii. 11.5). But the statue certainly cannot have been an ori- ginal one; for it stood by the side of the altar of a temple dedicated to Augustus Cesar. See note 109 oni. 8]. 98 μοῦνοι δὲ δὴ . . . . πολιῆται. The instance of Tyrtezus refutes this observa- tion. (Prorarcn, Apophth. Lac., § 15, p. 230.) But it has been before remarked, that Herodotus appears to be ignorant of all the particulars of the Messenian wars, with the common narrative of which Tyr- teus is mixed up, and to which Pausa- nias’s apophthegm recorded by Plutarch refers. 99 πρὸς Τεγεήτας τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους. This battle will probably have been at the 36 The omens unfavour- able on both sides for attacking. 37 Story of Mardonius’s seer, Hage- sistratus of Elis. 446 HERODOTUS γενόμενος" μετὰ δὲ, ὁ ἐν Aimatedot'” πρὸς ᾿Αρκάδας “πάντας, πλὴν Μαντινέων" ἐπὶ δὲ, ὁ Μεσσηνίων 6 πρὸς τῷ Ισθμῷ "" ὕστατος δὲ, ὁ ἐν Τανάγρῃ "5" πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους γενόμενος" οὗτος δὲ ὕστατος κατεργάσθη τῶν πέντε ἀγώνων. Οὗτος δὴ τότε τοῖσι Ελλησι ὁ Τισαμενὸς, ἀγόντων τῶν Σ΄ παρ- τιητέων, ἐμαντεύετο ἐν τῇ Πλαταιΐδι. τοῖσι μέν νυν “Ελλησι καλὰ ἐγίνετο τὰ ἱρὰ, ἀμυνομένοισι διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν καὶ μάχης ἄρχουσι, οὔ. Μαρδονίῳ δὲ προθυμεομένῳ μάχης ἄρχειν, οὐκ ἐπιτήδεα ἐγίνετο τὰ ipa’ ἀμυνομένῳ δὲ καὶ τούτῳ καλά: καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ᾿ Ελληνικοῖσι ἱροῖσι ἐχρέετο ", μάντιν ἔχων ᾿Ηγησί- στρατον, ἄνδρα ᾿Ηλεῖόν τε καὶ τῶν Τελλμαδέων ἐόντα λογιμώ- τατον τὸν δὴ πρότερον τούτων Σπαρτιῆται λαβόντες ἔδησαν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, ὡς πεπονθότες πολλά τε καὶ ἀνάρσια ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ" time when the Achzan population were σχισθέντες .... τότε δὲ οἱ Λακεδαι- of considerable influence in Argos, after the revolution noticed in vi. 83, where see note 189. Just before the battle of Platea the alliance of Tegea and Sparta must have been very close. (See note 70 on § 26, above.) But the policy of Pausanias seems to have been an opposite one to that of Cleomenes; for he volun- tarily associated with himself Euryanax, the son of the self-banished Dorieus. See note 24 on § 9, above.) The rejection of the claim of the Tegeans therefore to the second post of honour may very well have been afterwards followed by the abridgement of other special privileges, and thus they may have become alienated from Sparta, and disposed to take part with Argos, at that time stripped bare of the Cadmeeo-dorian part of her citizens. 100 ἐν Διπαιεῦσι. Dipe@es was an Arca- dian hamlet in the region of Menalus. kodeatarae ni. 1]. 7.) The battle ought against “all the Arcadians”’ will, I apprehend, have occurred in that war which was kindled by Cleandrus the pro- phet from Phigalia, mentioned in vi. 83, where see note 190. 101 πρὸς τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ. See note 138 on iii. 47. This is the reading of the ma- jority of the MSS, but P, K, and F, have πρὸς ᾿Ισθμῷ, which Gaisford adopts. Pau- SANIAS, going through the five victories, thus describes this one: τέταρτον δὲ ἠγωνίσατο πρὸς τοὺς ef ᾿Ισθμοῦ ᾿Ιθώμην ἀποστάντας ἀπὸ τῶν Εἱλώτων. ἀπέστησαν δὲ οὐχ ἅπαντες οἱ Εἵλωτες ἀλλὰ τὸ Μεσ- σηνιακὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων Εἱλώτων ἀπο- μόνιοι τοὺς ἀποστάντας ἀπελθεῖν ὑποστόν- Sous εἴασαν Τισαμενῷ καὶ τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς xpnornple πειθόμενοι (iii. 11. 8). In the of Pausanias, Wesseling proposes to read τοὺς és ᾿Ιθώμην ἀποστάντας τῶν Εἱλώτων (which Bekker adopts), and in the text here Palmer (likewise followed by Bekker) changes the reading of the manuscripts P, K, F, into πρὸς ᾿Ιθώμη. But there seems no reason at all for either change. It is true that there is no men- tion elsewhere of a battle at the Isthmus, but neither is there of any one at Ithome, unless that at Stenyclerus (§ 65, below) may be deemed such; and in that the Messenians were victorious. From the words of Pausanias one may gather that a considerable body of Helots, the descen- dants of the Messenians who survived the second Messenian war (which ended with the capture of Ira) were at the Isthmus, and revolting, took refuge at Ithome. There may very well have been a conflict with them before they fled thither, and the importance of this may have arisen not so much from the amount of their force as from the helplessness of Sparta, just at that time overthrown by an earth- quake. See ARISTOPHANES, quoted in note 138 on iii. 47. 102 ὁ ἂν Τανάγρῃ. This is the battle mentioned by THucypDipEs, i. 108. 103 ἐχρέετο. This is the reading of B and Aldus, and is adopted by Gaisford. S and V have ἐχρᾶτο, and M, P, K, F ἐχρέατο, which is apparently a corruption from éxpéero. CALLIOPE. IX. 36, 37. 447 ὁ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κακῷ ἐχόμενος, ὥστε τρέχων περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς “πρό τε τοῦ θανάτου πεισόμενος “" πολλά τε καὶ λυγρὰ, ἔργον ἐργάσατο μέζον λόγου: ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐδέδετο ἐν ξύλῳ σιδηροδέτῳ, ἐσενειχθέντος κως σιδηρίου ἐκράτησε' αὐτίκα δὲ ἐμηχανᾶτο ἀν- δρειότατον ἔργον πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν’ σταθμησάμενος yap ὅκως ἐξελεύσεταί οἱ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ποδὸς, ἀπέταμε τὸν ταρσὸν ἑωυτοῦ, ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας, ὥστε φυλασσόμενος ὑπὸ φυλάκων, διορύξας τὸν τοῖχον ἀπέδρη ἐς Τεγέην μενος, τὰς δὲ ἡμέρας καταδύνων ἐς ὕλην καὶ αὐλιζόμενος" οὕτω ὥστε, Λακεδαιμονίων πανδημεὶ διζημένων, τρίτῃ εὐφρόνῃ γενέσθαι ἐν Τεγέῃ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν θώματι μεγάλῳ ἐνέχεσθαι τῆς τε τόλμης, ὁρέοντας τὸ ἡμίτομον τοῦ “τοδὸς κείμενον, κἀκεῖνον οὐ δυναμένους εὑρεῖν. τότε μὲν οὕτω διαφυγὼν Δακεδαιμονίους, καταφεύγει ἐς Τεγέην, ἐοῦσαν οὐκ ἀρθμίην Λακεδαιμονίοισι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον '* ν τὰς μὲν νύκτας πορενό- 196 πεισόμενος. This reading is sup- ported by A, B, F, 8, P. Aldus and one manuscript (5) have πησόμενος, which would be a legitimate form from a present πήθω, of which a trace appears in the substantive πῆμα, the aorist ἔπαθον, and the participle whcas. See Ascuyuus, Agam. 1633: πρὸς κέντρα μὴ λάκτιζε, μὴ whoas μογῇς. 103 ἀπέδρη ἐς Τεγέην. Piurarcn (De JSraterno amore, ὃ 3) calls Hegesistratus an Arcadian seer. Possibly this may arise from a misconstruction of the cir- cumstance of his taking refuge in Tegea. At the same time, there was always a friendly intercourse between Elis and Ar- cadia, and possibly there may have been a branch of the Telliads in the latter coun- try as well as the former. The very strongest community of feeling existed between the Eleans, Arcadians, and Mes- senians throughout the second Messenian war. Theoclus, an [amid, was the adviser of Aristomenes from the very beginning to the end of the war, the Arcadians were his fast allies, and the palladium of Messenian independence was a brass jar containing a secret ritual of the Great Goddesses written on sheets of lead, described in a dream to Epaminondas as τὴν γραῦν τὴν ἐν χαλκῷ καθειργμένην θαλάμῳ καὶ ἤδη λειποψυχοῦσαν. (ΡΑυΒΑΝΙΑΒ, iv. 26. 7.) The common bond therefore of the three parties was an attachment to the ante- dorian religion of the Peloponnese, and the modes of life to which it belonged. In accordance with this, when Epaminon- das 287 years afterwards re-established the Messenians in their own country, the religious solemnities performed by the confederates belonged, without any ex- ception, to the ante-dorian period. The Thebans and Epaminondas sacrificed to Dionysus and the Jsmenian Apollo, the Argives to their Here and the Nemean Zeus, the Messenians to the Jthomatan Zeus and the Dioscuri, and their priests to the Great Goddesses and Caucon. The Arcadians furnished victims for the whole; and the whole invoked in common, as ἥρωας συνοίκους, Messene, the daughter of Triopas (of whom see notes 492 and 587 on Book I.) in the chief place, and after her Eurytus (a hero to whom liba- tions were offered preliminary to the orgies of the Great Goddesses, Pausa- ΝΙΑΒ, iv. 3. 10; iv. 33. 5); Aphareus, and his sons Idas and Lynceus (the here- ditary hierophants of the Great Goddesses, PAUSsANIAS, iv. 2.6); and of the Heraclides only Cresphontes and his son /Epytus (the grandson of an Arcadian king, and re-established in his Messenian domi- nions by Arcadian arms, PAUSANIAS, iv. 3:6). The only music allowed was Boeo- tian and Argive wind instruments, and the melodies most conspicuous were those of Sacadas and Pronomus. (PAUSANIAR, li. cc.) 106 ggicay οὐκ ἀρθμίην Λακεδαιμονίοισι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον. This time must have been antecedent to that arrangement by 98 Mardonius is advised to watch the passes of Citharon, and eight days after the arrival of thearmies in presence of each other, cuts off a convoy bringing supplies to che allies. 448 HERODOTUS ὑγιὴς δὲ γενόμενος, καὶ προσποιησάμενος ξύλινον πόδα, κατ- εστήκεε ἐκ τῆς ἰθείης Λακεδαιμονίοισι πολέμιος ov μέντοι γε ἐς τέλος οἱ συνήνεικε τὸ ἔχθος τὸ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους συγκεκυρη- μένον: ἥλω γὰρ μαντευόμενος ἐν Ζακύνθῳ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀτ- ἐθανε. φ , Υ ee 4 @e > #8 “ ὁ μέν νυν θάνατος ὁ ᾿Ηγησιστράτου ὕστερον ἐγένετο τῶν Πλαταιϊκῶν τότε δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ασωπῷ Μαρδονίῳ μεμισθωμένος οὐκ ὀλίγου, ἐθύετό τε καὶ προεθυμέετο κατά τε τὸ ἔχθος τὸ “Λακεδαιμονίων "" καὶ κατὰ τὸ κέρδος. ‘Ns δὲ οὐκ ἐκαλλιέρεε ὥστε μάχεσθαε, οὔτε αὐτοῖσι Πέρσησι, οὔτε τοῖσε μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐοῦσι ᾿Ελλήνων (εἶχον γὰρ καὶ οὗτοι ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν "5 μάντιν ᾿ἱππόμαχον, Δευκάδιον ἄνδρα") ἐπιρρε- ὄντων δὲ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων καὶ γινομένων πλεύνων, Τιμηγενίδης ὁ ἝἝρπυος, ἀνὴρ Θηβαῖος, συνεβούλευσε Μαρδονίῳ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος φυλάξαι, λέγων ὡς ἐπιρρέουσι οἱ "EdAnves αἰεὶ 39 ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην, καὶ ὡς ἀπολάμψοιτο συχνούς. Ἡμέραι δέ oft ἀντικατημένοισι ἤδη ὀγογόνεσαν ὀκτὼ, ὅτε ταῦτα ἐκεῖνος συνεβούλευε Μαρδονίῳ' ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τὴν παραίνεσιν εὖ ἔχουσαν, φ ὡς εὐφρόνη ἐγένετο, πέμπει τὴν ἵππον ἐς τὰς ἐκβολὰς τὰς Κιθαι- ρωνίδας, at ἐπὶ Πλαταιέων φέρουσι "" τὰς Βοιωτοὶ μὲν Τρεῖς Κεφαλὰς καλέουσι, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ Δρυὸς Κεφαλάς. πεμφθέντες δὲ οἱ ἱππότας οὐ μάτην ἀπίκοντο’ ἐσβάλλοντα yap ἐς τὸ πεδίον λαμβάνουσι ὑποζύγιά τε πεντακόσια, σιτία ἄγοντα ἀπὸ Πελο- ποννήσου ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ ἀνθρώπους of εἵποντο τοῖσι ζεύγεσι. ἑλόντες δὲ ταύτην τὴν ἄγρην οἱ Πέρσαι ἀφειδέως" ἐφό- νευον, οὐ φειδόμενοι οὔτε ὑποζυγίου οὐδενὸς οὔτε ἀνθρώπου" ὡς δὲ ἄδην εἶχον κτείνοντες, τὰ λοιπὰ αὐτῶν ἤλαυνον περιβαλλό- 110 μένοι which the Tegeans obtained the peculiar rivileges at Lacedemon of which they ast above (§ 26), or at least ante- cedent to the time when they were se- cured and ratified by the common prac- tice. 107 κατά τε τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, “ἴῃ accordance with his hatred of the Lacedeemonians.’’ Compare viii. 30: κατὰ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Θεσσαλῶν. 108 ἐπ’ ἑωυτῶν, ““ exclusively for them- selves.”” So above (§ 17) the commander of the Phocian contingent orders his men ἵζεσθαι ἐπ᾿ ἑωντῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, “to take παρά τε Μαρδόνιον καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. up a position by themselves in the plam ;” and the Amazons, unwilling to join the tribe of their new husbands, urge them to form a separate settlement, οἰκέωμεν ἐπ’ ἡμέων αὐτέων (iv. 114). 109 a? ἐπὶ Πλαταιέων φέρουσι. This pass is apparently to be looked for to the west of that which lay between Cenoe and Hysiee, and led direct to Thebes. It was probably a mere mountain track, not a road, and like the packhorse rontes in Switzerland. 110 περιβαλλόμενοι, “ securing them.” The metaphor is apparently taken from a CALLIOPE. IX. 38—4l. 449 Mera δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἑτέρας δύο ἡμέρας διέτριψαν, οὐδέτεροε 40 βουλόμενοι μάχης ἄρξαι' μέχρι μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ ἐπήϊσαν The jaye οἱ βάῤρβαβδὶ πειρώμενοι τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων, διέβαινον δὲ οὐδέτεροι" Me the Greeks ΤῸ con- ἡ μέντοι ἵππος ἡ Mapdoviov αἰεὶ προσέκειτό τε καὶ ἐλύπεε τοὺς sant ΓΕ λληνας" of γὰρ Θηβαῖοι, ἅτε μηδίζοντες μεγάλως, προθύμως the ee 5 ἔφερον τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ αἰεὶ κατηγέοντο μέχρι payns' τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου παραδεκόμενοι Πέρσαι τε καὶ Μῆδοι, μάλα ἔσκον οἱ ἀπεδείκνυντο ἀρετάς. Μέχρι μέν νυν τῶν δέκα ἡμερέων οὐδὲν ἐπὶ πλεῦν ἐγίνετο 41 τούτων" ὡς δὲ ἑνδεκάτη ἐγεγόνεε ἡμέρη ἀντικατημένοισι ἐν Πλα- OF he ταιῇσι, οἵ τε δὴ ans ien πολλῷ πλεῦνες ἐγεγόνεσαν, καὶ Map- 450 8 dis- pute takes τῇ ἕδρῃ, ἐνθαῦτα ἐς λόγους ἦλθον Μαρδόνιός place be- δόνιος περιημέκτεε " ᾿ tween Mar- te ὁ Γωβρύεω καὶ ’ AprdBatos ὁ Φαρνάκεος """, ὃς ἐν ὀλύγοισε doniue and Artabaz: IT ερσέων ἦν ἀνὴρ δόκιμος παρὰ Repti Bovrcvopévoy δὲ aide a ω ike, course ἦσαν αἱ γνῶμαι ἡ μὲν Αὐταβάτοῦ; oF χρεὸν εἴη avalevEavras to pursue. τὴν ταχίστην πάντα τὸν στρατὸν", ἰέναε ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ Θηβαίων, ἔνθα σῖτόν τέ σφι ἐσενηνεῖχθαε πολλὸν καὶ χόρτον τοῖσι ὑποζυγίοισι' κατ᾿ ἡσυχίην τε ἱξομένους διαπρήσσεσθαι ποιεῦντας τάδε: ἔχειν γὰρ χρυσὸν πολλὸν μὲν ἐπίσημον, πολλὸν δὲ καὶ ἄσημον, πολλὸν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρόν τε καὶ ἐκπώματα᾽ τούτων φειδομένους "μηδενὸς, διαπέμπειν ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας, ᾿Ἑλλήνων δὲ μάλιστα ἐς τοὺς προεστεῶτας ἐν τῆσι πόλισι" καὶ ταχέως σφέας “παραδώσειν τὴν ἐλευθερίην, μηδὲ ἀνακινδυνεύειν συμβάλλοντας """ τούτου μέν νυν ἡ αὐτὴ ἐγίνετο καὶ Θηβαίων γνώμη, ὡς προειδότος person who wraps a mantle round him. do not appear in the list of troops brought It is used above, 371: ἰδίῃ περιβαλλό- into line at Platea (ix. 30). But it is μενος ἑωυτῷ κέρδεα, and viii. 8: πολλὰ μὲν ἔσωσε τῶν χρημάτων τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς περιεβάλετο. 11: κατηγέοντο ΠΣ μάχης, ‘ took the lead until it came to fighting.” There is in this phrase and in the succeeding one, μάλα ἔσκον of ἀπεδείκνυντο ἀρετὰς, an insinuation unfavourable to the prowess of the Thebans which bespeaks a hostile feeling towards them. 112 weprmuderee. See note 134 on i. 118 ᾿Αρτάβα(ος ὁ Φαρνάκεος. In the roll of the army (vii. 66) this individual is represented as the commander of the Parthians and Chorasmians,— names which VOL. II. possible that a change of command had taken place when Xerxes determined upon retreating; as we find Artabazus at the head of a detachment from the 300,000 troops selected by Mardonius (viii. 126— 129). It will be observed, that the sys- tem of corruption which he recommends had been tried by himself at Potideea, and with apparent success until detected acci- dentally. 114 ἀνα(ζεύξαντας τὴν ταχίστην πάντα τὸν στρατόν. See note 1]8 on viii. 60. 115 συμβάλλοντας. One manuscript (8) has συμβαλόντας. The sense seems rather to require κινδυνεύσειν συμβάλλοντας. 3M 42 An oracle is said to portend destruction to Persians after sacking the temple of Delphi 43 This oracle really re- 450 HERODOTUS πλεῦν τι καὶ τούτον: Μαρδονίου δὲ ἰσχυροτέρη τε καὶ ἀγνωμο- νεστέρη, καὶ οὐδαμῶς συνγγινωσκομένη" δοκέειν τε γὰρ πολλῷ κρέσσονα elvas τὴν σφετέρην στρατιὴν τῆς ᾿Ελληνικῆς, συμ- βάλλειν τε τὴν ταχίστην", μηδὲ περιορᾶν συλλεγομένους ἔτι πλεῦνας τῶν συλλελεγμένων' τά τε σφάγια τὰ ᾿Ηγησιστράτου ἐᾶν χαίρειν: μηδὲ βιάξεσθαι, ἀλλὰ νόμῳ τῷ Περσέων χρεωμένους συμβάλλειν. Τούτου δὲ οὕτω δικαιεῦντος ἀντέλεγε οὐδεὶς, ὥστε ἐκράτεε τῇ γνώμῃ" τὸ γὰρ κράτος εἶχε τῆς στρατιῆς οὗτος ἐκ βασιλέος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ᾿Αρτάβαζος. μεταπεμψάμενος ὧν τοὺς ταξι- άρχους τῶν τελέων καὶ τῶν μετ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ ἐόντων “Ελλήνων τοὺς στρατηγοὺς, εἰρώτα εἴ τι εἰδεῖεν λόγιον περὶ Περσέων, ὡς δια- φθερέονται "" ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι; συγώντων δὲ τῶν ἐπικλήτων, τῶν μὲν οὐκ εἰδότων τοὺς χρησμοὺς, τῶν δὲ εἰδότων μὲν ἐν ἀδείῃ δὲ οὐ ποιευμένων τὸ λέγειν, αὐτὸς Μαρδόνιος ἔλογε" “ ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ὑμεῖς ἢ ἴστε οὐδὲν, ἢ οὐ τολμᾶτε λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγὼ ἐρέω ὡς εὖ ἐπιστάμενος" ἔστι λόγιον ὡς χρεόν ἐστι Πέρσας ἀπικομένους ἐς τὴν “Ελλάδα, διαρπάσαι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, μετὰ δὲ τὴν διαρπωγὴν “""" ἀπολέσθαι πάντας. ἡμεῖς τοίνυν, αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐπι- στάμενοι, οὔτε ἵμεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦτο" οὔτε ἐπιχειρήσομεν διαρπάζειν ταύτης τε εἵνεκα τῆς αἰτίης οὐκ ἀπολεόμεθα. ὥστε ὑμέων ὅσοι τυγχάνουσι εὔνοοι ἐόντες Πέρσῃσι, ἥδεσθε τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ὡς περιεσομένους ἡμέας Ελλήνων." ταῦτά ode εἴπας, δεύτερα ἐσήμαινε παραρτέεσθαί τε πάντα καὶ εὐκρινέα "35 “ποιέε- σθαι, ὡς ἅμα ἡμέρῃ τῇ ἐπιούσῃ συμβολῆς ἐσομένης. Τοῦτον δ᾽ ἔγωγε τὸν χρησμὸν τὸν Μαρδόνιος εἶπε ἐς Πέρσας ἔχειν, ἐς ᾿Ιλλυριούς τε καὶ τὸν ᾿Εγχέλεων στρατὸν οἶδα “τεποιη- 116 συμβάλλειν τε τὴν ταχίστην. This clause is not to be taken after δοκέειν, but after Μαρδονίου ἣ γνώμη ἦν. ‘‘ The view of Mardonius was more 8 violent and headstrong one, and in no respect inclined to mild measures. [It was to the effect] that he thought their own force far supe- rior to that of the Greeks, and that they should fight as soon as possible, and not look on at the assemblage of additional troops in greater numbers than were al- ready concentrated.”’” There seems to have been a kind of reaction in the mind of Mardonius, perhaps arising from mor- tification at the disappointment of his schemes; for it is plain that the policy recommended by Artabazus had been pursued by himself. (See above, notes 9 on , 3, and 34 on ὃ 12, and 282 on viii. 136. 117 διαφθερέονται. This is Gaisford’s reading. The MSS vary between δια- φθαρέονται (which is adopted by Wessel- ing and Bekker), διαφθορεῦνται (the read- ing of S and V), and διαφθερέοντας. 8 διαρπαγήν. One manuscript (5S) ἁρπαγήν. 119 γοῦτο. S omits this word. 120 εὐκρινέα. § has eSxpwa, and P εὐ- pixpivéa, CALLIOPE, IX. 42—45. 451 μένον "3", ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ és Πέρσας. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Βάκιδί éote™ ἐς lated to , πὶ ταύτην τὴν μάχην πεποιημένα: aks τα ἢ Encheles, τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι καὶ ᾿Ασωπῷ λεχεποίῃ = ee Ἑλλήνων σύνοδον, καὶ βαρβαρόφωνον liyhy oracles of τῇ πολλοὶ πεσέονται ὑπὲρ Λάχεσίν τε μόρον re Bacis and τοξοφόρων Μήδων, ὅταν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ ἐπέλθῃ. which did apply to the ταῦτα μὲν καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοισι ἄλλα Μουσαίου "5" ἔχοντα teen olda ἐς Πέρσας" ὁ δὲ Θερμώδων ποταμὸς ῥέει μεταξὺ Τανάγρης τε καὶ Γλίσαντος. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπειρώτησιν τῶν χρησμῶν καὶ παραίνεσιν τὴν ἐκ 44 Μαρδονίου, νύξ τε ἐγίνετο, καὶ ἐς φυλακὰς ἐτάσσοντο. ws δὲ βαάμρό ρον πρόσω τῆς νυκτὸς προέλήλατο, καὶ ἡσυχίη ἐδόκεε εἶναε ἀνὰ τὰ gaa στρατόπεδα καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἶναι ἐν ὕπνῳ, τηνικαῦτα προσελάσας ἵππῳ πρὸς τὰς φυλακὰς τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ᾿Αμύντεω, στρατηγός τε ἐὼν καὶ βασιλεὺς Μακεδόνων", ἐδίξητο τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν: τῶν δὲ φυλάκων οἱ μὲν πλεῦνες παρέμενον, οἱ δ᾽ ἔθεον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς" ἐλθόντες δὲ ἔλεγον, ὧς ἄνθρωπος ἥκοι ἐπ᾽ ἵππου ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῦ Μήδων, ὃς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν παραγυμνοῖ ἔπος, στρατηγοὺς δὲ ! ὀνομάζων, ἐθέλειν φησὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. Οἱ δὲ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα 45 ἤκουσαν, αὐτίκα εἵποντο ἐς τὰς φυλακάς" ἀπικομένοισε δὲ ἔλεγε ᾿Αλέξανδρος τάδε: “ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι", παραθήκην ὑμῖν τὰ κεδόνων. Herodotus has mentioned this individual so often before, that it was scarcely necessary for the purpose of per- spicuity again to describe him. Perhaps he is so descri here on account of his father having recently died. 126 ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι. The στρατηγοὶ, 121 és Ἰλλυριούς re . . . πεποιημένον. This is the application of the oracle adopted by Evunipipes (Baccha, 1333), who makes Dionysus prophesy to Cad- mus : πολλὰς δὲ πέρσεις ἀναρίθμῳ στρατεύματι addres’ ὅταν δὲ Λοξίου χρηστήριον διαρπάσωσι, νόστον ἄθλιον πάλιν σχήσουσι. 122 ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Βάκιδί ἐστιι S has τάδε μὲν instead of τὰ μὲν, and F leaves out ἐστι, which S inserts after μάχην. Gaisford prints ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Βάκιδι ἐς ταύτην τὴν μάχην, &c., and continues the sentence on after the citation of the verses, as if πεποιημένα were to be under- stood after Μουσαίφ. 133 Movoalov. This is a conjecture of Bekker’s, the MSS all having Μουσαίφ. For the way in which that reading is to be explained, see the last note. 124 στρατηγός Te ἐὼν καὶ βασιλεὺς Ma- whom Alexander named as persons whom he wished to see, are Athenians, possibly individuals with which he had dealings on the occasion of his embassy to Athens in the previous winter (viii. 136, seqq.). But still he thinks it desirable to make himself known to them at the end of his speech, as if he had been an entire stranger. PLuTarcH describes him as asking for Aristides (Aristid. § 15). In the course of a generation or two the cele- brity of Aristides was sure to attract to him the floating traditions relative to the incidents of the war. See note 86 ἃ on vi. 37. 3M 2 452 HERODOTUS ὄπεα τάδε τίθεμαι, ἀπόρρητα ποιεύμενος πρὸς μηδένα λέγειν ὑμέας ἄλλον ἢ Παυσανίην, μή με καὶ διαφθείρητε' οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἔλεγον, εἰ μὴ μεγάλως ἐκηδόμην συναπάσης τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος" αὐτὸς τε γὰρ “Ελλην γένος εἰμὶ τὠρχαῖον, καὶ ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρης δεδουλω- μένην οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοιμι ὁρᾶν τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' λέγω δὲ ὧν, ὅτε Μαρ- δονίῳ τε καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ τὰ σφάγια οὐ δύναται καταθύμια γενέ- σθαι πάλαι γὰρ ἂν ἐμάχεσθε: νῦν δέ οἱ δέδοκται τὰ μὲν σφάγια ἐᾶν χαίρειν, ἅμα ἡμέρῃ δὲ διαφαυσκούσῃ συμβολὴν “ποιέεσθαι: καταρρώδηκε γὰρ μὴ πλεῦνες συλλεχθῆτε, ὡς ἐγὼ εἰκάζω. “πρὸς ταῦτα ἑτοιμάξεσθε: ἣν δὲ ἄρα ὑπερβάληται τὴν συμβολὴν Μαρ- δόνιος, καὶ μὴ ποιῆται, λυπαρέετε μένοντες" ὀλύγων γάρ σφι ἡμερέων λείπεται σιτία... ἣν δὲ ὑμῖν ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε κατὰ voor τελευτήσῃ, μνησθῆναί τινα χρὴ καὶ ἐμεῦ ἐλευθερώσιος πέρε, ὃς “Ἑλλήνων εἵνεκα οὕτω ἔργον παράβολον ἔργασμαι ὑπὸ προθυμέίης, ἐθέλων ὑμῖν δηλῶσαι τὴν διάνοιαν τὴν Μαρδονίου, ἵνα μὴ ἐπι- πέσωσι ὑμῖν οἱ βάρβαροι μὴ προσδεκομένοισί κω. εἰμὶ δὲ ᾿Αλέξ- avdpos ὁ Μακεδών." ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἴπας, ἀπήλαυνε ὀπίσω ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ τάξιν. 46 ΟὈΟἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἐλθόντες ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας, bel oF ἔλεγον Παυσανίῃ τάπερ ἤκουσαν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου' ὁ δὲ τούτῳ τῷ to the δος ὁ (06 Moy καταρρωδήσας τοὺς Πέρσας ", ἔλεγε τάδε' “ ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ἐς induces ἠῷ ἡ συμβολὴ γίνεται, ὑμέας μὲν χρεόν ἐστι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους toattempt στῆναι κατὰ τοὺς Πέρσας, ἡμέας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς Βοιωτούς τε καὶ an alteration inhisline, τοὺς κατ᾽ ὑμέας τεταγμένους Ελλήνων, τῶνδε εἵνεκα" ὑμεῖς ἐπί- στασθε τοὺς Μήδους καὶ τὴν μάχην αὐτῶν, ἐν Μαραθῶνι μαχε- σάμενοι' ἡμεῖς δὲ ἄπειροί τέ εἶμεν καὶ ἀδαέες τούτων τῶν ἀνδρών. Σπαρτιητέων γὰρ οὐδεὶς πεπείρηται Μήδων" ἡμεῖς δὲ Βοιωτῶν καὶ Θεσσαλῶν ἔμπειροί εἶμεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἀναλαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα χρεόν ἐστι ἰέναι ὑμέας μὲν ἐς τόδε τὸ κέρας, ἡμέας δὲ ἐς τὸ εὐώνυμον." πρὸς δὲ ταῦτα εἶπαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τάδε" “ καὶ αὐτοῖσε ἡμῖν πάλαι ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς; ἐπεί τε εἴδομεν κατ᾽ ὑμέας τασσομένους τοὺς Πέρσας, 126 ὀλίγων γάρ σφι ἡμερέων λείπεται in cavalry posseased by the Persians, it σιτία. This statement is not at all easy would have been perfectly easy to main- to reconcile with the argument of Arta- tain an uninterrupted communication be- bazus (§ 41), that they should fall back tween Thebes and the army in camp. on Thebes, where there were ample sup- 137 καταρρωδήσας τοὺς Πέρσας. See lies both for horse and man. There can note 158 on § 60, below. no question that, with the superiority CALLIOPE, ΙΧ. 46—48. 453 ἐν vow eyévero εἰπεῖν ταῦτα τάπερ ὑμεῖς φθάντες προφέρετε' ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἀρρωδέομεν μὴ ὑμῖν οὐκ ἡδέες γένωνται οἱ λόγοι" ἐπεὶ δ' ὧν αὐτοὶ ἐμνήσθητε, καὶ ἡδομένοισι ἡμῖν οἱ λόγοι γεγόνασι .35 καὶ ἑτοῖμοί εἶμεν ποιέειν ταῦτα." ‘Ns δ᾽ ἤρεσκε ἀμφοτέροισι ταῦτα, 47 ἠώς te διέφαινε καὶ διαλλάσσοντο τὰς τάξις .,5" γνόντες δὲ οἱ hich the enemy foil ‘ , 2 Ul a Ἃ 3 by a corre- Βοιωτοὶ τὸ ποιεύμενον, ἐξωγορεύουσι Μαρδονίῳ ὁ δ᾽ ἐπεί τε sr ondiag 4 2 » ΄ aN a f No Movement, ἤκουσε, αὐτίκα pera raves καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπειρᾶτο, παράγων τοὺς τὰ he το. Πέρσας κατὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. ὡς δὲ ἔμαθε τοῦτο τοιοῦτο eat dine γινόμενον ὁ Παυσανίης, γνοὺς ὅτε οὐ λανθάνει, ὀπίσω ἦγε τοὺς esi snd Σπαρτιήτας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας: ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἐπὶ τοῦ εὐωνύμου. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ κατέστησαν ἐς τὰς ἀρχαίας τάξις, πέμψας ὁ Μαρ- 48 δόνιος κήρυκα ἐς τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας ἔλεγε τάδε" “ὦ Δακεδαιμόνιοε, aotalde ΑΝ ὑμεῖς δὴ λέγεσθε εἶναι ἄνδρες ἄριστοι ὑπὸ τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων, Berane with vow- ἐκπαγλεομένων ὡς οὔτε φεύγετε ἐκ πολέμου οὔτε τάξιν ἐκλείπετε, ree δ ἀοο μένοντές τε ἢ ἀπόλλυτε τοὺς ἐναντίους ἢ αὐτοὶ ἀπόλλυσθε. τῶν οἵ this ΠΟ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἣν οὐδὲν ἀληθές" πρὶν γὰρ ἢ συμμίξαι ἡμέας ἐς χειρῶν τε νόμον ἀπικέσθαι, καὶ δὴ φεύγοντας καὶ στάσιν ᾿" ἐκλείποντας ὑμέας εἴδομεν, ἐν ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε τὴν πρόπειραν ποιευμένους, αὐτούς τε ἀντία δούλων τῶν ἡμετέρων τασσομένους" ταῦτα οὐδα- μῶς ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν Epyar ἀλλὰ πλεῖστον δὴ ἐν ὑμῖν ἐψεύσθημεν. προσδεκόμενοι γὰρ κατὰ κλέος, ὡς δὴ πέμψετε ἐς ἡμέας κήρυκα “προκαλεύμενοι καὶ βουλόμενοι μούνοισι Πέρσῃσι μάχεσθαι, ἄρτιοι ἐόντες ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὐδὲν τοιοῦτο λέγοντας ὑμέας εὕρομεν, ἀλλὰ “ππτώσσοντας μᾶλλον. νῦν ὧν ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ὑμεῖς ἤρξατε τούτου τοῦ λόγου, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἄρχομεν, τί δὴ οὐ πρὸ μὲν τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων ὑμεῖς, ἐπεί τε δεδόξωσθε "3 εἶναι ἄριστοι, πρὸ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡμεῖς "5, ἴσοι πρὸς ἴσους ἀριθμὸν μαχεσόμεθα ; καὶ ἣν μὲν δοκέῃ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους μάχεσθαι, οἱ δ᾽ ὧν μετέπειτα μαχέσθων ὕστεροι" εἰ δὲ καὶ μὴ δοκέοι, GAN ἡμέας μούνους ἀποχρᾶν, ἡμεῖς δὲ διαμαχεσόμεθα" 128 ἡδομένοισι ἡμῖν of λόγοι γεγόνασι. 135. See note 23 on viii. 10. 132 πρὸ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡμεῖς. The 129 ἠώς τε διέφαινε καὶ διαλλάσσοντο phrase βάρβαροι, applied by the invaders τὰς τάξις, “with the very break of day to their own troops, plainly shows the they changed their respective positions.” Hellenic origin of this challenge of Mar- See note 551 on vii. 218. donius. See note 126 oni. 37, note 104 . ordow. Sand V have τάξιν. on iii. 36, and note 243 on v. 91. 131 δεδόξωσθες. See note 370 on vii. 451 HERODOTUS « Ff e » ’ ’ alg μ ὁκότεροι δ᾽ ἂν ἡμέων νικήσωσι, τούτους τῷ ἅπαντε στρατοπέδῳ 49 νικᾶν." ‘O μὲν, ταῦτα εἴπας τε καὶ ἐπισχὼν χρόνον, ὥς οἱ οὐδεὶς He attacks the whole line of the allies with his cavalry, and destroys the Garga- phian foun- tain, from whence the whole army ἐόντες καὶ προσφέρεσθαι ἄποροι was supplied with water. 50 The allies resolve to move to “the ie- land,” ten off, in the course of the next night. οὐδὲν ὑπεκρίνετο, ἀπαλλάσσετο ὀπίσω: ἀπελθὼν δὲ ἐσήμαινε Μαρδονίῳ τὰ καταλαβόντα: 6 δὲ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ ἐπ- αρθεὶς ψυχρῇ viey’”, ἐπῆκε τὴν ὕτπον ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ελληνας- ὡς δὲ ἐπήλασαν οἱ ἱππόται, ἐσινέοντο πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν ᾿ Ελλη- > ’ a ? σ @ 4 νικὴν ἐσακοντίζοντές τε καὶ τοξεύοντες, ὥστε ἱπποτοξόται τε τήν τε κρήνην τὴν Γαργα- φίην ., ἀπ᾽ ἧς ὑδρεύετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα τὸ ᾿Ελληνικὸν, συν- ετάραξαν καὶ συνέχωσαν. ἧσαν μὲν ὧν κατὰ τὴν κρήνην Δακε- δαιμόνιοι τετωγμένοι μοῦνοι' τοῖσε δὲ ἄλλοισι “Ἑλλησι ἡ μὲν κρήνη πρόσω ἐγίνετο, ὡς ἕκαστοι ἔτυχον τεταγμένοι, 6 δὲ ᾿Ασω- πὸς ἀγχοῦ ἐρυκόμενοι δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ, οὕτω δὴ ἐπὶ τὴν κρήνην ἐφοίτεον' ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ γάρ oft οὐκ ἐξῆν ὕδωρ φορέεσθαι, ὑπό τε τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τοξευμάτων. Τούτου δὲ τοιούτου γινομένου, οἱ τῶν Ελλήνων στρατηγοὶ, ἅτε τοῦ τε ὕδατος στερηθείσης τῆς στρατιῆς καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου ταρασ- σομένης, συνελέχθησαν περὶ αὐτῶν τε τούτων καὶ ἄλλων, ἐλθόντες παρὰ Παυσανίην ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας" ἄλλα γὰρ, τούτων τοιούτων ἐόντων, μᾶλλόν σφεας ἐπελύπεε' οὔτε γὰρ σιτία εἶχον ἔτι, οἵ τέ σφεων ὀπέωνες ἀποπεμφθέντες ἐς Πελοπόννησον ὡς ἐπισιτιεύ- μενοι, ἀποκεκλέατο ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου, οὐ δυνάμενοι ἀπικέσθαι ἐς δ] τὸ στρατόπεδον. Βουλευομένοισι δὲ τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι ἔδοξε, ἣν land” is ὑπερβάλωνταε κείνην τὴν ἡμέρην οἱ Πέρσαι συμβολὴν μὴ ποιεύ- formed Ὁ two branches μενοι, ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἰέναι" ἡ δέ ἐστι ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ καὶ τῆς ofariver μρήνῃς τῆς Γαργαφίης, ἐπ᾽’ ἡ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο τότε, δέκα στα- Οἔξνοξ. δίους ἀπέχουσα, πρὸ τῆς Πλαταιέων πόλιος. νῆσος δὲ οὕτω ἂν εἴη ἐν ἠπείρῳ' σχιζόμενος ὁ ποταμὸς ἄνωθεν ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ῥέει κάτω ἐς τὸ πεδίον, διέχων ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων τὰ ῥέεθρα ὅσονπερ 122 περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ ἐπαρθεὶς ψυχρῇ νίκῃ. That this is a Hellenic view of Mardonius’s sentiments, and can have no foundation of truth, seems perfectly certain. See the contemptuous way io which he speaks of the want of strategical skill among the Greeks (vii. 9). He was not likely to have his spirits elevated on finding that he was opposed by as good a general as himself, and one who did not intend to give up the advantages of a strong forge With the expression ψυχρῇ νίκῃ compare ψυχρὴ ἐπικουρίη, vi. 108 : 134 προσφέρεσθαι ἄποροι. Not “ unable to engage in close fight,’’ but “ impossible to bring to close fight.’”” Compare ἄποροι προσμίσγειν, which is said of the Scythi- ans (iv. 46) from the same cause. 135 Γαργαφίην. See above, note 64 on 25. CALLIOPE. IX. 49—852. 455 τρία στάδια' καὶ ἔπειτα συμμίσγει ἐς τὠντό' οὔνομα δέ οἱ ᾽Ωερόη: θυγατέρα δὲ ταύτην λέγουσι εἶναι ᾿Ασωποῦ οἱ ἐπιχώ- ριοι. 5. ἐς τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χῶρον ἐβουλεύσαντο μεταναστῆναι, ἕνα καὶ ὕδατι ἔχωσι χρᾶσθαι ἀφθόνῳ καὶ οἱ ἱππέες σφέας μὴ 11, μετακινέεσθαί τε ἐδόκεε τότε ἐπεὰν τῆς νυκτὸς 7 δευτέρη φυλακὴ", ὡς ἂν μὴ ἰδοίατο οἱ Πέρσαι ἐξορμεωμένους, καί σῴεας ἑπόμενοι ταράσσοιεν οἱ ἵππό- Tat. ἀπικομένων δὲ ἐς τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον τὸν δὴ ἡ ᾿Ασωπὶς ᾿Ωερόη περισχίξζεταε ῥέουσα ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος, ὑπὸ τὴν νύκτα wv 9. 324 λ 37 otvolato, ὥσπερ κατ' ἰθὺ ἐόντων ταύτην ἐδόκεε τοὺς ἡμίσεας ἀποστέλλειν τοῦ στρατοπέδου πρὸς τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα, ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν τοὺς ὀπέωνας τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ σιτία οἰχομένους" ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι ἀπολελαμμένοι ***, Ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι, κείνην μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην πᾶσαν, προσ- δ9 , a " ᾿ Ν ε \ @ e 2 On the arm κειμένης τῆς ἵππου, εἶχον πόνον ἄτρυτον: ὡς δὲ 7 τε ἡμέρη novia aN \ κε ’ . , \ , ν 2,2 motion at ἔληγε καὶ οἱ ἱππέες ἐπέπαυντο, νυκτὸς δὴ γενομένης καὶ ἐούσης a_@ Ἢ ͵ ; : 2 ; ἂν , : night, the τῆς ὥρης és τὴν συνέκειτό σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, ἐνθαῦτα ἀερθέντες sTeater part οἱ πολλοὶ ἀπαλλάσσοντο' ἐς μὲν τὸν χῶρον ἐς τὸν συνέκειτο οὐκ ee as the CrT@um ἃ ἐν vow ἔχοντες, οἱ δὲ, ws ἐκινήθησαν, ἔφευγον ἄσμενοι Thy ἵππον Plates, P twenty πρὸς τὴν Πλαταιέων πόλιν, φεύγοντες δὲ ἀπικνέονται ἐπὶ τὸ stades from δι δι ΄ a © τ ‘Hpaiov™ τὸ δὲ πρὸ τῆς πόλιός ἐστι τῆς Πλαταιέων, εἴκοσι phian foun- tain. 136 θυγατέρα δὲ ταύτην λέγουσι εἶναι 140 ἐπὶ τὸ Ἡραῖον. The deity in this ᾿Ασωποῦ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι. See note 353 on vii. 129. This stream appears to have been crossed by the road running from Plata to Thebes, but at what distance from Pla- tea does not appear. (PAUSANIAS, ix. 4. 4.) See Coroner Sauire quoted in note 64, above. 137 ὥσπερ κατ᾽ ἰθὺ ἐόντων, “as did, while they were directly exposed to them.” 138 δευτέρη φυλακή. The Greeks di- vided the interval of time between sunset and sunrise, not, like the Romans, into four parts, but into three. The second watch would therefore, at this time of the year, commence nearly two hours before midnight. 199 Seay γὰρ ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι ἀπολελαμ- μένοι, “for they had been blocked up in Cithberon.” The convoy in question had apparently intended to enter Boeotia by the way of CEnoe, but was unable to de- scend into the plain for fear of the enemy’s cavalry. temple was called Ἥρα τελεία or Ἥρα νυμφευομένη. She was a θεὸς γαμήλιος, and a festival called Dedala was cele- brated by the Plateans in her honour every seventh year, or oftener. Every sixtieth year there was a grander celebra- tion, in which were associated together with Platea, Coronea, Thespia, Tanagra, Cheeronea, Orchomenus, Lebadea, and Thebes, and other smaller townsbips. Fourteen images of oak, attired as brides, were drawn in chariots along the banks of the Asopus, and from thence to the sum- mit of Citheron. There an altar was built up of square logs of wood like ma- sonry, and heaped with fascines, and, a bull being sacrificed to Zeus and a cow to Here, by each of the townships taking art in the ceremony, the victims were burnt together with the wooden brides upon it. The altar itself at last taking fire, the whole produced a bonfire seen far and wide. (PAUsAN1AS, ix. 3.9.) It is this Here, whose temple was enriched, 53 On Pausa- niasordering the Lacedx- monians to Pausanias halts the Lacedemo- nians to avoid sacri- ficing him. 54 The Athe- nians do not move as agreed upon from dis- trust of the Lacedemo- nians. 456 HERODOTUS σταδίους ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης τῆς Γαργαφίης ἀπέχον" ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἔθεντο πρὸ τοῦ ἱροῦ τὰ ὅπλα. Καὶ οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸ Ἡραῖον ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο' Παυσανίης δὲ ὁρέων σφέας ἀπαλλασσομένους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, παρήγγελλε καὶ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι, ἀνα- λαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα ἰέναι, κατὰ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς προϊόντας. νομίσας αὐτοὺς ἐς τὸν χῶρον ἰέναι ἐς τὸν συνεθήκαντο: ἐνθαῦτα οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἄρτιοι ἦσαν τῶν ταξιαρχέων πείθεσθαι Tlavoariz ᾿Αμομφάρετος δὲ ὁ Πολιάδεω, λοχηγέων τοῦ Πιτανητέων λόχου "", οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς ξείνους φεύξεσθαι, οὐδὲ ἑκὼν εἶναι αἰσχυνέειν τὴν Σπάρτην" ἐθώμαξέ τε ὁρέων τὸ ποιεύμενον, ἅτε οὐ παρωγενόμενος τῷ προτέρῳ λόγῳφ' ὁ δὲ Παυσανίης τε καὶ ὁ Εὐρυάναξ δεινὸν μὲν ἐποιεῦντο τὸ μὴ πείθεσθαι ἐκεῖνον σφίσι, δεινότερον δὲ ἔτι, κείνου ταῦτα νενωμένου, ἀπολιπεῖν τὸν λόχον τὸν Πιτανήτην, μὴ, ἣν ἀπολίπωσι ποιεῦντες τὰ συνεθήκαντο τοῖσι ἄλλοισι “Ελλησι, ἀπόληται ὑπολειφθεὶς αὐτός τε ᾿Αμομφάρετος καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ; ταῦτα λογιζόμενοι ἀτρέμας εἶχον τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ Δακωνικὸν, καὶ ἐπειρῶντο πείθοντές μὲν ὡς οὐ χρεὸν εἴη ταῦτα ποιέειν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν παρηγόρεον ᾿Αμομφάρετον, μοῦνον Λακεδαιμονίων τε καὶ Τεγεητέων λελειμμένον. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐποίευν τοιάδε: εἶχον ἀτρέμας σφέας αὐτοὺς ἵνα ἐτάχθησαν, ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ “Λακεδαιμονίων φρονήματα, ὡς ἄλλα φρονεόντων καὶ ἄλλα λεγόν- tov'*. ὡς δὲ ἐκινήθη τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἔπεμπον σφέων ἱππέα and added to with the spoils of Platea, when the Spartans and Thebans destroyed the town in the third year of the Pelo- ponnesian war. (THucYDIDES, iii. 64.) 141 roy Πιτανητέων λόχου. See note 136 upon vi. 57. It is scarcely useful to speculate much upon the cause of Hero- dotus’s error with regard to this batta- lion’s name. Possibly the story of Amom- pharetus, a Spartan of the old school, may be derived from the same source as that of Archias and Lycopas, the two brave soldiers who fell at Samos. This last was told to Herodotus (or his informant) by an individual who resided at Pitana (iii. 55). Now if this person himself served under Amompharetus at Plateea, and the battalion contained others from the same deme ; he would, in speaking of Amom- pharetus, very naturally use such an ex- pression as “ our colonel,’’—which might no lees naturally be interpreted as in the text, by any one who assumed that the semonian army was organized as an aggregate of local militia. 142 ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρο- γήματα, ὧς ἄλλα φρονεόντων καὶ ἄλλα λεγόντων. The attribution of treachery to the Lacedeemonians was a _ popular topic at Athens. Evuripipzs: Σπάρτης ἔνοικοι, δόλια βουλευτήρια, ψευδῶν ἄνακτες, μηχανορράφοι κακῶν, ἑλικτὰ, κοὐδὲν ὑγιὲς ἀλλὰ πᾶν πέριξ φρονοῦντες.---(πάγοπεασλο, 446.) ARISTOPHANES doubtless spoke the cur- rent sentiments of his countrymen in the person of Hierocles : συνθήκας πεποίησθ᾽, ἄνδρες yxaporoic: πιθήκοις, διο.---(Ῥεαςε, 1065,) and where he describes the Lacedxemo- nians as persons οἷσιν οὔτε βωμὸς, οὔτε πίστις, οὔθ᾽ ὅρκος μένει. But history CALLIOPE. IX. 53—56. 457 ὀψόμενόν τε εἶ πορεύεσθαι ἐπιχειρέοιεν οἱ Σπαρτιῆται, εἴτε καὶ τὸ παράπαν μὴ διανοεῦνταε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐπείρεσθαί τε Παυ- σανίην τὸ χρεὸν εἴη ποιέειν; ‘Ns δὲ ἀπίκετο ὁ κήρυξ ἐς τοὺς “Λακεδαιμονίους, ὥρα τέ σφεας κατὰ χώρην τεταγμένους, καὶ ἐς νείκεα ἀπυγμένους αὐτῶν τοὺς πρώτους" ὡς γὰρ δὴ παρηγορέοντο τὸν ᾿Αμομφάρετον ὅ τε Εὐρνυάναξ καὶ ὁ Παυσανίης μὴ κινδυνεύειν μένοντας μούνους Λακεδαιμονίων, οὔ κως ἔπειθον" ἐς ὃ ἐς νείκεά τε συμπεσόντες ἀπικέατο, καὶ ὁ κήρυξ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων παρίστατό ode ἀπυγμένος" νεικέων δὲ 6 ᾿Αμομφάρετος, λαμβάνει πέτρον ἀμφοτέρῃσι τῇσι χερσὶ, καὶ τιθεὶς πρὸ ποδῶν τῶν Παυσανίεω, ταύτῃ τῇ ψήφῳ ψηφίζεσθαι ἔφη μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς ξείνους" ξείνους λέγων τοὺς βαρβάρους". 6 δὲ μαινόμενον καὶ οὐ φρενήρεα καλέων ἐκεῖνον, πρός τε τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων κήρυκα ἐπειρωτῶντα τὰ ἐντεταλμένα, λέγειν ὁ Παυσανίης ἐκέλευε τὰ παρεόντα σφι πρή- ματα, ἐχρήϊζε τε τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων προσχωρῆσαί τε πρὸς ἑωυ- τοὺς “*, καὶ ποιέειν περὶ τῆς. ἀπόδου τάπερ ἂν καὶ σφεῖς. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. τοὺς δὲ ἐπεὶ ἀνακρινο- does not bear out the charge of any espe- cial bad faith on the of the nation, in the proper sense of the word. No doubt the predominance of one party or the other in the government of Sparta pro- duced a corresponding variation in the external policy of the country. A Spartan statesman had, in his foreign as well as his domestic policy, constantly to steer between Scylla and Charybdis, to avoid on the one hand the danger of alienating the Achzan population, and on the other that of endangering the Cadmeo-dorian supremacy ; and a course 80 fettered would always, when seen from without, assume a tortuous appearance. The light in which the Romans viewed Carthage, and that in which the continental nations of modern Europe are apt to view Great Britain, fur- nish something of a parallel. Napoleon, had he invaded this country, would doubt- less have complained of treachery, on find- ing that he was not joined by the whigs. In the text, the charge against the Lace- dsemonians is made to cover the fault of obstinacy or unskilfulness committed by the Athenians, who did not obey the or- ders of the general commanding. 163 ξείνους λέγων τοὺς βαρβάρους. The peculiarity of the Lacedsemonians to use VOL. JI. the term ξεῖνοι where others would say βάρβαροι, has been remarked above (§ 11). It would be 6 mistake however to infer any especial mildness of feeling towards the foreigner from this circumstance. The Latin word “ hostis”’ at one time was used in the sense of “" peregrinus,’’ that which was in later times called ‘ hostis”’ being denoted by the word “ perduellis.’’ (Fxstus νυ. Hostis.) This circumstance is thus commented on by Cicero: ‘“ Equi- dem illud etiam animadverto, quod, qui proprio nomine perduellis easet, is Hostis vocaretur, lenstate verbi tristitiam rei miligante. ‘ Hostis’ enim apud majores nostroe is dicebatur quem nunc ‘ peregri- num’ dicimus.” (De officiis, i. 12.) But the real state of the case is, that both ξεῖνος in Greek and ‘ hostis’ in Latin ori- ginally meant ‘‘an alien ;’’ and from the foreigner being in most instances an enemy, came to involve from the γι beginning the idea of hostility. The pro- cess of association is exactly the same as that which produced the use of the Eng- lish word ‘ unkindness,”—originally the feeling towards those who are not οὗ the same kin or kind, i. 6. ἀλλοφύλους. 14 προσχωρῆσαι πρὸς ἑωυτοὺς, ‘ to close up to his own division.” ΟΝ 55 56 At daybreak Pausanias 458 HERODOTUS plea ae μένους πρὸς ἑωντοὺς ἠὼς κατελάμβανε, ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ κατ- ex n that the nuevos"? ὁ Παυσανίης, οὐ δοκέων τὸν ᾿Αμομφάρετον λείψεσθαι abandon- er. ἢ ὃ > 7 ‘ « ; ment of τῶν ἄλλων “ακεδαιμονίων ἀποστειχόντων, (τὰ δὴ καὶ ἐγένετο,) Amompha- Ul > A a A \ Ἁ ᾽ μα retus will σημῇνας ἀπῆγε διὰ τῶν κολωνῶν τοὺς λουποὺς πάντας" εἵποντο ἈΠ ae δὲ καὶ Τεγεῆται. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ταχθέντες ἤϊσαν τὰ ἔμπαλιν ἢ versenes#- Λακεδαιμόνιοι: οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῶν τε ὄχθων ἀντείχοντο καὶ τῆς ὑπωρείης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος, φοβεόμενοι τὴν ἵππον ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, 57 κάτω τραφθέντες ἐς τὸ πεδίον. ᾿Αμομφάρετος δὲ, ἀρχήν τε οὐδαμὰ δοκέων Παυσανίην τολμήσειν σφέας ἀπολιπεῖν, περι- elyero αὐτοῦ μένοντας μὴ ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν τάξιν. προτερεόντων ᾿" δὲ τῶν σὺν Παυσανίῃ, καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἰθείῃ τέχνῃ "" ἀπο- λιπεῖν αὐτὸν, ἀναλαβόντα τὸν λόγον τὰ ὅπλα ἦγε βάδην πρὸς After pre τὸ ἄλλο στῖφος" τὸ δὲ, ἀπελθὸν ὅσον τε δέκα στάδια, ἀνέμενε t Ἁ 3 Q ’ e ’ tades he TOV Apoupapétov λόχον, περὶ ποταμὸν Μολόεντα "" ἱδρυμένον haltsinthe , t , a ’ a \ , ? ’ vicinity of «Αργιόπιόν τε χῶρον καλεόμενον, τῇ καὶ Δήμητρος Ἐλευσινέης pra in ἱρὸν ἧσται". ἀνέμενε δὲ τοῦδε εἵνεκα, iva, ἣν μὴ ἀπολίπῃ τὸν aplace called rgiopiun, where a temple of the Eleusi- nian Deme- ter stood. χῶρον ἐν τῷ ἐτετάχατο ὁ ᾿Αμομφάρετός τε Kai ὃ λόχος, Σλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ μένωσι, βοηθέοι ὀπίσω παρ᾽ ἐκείνους. καὶ οἵ τε ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αμομφάρετον παρεγίνοντό σφι καὶ ἡ ἵππος ἡ τῶν βαρ- ΐ έ aca’ οἱ γὰρ ἱππόται ἐποί lo ὲ βάρων προσέκειτο πᾶσα" οἱ γὰρ ἱππόται ἐποίευν οἷον κα M3 xarhpevos. See note 225 on iii. 83. 146 προτερεόντων. This is the unani- mous reading of the MSS here; although in § 66, below, some have προτερεύων. 141 ἰθείῃ τέχνῃ, “plainly,” i. ὁ. with- out any attempt to disguise the matter. 48 MoAderra. One manuscript (K) has Μολέοντα, and another (S) Moderra. 149 τῇ καὶ Δήμητρος ᾿Ἐλευσινίης ἱρὸν ἧσται. Herodotus makes no mention of the story connected with this temple, which PLurancu relates (Aristid., § 11). The Athenians were promised victory by the Delphic oracle, on condition of their previously offering prayers to Zeus, the Citheronian Here, Pan, and the nymphs called Sphragitides, of sacrificing to An- drocrates and certain other local heroee, and also fighting the battle in their own territory in the plain of the Eleusinian Demeter and Core. They were puzzled at thie, as the oracle seemed to fix upon two distinct localities; when Arimnestus, the Platean commander, had a dream, which induced him to take counsel with some of the oldest and most experienced of his countrymen. After consultation with them, it was found out that there was an ex- tremely ancient temple dedicated to the Eleusinian Demeter and Core near Hysie, under the flanks of Citheron. On arriving there, it appeared that the site was most favourable for infantry to resist cavalry in, and just by was a chapel of the hero An- drocrates. To conform to the oracle the better, the Plateans decided on throw- ing down the landmarks between their own territory and Attica. THImLWALL (History of Greece, ii. p. 334) regards this story as ‘“‘ perhaps an Athenian or Platsean tradition, not generally current.” It appears to me to be a story of a later time than that of Herodotus, and such seems to be the opinion of Thiriwall with regard to the latter part of it. 130 καὶ of re ἀμφὶ τὸν ... προσέκειτο πᾶσα. Translate, “ and exactly as Amom- CALLIOPE. IX. 57—59. 459 ἐώθεσαν ποιέειν αἰεί: ἰδόντες δὲ τὸν χῶρον κεινὸν ἐν τῷ ἐτετά- χατο οἱ “Ελληνες τῇσι προτέρῃσε ἡμέρῃσι, ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἵππους αἰεὶ τὸ πρόσω" καὶ ἅμα καταλαβόντες προσεκέατό σφι. Μαρδόνιος δὲ ὡς ἐπύθετο τοὺς “Ελληνας ἀποιχομένους ὑπὸ 58 νύκτα, εἶδέ τε τὸν χῶρον ἐρῆμον, καλέσας τὸν Δηρισσαῖον Θώρηκα Speech of ardonius καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφεοὺς αὐτοῦ Ἐὐρνυχὸν καὶ Θρασυδήϊον, ἔλεγε" “ ὦ scape al παῖδες Αλεύεω, ἔτι τί λέξετε, = ΠῚ ἐρῆμα; ΤΆΞΙΣ: γὰρ severe οἱ πλησιόχωροι ἐλέγετε Δακεδαιμονίους οὐ φεύγειν ἐκ μάχης, Lacedemo- ἀλλὰ ἄνδρας εἶναι τὰ πολέμια πρώτους" τοὺς πρότερόν τε μετ- πιονοὰ. ἐσταμένους ἐκ τῆς τάξιος εἴδετε, νῦν τε ὑπὸ τὴν παροιχομένην νύκτα καὶ οἱ πάντες ὁρέομεν διαδράντας" διέδεξάν τε, ἐπεί σῴεας ἔδεε πρὸς τοὺς ἀψευδέως ἀρίστους ἀνθρώπων μάχῃ διακριθῆναι, ὅτι οὐδένες ἄρα ἐόντες ." ἐν οὐδαμοῖσι ἐοῦσι “Ελλησι ἐναπεδει- aviato'. καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν ἐοῦσι Περσέων ἀπείροισι πολλὴ ἔκ γε ἐμεῦ ἐγίνετο συγγνώμη, ἐπαινεόντων τούτους τοῖσί τι καὶ συν- ῃδέατε 3. ᾿Αρταβάζου δὲ θῶμα καὶ μᾶλλον ἐποιεύμην, τὸ καὶ καταρρωδῆσαε Δακεδαιμονίους, καταρρωδήσαντά τε ἀποδέξασθαι γνώμην δειλοτάτην, ὡς χρεὸν εἴη ἀναξεύξαντας τὸ στρατόπεδον "" ἐέναε ἐς τὸ Θηβαίων ἄστυ πολιορκησομένους" τὴν ἔτι πρὸς ἐμεῦ βασιλεὺς πεύσεται. καὶ τούτων μὲν ἑτέρωθε ἔσται λόγος" νῦν δὲ ἐκείνοισι ταῦτα ποιεῦσι οὐκ ἐπιτρεπτέα ἐστί: ἀλλὰ διωκτέοι εἰσὶ ἐς ὃ καταλαμφθέντες δώσουσι ἡμῖν τῶν δὴ ἐποίησαν Πέρσας πάντων δίκας." Ταῦτα εἴπας ἦγε τοὺς Πέρσας δρόμῳ, δια- δ9 βάντας τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν, κατὰ στίβον τῶν Ελλήνων, ὡς δὴ ἀπο- He crosees the Asopus , . erreirve -_ , and presses ONIN wv ἐπεῖχέ τε ἐπὶ REE Pot Καὶ Τεγεήτας καλαὶ μὲν ° * the 2 μούνους" ᾿Αθηναίους yap tpatropévous ἐς τὸ πεδίον ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχθων ea ται ἀκ οὐ κατώρα' Πέρσας δὲ ὁρέοντες ὡρμημένους διώκειν τοὺς “Ελλη- Tegeans. νας οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν τελέων ἄρχοντες, αὐτίκα πάντες pharetus’s troops effected a junction with 153 guypdéare. The MSS vary between them, the whole cavalry of the barbarians charged.” For the construction, see note 551 on vii. 218. 151 ὅτι οὐδένες ἄρα ἐόντες, “ that being, after all, nobodies.’’ Compare Sopno- cies, Aj. 1186: ob γὰρ ἠξίον τοὺς μη- Sévas. 152 ἐναᾳπεδεικνύατος This is the read- ing of all the MSS; but in i. 176 they all agree in the form ἀπεδείκνυντο. συνηδέαται and σννῃδέαται. But ε and a: are continually interchanged by the copy- ists, baving been for several centuries pro- nounced alike in modern Greece. The word in the text is regularly derived from συνήδεα, 6 familiar variation of συνύήδειν, the preeterperfect of συνοῖδα. 164 ἀνα(εύξαντας τὸ στρατόπεδον. See note 118 on viii. 60. 3N2 60 Pausanias sends to the Athenians for support, 61 but the attack of the Thebans * and other Greeks in the Persian service pre- vents them from afford- ing it. 460 HERODOTUS ἦραν τὰ σημήϊα, καὶ ἐδίωκον ὡς ποδῶν ἕκαστος “ εἶχον, οὔτε κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ κοσμηθέντες οὔτε τάξι’ καὶ otros μὲν βοῇ τε καὶ ὁμίλῳ ἐπήϊσαν, ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι ᾽ τοὺς “Ελληνας. Παυσανίης δὲ, ὡς προσέκειτο ἡ ἵππος, πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἱππέα λέγει τάδε' “ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀγῶνος μεγί- στου προκειμένου ἐλευθέρην εἶναι ἢ δεδουλωμένην τὴν ᾿Εἰλλάδα, προδεδόμεθα ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἡμεῖς τε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὑμεῖς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὑπὸ τὴν παροιχομένην νύκτα διαδράντων" νῦν ὧν δέδοκται τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ποιητέον ἡμῖν .". ἀμυνομένους γὰρ τῇ δυνάμεθα ἄριστα περιστέλλειν ἀλλήλους" εἰ μέν νυν ἐς ὑμέας ὥρμησε ἀρχὴν ἡ ἵππος, χρῆν δὲ ἡμέας τε καὶ τοὺς per ἡμέων τὴν Ελλάδα οὐ προδιδόντας Τεγεήτας βοηθέειν ὑμῖν" νῦν δὲ, ἐς ἡμέας γὰρ ἅπασα κεχώρηκε, δίκαιοί ἐστε ὑμεῖς πρὸς τὴν πιεζο- μένην μάλιστα τῶν μοιρέων ἀμυνέοντες ἰέναι. εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα αὐτοὺς ὑμέας καταλελάβηκε ἀδύνατόν τι βοηθέειν, ὑμεῖς δ' ἡμῖν τοὺς τοξότας ἀποπέμψαντες χάριν θέσθε. συνοίδαμεν δὲ ὑμῖν ὑπὸ τὸν παρεόντα τόνδε πόλεμον ἐοῦσι πολλὸν προθυμοτάτοισι "", ὥστε καὶ ταῦτα ἐσακούειν." Ταῦτα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο, ὡρμέατο βοηθέειν, καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἐπαμύνειν: καί ade ἤδη στείχουσι ἐπιτίθενται οἱ ἀντιταχθέντες ᾿Ελλήνων τῶν μετὰ βασιλέος γενομένων, ὥστε μηκέτι δύνασθαι βοηθῆσαι' τὸ yap προσκείμενόν σῴεας ἐλύπεε. οὕτω δὴ μουνωθέντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Τογεῆται, ἐόντες σὺν ψιλοῖσι ἀριθμὸν οἱ μὲν πεντακισμύριοι, 185 ἕκαστος. A, B, F, have ἕκαστοι. throughout the war, coming in the midst But the singular is found in i. 169: ἄν- Spes ἐγένοντο ἀγαθοὶ περὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ὅκαστος μαχόμενοι. 156 ἀναρπασόμενοι. 8. and V have ἀρ- πασόμενοι. But all the rest have the com- pound, which, in viii. 28, is the unanimous reading of all the MSS. 157 5h ἐνθεῦτεν ποιητέον. This is the reading of S. The other MSS, which Gaisford follows, have τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν τὸ ποιητέον, which not impossibly may be a union of two alternative readings,—7rd ἐνθεῦτεν and τὸ ποιητέον. 158 συνοίδαμεν ὑμῖν . .. ἐοῦσι πολλὸν προθυμοτάτοισι. Compare v. 91: συγ- ibaa αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν ov ποιήσασι ρθῶς. This tribute of praise to the Athenians for their general conduct of an urgent despatch from a Lacede- monian commander on the field of battle, bespeaks, like many other features in the narrative of the campaign, an Athenian authority. It is quite of a piece with the representation (§ 46, above) that from terror of the Persians Pausanias wished to change his position so as to get the Athenians opposed to them,—an arrange- ment which would have been tantamount to conceding them the post of honour in the whole allied army. The hostile feel- ing of the narrator (or rather his autho- rity) shows itself by the remark (§ 54, above): ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρονήματα, ὡς ἄλλα φρονεόντων καὶ ἄλλα λεγόντων. CALLIOPE. IX. 60—62. 461 Τεγεῆται δὲ τρισχίλιοι". οὗτοι γὰρ οὐδαμὰ ἀπεσχίξζοντο ἀπὸ “Δακεδαιμονίων' ἐσφαγιάξοντο ὡς συμβαλέοντες Μαρδονίῳ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ τῇ παρεούσῃ. καὶ οὐ γάρ σφι ἐγίνετο τὰ σφάγια χρηστὰ, ἔπιπτόν τε αὐτῶν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πολλοὶ καὶ πολλῷ πλεῦνες ἐτρωματίζοντο' φράξαντες γὰρ τὰ γέρρα" οἱ Πέρσαι, ἀπέεσαν τῶν τοξευμάτων πολλὰ ἀφειδέως οὕτω, ὥστε πιεζομένων τῶν Σπαρτιητέων καὶ τῶν σφαγίων οὐ γινομένων, ἀπο τὸν Παυσανίην πρὸς τὸ Ἡραῖον τὸ Πλαταιέων ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὴν θεὸν, χρηΐζοντα μηδαμῶς σφέας ψευσθῆναι τῆς ἐλπίδος "“". Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔτι τούτον ἐπικαλευμένου, προεξαναστάντες πρότερος 62 οἱ Τεγεῆται ἐχώρεον ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους" καὶ τοῖσι Aaxedaypo- A general νίοισι αὐτίκα μετὰ τὴν εὐχὴν τὴν Παυσανίεω ἐγίνετο θνομένοισι ξϊ"". τὰ σφάγια χρηστά. ὡς δὲ χρόνῳ κοτὲ ἐγένετο, ὀχώρεον καὶ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ οὗ Πέρσαι ἀντίοε τὰ τόξα μετέντες. éyivero δὲ πρῶτον περὶ τὰ γέρρα payn ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεπτώκεε, sbayra 189 δόντες σὺν ψιλοῖσι . . . τρισχίλιοι. in front. Behind this he discharged his These numbers would be thus made up: _reed arrows from a long bow (vii. 61). Spartan hoplites . 5,000 (§ 28, above) se Mrs sarc a ΤΣ ay εἰ ΠΕ eee 35.000 frustrated, apparently was that the whole Vacatemonian : army of the enemy might be brought to hoplites (pick- action at close quarters. The important ae 8 AP ) 5,000 (§ 11, above) thing for the allies was, to neutralize the Light trocpa: Bs at : power of the enemy’s cavalry, especially x ὑπεθ 5,000 (§ 29, above the horse-archers. Now the retreat of the Toran hovlites 1°60 (1.28, above) allied force had done much towards this. Light ‘cope εἰ ω The anlar = imagining gros oppo- nents in flight, followed them in a tached to them 1,600 (§ 29, above) disorderly manner, ὡς ποδῶν ἕκαστος εἶχον § 59). When the whole had crossed the pus, the space between the Lacedex- monian line and the enemy must have 53,000 169 φράξαντες τὰ γέρρα. This expres- sion is well elucidated by the sculptures of Nimroud. The shield used in some cases is so large as to cover the whole body, and to be carried by a second war- rior who attends the archer. Sometimes two archers are represented with one ob- long shield between them. In sieges this is sometimes furnished with a square pro- jection like a roof at right angles to the body of the shield, which served as a par- tial defence of the head against missiles discharged from the walls by the de- fenders. (Layvanp, Nineveh, ii. p. 345.) These last seem to be the γέρρα of the text. Fixed in the ground they formed 8 palisade (see below, § 99), from which the short spear carried by the archer projected been 80 narrowed, that such manceuvres on the part of the cavalry as had been so effective the day before, were out of the question. But instead of coming to the charge, as seemed certain, the Persians pitch their shields in the ground and be- gin 8 galling fire of arrows. It appeared, for the moment, as if the advantage gained was again to be lost, and the hope of a decisive engagement frustrated. The problem for Pausanias was to keep his troops ly in hand, without any show of a disposition to attack, until the onset of the enemy became 80 general, that they no longer would have it in their power to avoid a pitched battle. 63 Mardonius is slain by one Aeinene- stus, ἃ per- son of note in Sparta, 64 462 HERODOTUS ἤδη ἐγίνετο μάχη ἰσχυρὴ wap αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον, καὶ “χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλὸν, ἐς ὃ ἀπίκοντο ἐς ὠθισμόν' τὰ γὰρ δόρατα ἐπέίλαμβα- νόμενοι κατέκλων οἱ βάρβαροι. λήματε μέν νυν καὶ ῥώμῃ οὐκ ὅσσονες ἦσαν οἱ Πέρσαι" ἄνοπλοι δὲ ἐόντες, καὶ πρὸς ἀνεπιστή- μονες ἦσαν, καὶ οὐκ ὁμοῖοι τοῖσι ἐναντίοισε σοφίην: προεξαΐσ- σοντες δὲ κατ᾽ ἕνα, καὶ δέκα, καὶ πλεῦνές τε καὶ ἐλάσσονες συστρεφόμενοι, ἐσέπιπτον ἐς τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας, καὶ διεφθείροντο. Τῇ δὲ ἐτύγχανε αὐτὸς ἐὼν Μαρδόνιος, ἀπ᾿ ἵππου τε μαχόμενος λευκοῦ, ἔχων τε περὶ ἑωντὸν. λογάδας Περσέων τοὺς ἀριστους χίλέους, ταύτῃ δὲ καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐπίεσαν. ὅσον μέν νυν χρόνον Μαρδόνιος περιῆν, οἱ δὲ ἀντεῖχον καὶ ἀμυνόμενοι κατέβαλλον πολλοὺς τῶν Δακεδαιμονίων: ὡς δὲ Μαρδόνιος ἀπ- έθανε, καὶ τὸ περὶ ἐκεῖνον τεταγμένον, ἐὸν ἰσχυρότατον, ἔπεσε, οὕτω δὴ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐτράποντο καὶ εἶξαν τοῖσε Δακεδαιμονίοισι" πλεῖστον γάρ σῴφεας ἐδηλέετο ἡ ἐσθῆς, ἐρῆμος ἐοῦσα ὅπλων πρὸς γὰρ ὁπλίτας ἐόντες γυμνῆτες ἀγῶνα ἐποιεῦντο. ᾿Ενθαῦτα h τε δίκη τοῦ φόνου τοῦ Δεωνίδεω, κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριον ᾽“", τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐκ Μαρδονίου ἐπιτελέετο' καὶ νίκην dvaipéeras καλ- λίστην ἁπασέων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Παυσανίης ὁ Κλεομβρότου τοῦ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω: τῶν δὲ κατύπερθέ οἱ προγόνων τὰ οὐνόματα εἴρηται." ἐς Λεωνίδην" ὡὐτοὶ γάρ σφι τυγχάνουσι ἐόντες. ἀπο- θνήσκει δὲ Μαρδόνιος ὑπὸ ᾿Δειμνήστου 5, ἀνδρὸς ἐν Σπάρτῃ λογίμου' ὃς χρόνῳ ὕστερον μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ ἔχων ἄνδρας τριη- κοσίους συνέβαλε ἐν Στενυκλήρῳ ", πολέμου ἐόντος, Μεσση- 162 κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριον. This is the oracle from Delphi, spoken of above (viii. 114). ᾿ τῶν δὲ κατύπερθε of προγόνων τὰ οὐνόματα εἴρηται. See above, vii. 204. 164 ὑπὸ ᾿Αειμνήστουι͵ι; PLrutarca (De oraculorum defectu, § 5) says that Mar- donius was killed by a blow with a stone, —a fate which had been foretold by the vision which his emissary had in the cave of Trophonius. If killed by a stone, how- ever, he would hardly have fallen by the hand of any Spartan of consideration. Plutarch (1. 6.) makes the name of the individual who slew Mardonius to be Arimnestus, which is the reading of S, d, and Valls in this . See note 183 on § 72, below. It is observable that THucrpipss (iii. 62) speaks of a Plafean named Lacon, a son of one Aeimnestus. This goes somewhat to confirm the read- ing in the text. We may conceive the words ἀνδρὸς ἐν Σπάρτῃ λογίμον not to mean ἃ Spartan of consideration, but s foreigner (perhaps a Piatean citizen) of great influence in Sparta, like the Tegean Chileus (above, § 9). If he were in such & position, it is not unnatural that he should call his son Lacon, on the same principle that the son of Archias of Pitana was named Samiws (iii. 55). 163 ἐν Στενυκλήρῳφ. The engagement in which Aeimnestus was slain doubtless took place in the third Messenian war, of which see note 101 on § 35, above. From the way it is mentioned, one may conceive CALLIOPE. IX. 63—66. 463 νίοισι πᾶσι' καὶ αὐτός τε ἀπέθανε καὶ οἱ τριηκόσιο. Ἔν δὲ 65 ΤΠλαταιῇσε οἱ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐτράποντο ὑπὸ τῶν Aaxedaipoviov, ἔφευγον οὐδένα κόσμον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑωντῶν, καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ξύλινον" τὸ ἐποιήσαντο ἐν μοίρῃ τῇ Θηβαΐδι. θῶμα and the Per- δέ μοι ὅκως, παρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ ἄλσος μαχομένων, οὐδὲ εἷς totally.” ἐφάνη τῶν Περσέων οὔτε ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ τέμενος οὔτε ἐναποθανών. να περί τε τὸ ἱρὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν τῷ βεβήλῳ ἔπεσον" δοκέω δὲ, εἴ τι περὶ τῶν θείων πρηγμάτων δοκέειν δεῖ, ἡ θεὸς αὐτή σῴεας οὐκ ἐδέξατο, ἐμπρήσαντας τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι ἀνακτόριον "". αὕτη μέν νυν ἡ μάχη ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐγένετο. ᾿Αρτάβαζος δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος αὐτίκα τε οὐκ ἀρέσκετο κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς 66 λειπομένου Μαρδονίου ἀπὸ βασιλέος, καὶ τότε πολλὰ ἀπαγορεύων Artebazue οὐδὲν ἤννε, συμβάλλειν οὐκ ἐῶν" ἐποίησέ τε αὐτὸς τοιάδε, ὡς οὐκ ἈΠ ΡΟΝ ἀρεσκόμενος τοῖσι πρήγμασι τοῖσι ἐκ Μαρδονίου ποιευμένοισι' men into τῶν ἐστρατήγεε ὁ ᾿Αρτάβαζος' εἶχε δὲ δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς τέσσερας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων 15" περὶ ἑωυτόν' τούτους, ὅκως ἡ συμβολὴ ἐγίνετο, εὖ ἐξεπιστάμενος τὰ ἔμελλε ἀποβήσεσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης, ἦγε κατηρτημένους *®, Aecimnestus surprised by a sudden revolt, and cut off before relief could reach him. The name Stenyclerus of itself would in- dicate a naturally strong position ; and no doubt Aeimnestus commanded the garrison which was intended to maintain military possession of the country. Stenyclerus was in the centre of Messenia, and was on that account, according to EpHorus, se- lected by Cresphontes as the seat of his government (ap. Siradon. viii. c.4, p. 183). Ithome was the acropolis of it, as the Acrocorinthus was of Corinth; and De- metrius Phalereus compared the hold upon the Peloponnese which was secured by the possession of these two points, to the mas- tery over a bull which is obtained by get- ting hold of his two horns. (Srraso, Le. sa ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ξύλινον, * into the log-fort,” the fortified camp, which Mar- donius is spoken of as designing to con- struct, above, § 15. 167 ἀνακτόριον. Gaisford adopts this form, but the MSS are equally divided between it and ἀνάκτορον. It is origi- nally, not the whole temple, but that part which constituted the sanctuary, where the sacred images were kept. Spar the sanny bench or sunny walk became in some cases a stately building, something like a cloister. Such was the Lesche at Delphi (Pausanias, x. 25, seqq.), orna- mented by the paintings of Polygnotus, which, it is calculated, occupied a length of ninety or one hundred feet of wall. But in general the Leschee were smaller. An extant example of one probably is the semicircular high-backed stone seat in the old ἀγορὰ at Pompeii, calculated to hold ten or a dozen persons. From their ob- ject it is very natural that they should have been dedicated to Apollo (CLEAN- THES ap. Photium,v. λέσχη), who indeed is said in some places to have been in- voked under the appellation Adox7ns ὄρειος. (id. tb.) From their facing the south for warmth, the epithet ἐπαλὴς (which is only a Doric form of épfA10s) seems to have cur- rently applied to them. Hesiop (ἔργ. 491) couples χάλκειον θῶκον καὶ ἐπαλέα λέσχην together, as the places haunted by the idle in the winter for the warmth which might be obtained there. They are found in a similar combination in the Odyssey, xviii. 329: οὐδ’ ἐθέλεις εὕδειν χαλκήϊον és δόμον ἐλθὼν ἠέ που ἐς λέσχην. It is plain that, resorted to in the first instance for the sake of the animal enjoy- ment of warmth, they would necessarily become places for gossip and chit-chat, especially as they were frequented most of all by the aged, whose chilled blood most required the comfort they furnished, and who, while sitting idle in them, would de- light in talking over the wonders of their youth. Accordingly at Athens it is said that the number of Lesche amounted to no less than 360. (ScHoL. ad Hesiod. ἔργ. 491.) They formed in fact the sub- stitute for the coffee-houses and clubs of modern times. PrErsius (v. 177) re- commends a bountiful largess to the am- bitious edile, that the “ aprici senes”’ may recollect his exhibition of the Flo. ralia. In modern times the analogous motive held out would be, that the enter- tainment might become “ club-talk”’ (se- ριλεσχήνεντον»). From this use of the λέσχαι the several secondary senses in which the word is employed derive themselves most readily. The company gathered within the seat would naturally, after the analogy of the English “club,’”’ be called by the same name as the place of their gathering. This is the use of the word in ASscHYLus (Eumenid. 365), where the Erinyes de- scribe their exclusion from the circle of the Olympian gods by the words: Ζεὺς ¥ parootayes ἀξιόμισον ἔθνος τόδε λέσχας &s dwntidoaro. The several senses of “8 meeting for the purpose of conversation,’’—*‘ the conversation held in such a meeting,”—and ‘the kind of conversation held in such meetings”’ (i. 6. gossip),—are familiar to every one, and require no particular illustration. 82 ὃς γένοιτο αὐτῶν ἄριστος. The more correct expression would have been, tls γένοιτο αὑτῶν ἄριστος. But the text is defended by vi. 124: ὃς μέντοι ἦν ὃ ἀναδέξας οὐκ ἔχω προσωτέρω εἰπεῖν, and vi. 37: πλανωμένων δὲ τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι, τὸ θέλει τὸ ἔπος εἶναι. 302 tan. Among the 73 Athenians the most distin- guished was phanes of Decelea. Mythical anecdote of the Dece- Jeans. 74 468 HERODOTUS ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ελλήνων: ὃς, ἐπειδὴ eopayidfero Tlavea- νιης, κατήμενος ἐν τῇ τάξι ἐτρωματίσθη τοξεύματι τὰ πλευρά: καὶ δὴ οἱ μὲν ἐμάχοντο, ὁ δ᾽ ἐξενηνογμένος ἐδυσθανάτεέ τε καὶ ἔλεγε πρὸς ᾿Αρίμνηστον "", ἄνδρα Πλαταιέα, οὐ μέλειν οἱ ὅτε πρὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποθνήσκει, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι οὐκ ἐχρήσατο τῇ χερὶ, καὶ ὅτι οὐδέν ἐστί οἱ ἀποδεδεγμένον ἔργον ἑωυτοῦ ἄξιον, ππροθυμευ- μένου ἀποδέξασθαι. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ λέγεται εὐδοκιμῆσαι Σωφάνης ὁ Εὐτυχίδεω, ἐκ δήμου Δεκελεῆθεν, Δεκελέων δὲ τῶν ποτὲ ἐργασαμένων ἔργον χρήσιμον ἐς τὸν πάντα χρόνον, ὡς αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι" ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸ πάλαι κατὰ ᾿Ελένης κομιδὴν Τυνδαρίδαι ἐσέβαλον ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν σὺν στρατοῦ πλήθεϊ, καὶ ἀνίστασαν τοὺς δήμους, οὐκ εἰδότες ἵνα ὑπεξέκειτο ἡ ᾿Ελένη, τότε λέγουσι τοὺς Aexedeas, οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν Δέκελον ἀχθόμενόν τε τῇ Θησέος ὕβρει, καὶ δειμαί- νοντα περὶ πάσῃ τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων χώρῃ, ἐξηγησάμενόν ode τὸ πᾶν πρῆγμα, κατηγήσασθαι ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αφίδνας: τὰς δὴ Τιτακὸς, ἐὼν αὐτόχθων, καταπροδιδοῖ Τυνδαρίδῃσι' τοῖσι δὲ 4Δεκελεῦσι. ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου ἀτελείη τε καὶ προεδρίη διατελέει ἐς τόδε αἰεὶ ἔτι ἐοῦσα, οὕτω ὥστε καὶ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν ὕστερον πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι τούτων γενόμενον ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Πελοπον- νησίοισι, σινεομένων τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Αττικὴν Δακεδαιμονίων, Aexeréns ἀποσχέσθαι", Τούτου τοῦ δήμου ἐὼν ὁ Σωφάνης καὶ ἀριστεύ- σας τότε ᾿Αθηναίων, διξοὺς λόγους λεγομένους ἔχει: τὸν μὲν, ὡς 185 ᾿Αρίμνηστον. So Gaisford prints on the authority of the manuscripts M, P, K, F. Others, including S and V, have *Aclusnoroy. In § 64, above, where the majority have ᾿Αεϊμνήστουν, 8, d, and PiLurarcnh have ᾿Αριμνήστουι PAausa- Nras was told that Arimnesius was the leader of the Platseans, both at the battle of Platea and that of Marathon. His statue stood at the feet of an image of Athene Areia, in the temple which was built with the spoils which fell to the share of the Plateans at the battle of Marathon (ix. 4. 2). When the Plateans made their defence against the charge of the Thebans after the capture of their town, one Lacon, the son of an Aeimnes- tus, was their spokesman. This Lacon was the Lacedemonian consul (πρόξενος) at Platea. (ΤΉ ΟΥΡΙ ΕΒ, iii. 52.) All the MSS of Thucydides have "Ae ov. 4 Δδεκελέης ἀποσχέσθαι. Trocr- DIDES, in describing the invasion under king Archidamus, says that the Spartans, after failing in their hope to bring the Athenians to a general action by devas- tating the region of Acharnee, proceeded to lay waste some other demes between the ranges of Parne and Brilessus (ii. 23). But although Decelea lay in this direc- tion, the phrase of Thucydides, so far from contradicting Herodotus (as some have supposed), rather indirectly confirms it. And the community of religious tra- ditions, indicated by the story about Helen, suggests that it was not merely the position of Decelea which pointed it out as a favourable site for an ἀπιτειχισ- pos against Athens. Perbaps the popo- lation of it was cognate with the Achzan element at Lacedeemon. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 73—76. 469 ἐκ τοῦ ζωστῆρος τοῦ θώρηκος ἐφόρεε χαλκέῃ ἁλύσι δεδεμένην ἄγκυραν σιδηρέην' τὴν, ὅκως πελάσειε ἀπικνεόμενος τοῖσι ππολε- μίοισι, βαλλέσκετο, ἵνα δή μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι ἐκπίπτοντες ἐκ τῆς τάξιος μετακινῆσαι μὴ δυναίατο' γινομένης δὲ φυγῆς τῶν ἐναν- τέων, δέδοκτο τὴν ἄγκυραν ἀναλαβόντα οὕτω διώκειν" οὗτος μὲν οὕτω λέγεται: ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος τῶν λόγων, τῷ πρότερον λεχθέντι ἀμφισβατέων ." λέγεται, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδος αἰεὶ περιθεούσης καὶ οὐδαμὰ ἀτρεμιζούσης ἐφόρεε ἐπίσημον ἄγκυραν, καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ θώρηκος δεδεμένην σιδηρέην. "Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἕτερον Σωφάνεϊ λαμ- arpov ἔργον ἐξεργασμένον, ὅτι ππερικατημένων ᾿Αθηναίων Αἴγιναν, Εὐὐρυβάτην τὸν ᾿Αργεῖον "5 ἄνδρα πεντάεθλον ἐκ προκλήσιος ἐφόνευσε. αὐτὸν δὲ Σωφάνεα χρόνῳ ὕστερον τούτων κατέλαβε, ἄνδρα γενόμενον ἀγαθὸν, ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγέοντα ἅμα Aedypp τῷ Τλαύκωνος, ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ᾿Ηδωνῶν " ἐν Δάτῳ περὶ τῶν μετάλλων τῶν χρυσέων μαχεόμενον. ‘As δὲ τοῖσι “Ελλησι ἐν Πλαταιῇσι xatéotpwvto' οἱ βάρ- 76 βαροι, ἐνθαῦτά σφι ἐπῆλθε γυνὴ αὐτόμολος: ἣ ἐπειδὴ ἔμαθε ἘΝ ἀπολωλότας τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ νικῶντας τοὺς “Ελληνας, ἐοῦσα sushter o Hegetorides, παλλακὴ Papavddteos'*” τοῦ Τεάσπιος, ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω, κοσμη- who had been forced 75 185 ἀμφισβατέων. This is the reading of Gaisford, following M, P, K, and F; and it is defended by the analogy of ἀμφισβασίη in viii. 81, which Gaisford has restored on the authority of the three last-mentioned manuscripts, and which can hardly be other than the true read- ing. 8, V, d, have ἀμφισβητέων. See note 41 on iv. 14. 186 EdpuBdrny τὸν ᾿Αργεῖον. The inci- dent of the death of this individual is re- lated above (vi. 92), where see note 209. In this passage Valla’s version and the manuscripts ὃ and V have Εὐρυβιάδην in- stead of Εὐρυβάτην, but in vi. 92, they are unanimous in favour of the reading in the text. On the assumption, therefore, that the two stories of the death of So- phanes’s opponent proceed from the same source, the reading Εὐρυβάτην is certainly the preferable one. This assumption, however, is not to be regarded as an alto- gether unquestionable one. See note 387 on iv. 150. 187 ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ᾿Ηδωνῶν. The set- tlers in the expedition referred to fell in a sudden attack upon them by the Edonians, after they had succeeded in getting all the land as far as Drabescus into their hands. Their confusion was said to have been augmented by a thunderstorm, which scat- tered bolts among them. (Pausaniag, i. 29. 5.) This is said to have happened at the time when Lysicrates was archon at Athens, i.e. in the year 453-2 B.c. It is not, however, mentioned by Thucy- dides in his short summary of the events between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars; perhaps because the expedition was of the nature of a bucaniering attempt, and produced no important political re- sults A Glaucun son of a Leagrus com- manded the small Athenian squadron which interfered in the naval engagement between the Corinthians and Corcyrans just before the outbreak of the Pelopon- nesian war. (THUCYDIDES, i. 51.) 188 κατέστρωντο. See above, note 110 on viii. 53. 189 Sapay8dreos. So Gaisford prints from the majority of MSS. But S and V have Sapya8dreos. The individual, how- ever, is doubtless the same as the com- mander of the Mares and Colchians (vii. 470 HERODOTUS ΤΑ 6 tho σαμένη χρυσῷ πολλῷ καὶ αὐτὴ καὶ αἱ ἀμφίπολοι, καὶ ἐσθῆτι τῇ Pharan- καλλίστῃ τῶν παρεουσέων, καταβᾶσα ἐκ τῆς ἁρμαμάξης, ἐχώρεε ἐς τοὺς Δακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἐν τῇσι φονῇσι ἐόντας’ ὁρῶσα δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνα διέποντα Παυσανίην, πρότερόν τε τὸ οὔνομα ἐξ- επισταμένη καὶ τὴν πάτρην, ὥστε πολλάκις ἀκούσασα, ἔγνω TE τὸν Παυσανίην καὶ λαβομένη τῶν γουνάτων ἔλογε τάδε: “ ὦ βασιλεῦ Σπάρτης "", ῥῦσαί με τὴν ἱκέτιν αὐχμαλώτον δουλοσύνης" σὺ γὰρ καὶ ἐς τόδε ὥνησας, τούσδε ἀπολέσας τοὺς οὔτε δαιμόνων οὔτε θεῶν ὄπιν ὄχοντας. εἰμὶ δὲ γένος μὲν Κῴη, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἩΗγητορίδεω τοῦ ᾿Ανταγόρεω' βίῃ δέ με λαβὼν ἐν Κῷ εἶχε ὁ Πέρσης." ὁ δὲ ἀμείβεται τοῖσδε" “ γύναι, θάρσει, καὶ ὡς ἱκέτις, καὶ εἰ δὴ πρὸς τούτῳ τυγχάνεις ἀληθέα λέγουσα, καὶ εἷς θνγάτηρ ᾿Ηγητορίδεω τοῦ Κῴου, ὃς ἐμοὶ ξεῖνος μάλεστα τυγχάνει ἐὼν τῶν περὶ κείνους τοὺς χώρους οἰκημένων." ταῦτα εἴπας, τότε μὲν ἐπέτρεψε τῶν ἐφόρων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι, ὕστερον δὲ ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Αἴγιναν, ἐς τὴν αὐτὴ ἤθελε ἀπικέσθαι. 77 Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἄπιξιν τῆς γυναικὸς, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπίκοντο ΤῊ πέσλα: Μαντινέες ἐπ᾽ ἐξεργασμένοισι .". μαθόντες δὲ ὅτι ὕστεροι ἥκουσι Hleans ας τῆς συμβολῆς, συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο μεγάλην, ἄξιοί τε ἔφασαν εἶναι the termi- σφέας ζημιῶσαι" πυνθανόμενοι δὲ τοὺς Μήδους τοὺς μετὰ ᾿Αρτα- the battle. βάξου φεύγοντας, τούτους ἐδίωκον μέχρε Θεσσαλίης: (Aaxedar- μόνιοι δὲ οὐκ ἔων φεύγοντας διώκειν ..) οἱ δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντες ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν, τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῆς στρατιῆς ἐδίωξαν ἐκ τῆς γῆς. μετὰ δὲ Μαντινέας ἧκον ᾿Ηλεῖοι" καὶ ὡσαύτως οἱ ᾿Ηλεῖοι τοῖσι Μαντινεῦσι συμφορὴν ποιησάμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο: ἀπελθόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐδίωξαν. τὰ κατὰ Μαντινέας μὲν καὶ ᾿Ηλείους τοσαῦτα. 79), who in all the MSS is called either 191 ὄπιν. See note 308 on viii. 143. drns or Φερενδάτης. 199 ᾧ βασιλεῦ Σπάρτης. Pausanias was not really king of Sparta, but guardian of the king Plistarchus, the young son of Leonidas (§ 10, above). But there seems no reason to suppose that the Coan lady forgot this fact in her joy at her deliver- ance. Pausanias was to all practical pur- poses during the campaign king of the Spartans, and would naturally be ad- dressed by the title of highest honour, where the object was to conciliate his favour. 192 ἐφ ἐξεργασμένοισι, ‘after all was done.” So above: ἐπ' ἐξεργασμένοισι ἐλθεῖν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον (viii. 94). 193 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὐκ Eww φεύγοντας διώκειν. These words are not (I appre- hend) to be translated as if the Lacede- monians hindered the Mantineans from pursuing the retreating enemy, but merely to be considered in the light of a state- ment of their own habitual practice. ‘‘The Lacedsemonians forbade the par- suing of a retreating force.’ CALLIOPE. IX. 77—79. 471 "Ev δὲ Πλαταιῆσι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδω τῶν Αὐγινητέων ἦν 78 Ad ὁ Πύθεω ™ , a, 198 2 , Anecdote ἀμπῶὼν ὁ εω ᾿", Αὐγινητέων τὰ πρῶτα .", ὃς ἀνοσιώτατον of the bru- , me he ἔχων λόγον ἵκετο '** ar pos Παυσανίην. ἀπικόμενος δὲ, σπουδῇ tality of Lampon the ἔλεγε rade “ὦ παῖ Κλεομβρότου, ἔργον ἔργασταί τοι ὑπερφυὲς Eginetan, μόγαθός τε καὶ κάλλος" καὶ τοὶ θεὸς παρέδωκε, ῥυσάμενον τὴν Ἑλλάδα κλέος καταθέσθαι μέγιστον Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. σὺ δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοισι ποίησον, ὅκως λόγος τέ σε ἔχῃ ἔτι μέζων, καί τις ὕστερον φυλάσσηται τῶν βαρβάρων μὴ ὑπάρχειν ἔργα ἀτάσθαλα ποιέων ἐς τοὺς “Ἑλληνας. “Δεωνίδεω γὰρ ἀποθανόντος ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι, Μαρδόνιός τε καὶ Ἐέρξης ἀπο- ταμόντες τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀνεσταύρωσαν: τῷ σὺ τὴν ὁμοίην ἀποδιδοὺς, ἔπαινον ἕξεις πρῶτα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων Σπαρτιητέων, αὖτις δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἄλλων Ελλήνων Μαρδόνιον γὰρ ἀνασκολοπίσας, τετι- μώρησαε ἐς πάτρων τὸν σὸν Λεωνίδην." Ὃ μὲν δοκέων yapi- 79 ζεσθαι ἔλογε τάδε" ὁ δ᾽ ἀνταμείβετο τοῖσδε' “ὦ ξεῖνε Αὐγινῆτα, oe ei: τὸ μὲν εὐνοεῖν Te καὶ προορᾶν ἄγαμαι σεῦ" γνώμης μέντοι ἡμάρ- mity of τηκας χρηστῆς" ἐξάρας γάρ με ὑψοῦ καὶ τὴν πάτρην καὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἐς τὸ μηδὲν κατέβαλες παραινέων νεκρῷ λυμαίνεσθαι καὶ, ἣν ταῦτα ποιέω, φὰς ἄμεινόν με ἀκούσεσθαι" τὰ πρέπει μᾶλλον βαρβάροισι ποιέειν, ἤπερ“ Ελλησι καὶ ἐκείνοισι δὲ ἐπιφθονέομεν. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὧν τούτου εἵνεκα μήτε Αὐγινήτῃσι ἄδοιμι, μήτε τοῖσι ταῦτα ἀρέσκεται' ἀποχρᾷ δ᾽ ἐμοὶ, Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἀρεσκόμενον ὅσια μὲν ποιέειν, ὅσια δὲ καὶ λέγειν" Acwvidy δὲ, τῷ με κελεύεις τιμωρῆσαε, φημὶ μογάλως τετιμωρῆσθαι' ψυχῇσί τε τῇσι τῶνδε ἀναριθμή- τοισι τετίμηται αὐτύς τε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι τέλευ- τήσαντες. σὺ μέντοι ἔτε ὄχων λόγον τοιόνδε μήτε προσέλθῃς ἔμουγε, μήτε συμβουλεύσῃς" χάριν ἴσθε τε ἐὼν ἀπαθής." ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἀπαλλάσσετο. 1% Λάμπων ὃ Πύθεω. It has been thought probable that the Pytheas, whose son makes the disreputable proposal in the text, is identical with the Pytheas whose gallantry excited the admiration of his captors (vii. 181), and who was re- taken by an Aginetan galley at Salamis (viii. 92). But if the father had been treated in so honourable a manner, it is unlikely that the son, however intense his hatred of Persia, should indulge in an un- worthy insult of the body of Mardonius. And it is also unlikely, had he done so, that the writer would have omitted to compare his conduct towards that general with the conduct of the Persians towards his own father. 195 τὰ πρῶτα. This is the reading of the best MSS, and is printed by Gaisford. The old editions have ra πρῶτα φέρων. 196 Yeero. This is the reading of 8 and V. Gaisford, with the majority of the MSS, adopts Tero. 80 81 472 HERODOTUS Παυσανίης δὲ κήρυγμα ποιησάμενος μήδενα ἅπτεσθαι τῆς ληΐης, συγκομίζειν ἐκέλευε τοὺς εἵλωτας τὰ χρήματα: οἱ δὲ ἀνὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον σκιδνάμενοι εὕρισκον σκηνὰς κατεσκευασμένας χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ, κλίνας τε ἐπιχρύσους καὶ ἐπαργύρους, κρη- τῆράς τε χρυσέους, καὶ φιάλας τε καὶ ἄλλα ἐκπώματα σάκκου; τε ἐπ᾽ ἁμαξέων εὕρισκον, ἐν τοῖσι λέβητες ἐφαίνοντο ἐνεόντες χρύσεοί τε καὶ ἀργύρεοι' ἀπό τε τῶν κειμένων νεκρῶν ἐσκύλευον ψέλιά τε καὶ στρεπτοὺς "7, καὶ τοὺς ἀκινάκεας, ἐόντας χρυσέους: ἐπεὶ ἐσθῆτός γε ποικίλης λόγος ἐγίνετο οὐδὲ els. ἐνθαῦτα πολλὰ μὲν κλέπτοντες ἐπώλεον πρὸς τοὺς Αὐγινήτας οἱ εἵλωτες, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἀπεδείκνυσαν, ὅσα αὐτέων οὐκ οἷά τε ἦν κρύψαι ὥστε Αὐγινήτῃσε οἱ μογάλοι πλοῦτοι ἀρχὴν ἐνθεῦτεν ἐγένοντο, οὗ τὸν χρυσὸν, ἅτε ἐόντα χαλκὸν δῆθεν "", παρὰ τῶν εἷλωτέων ὠνέοντο. Συμφορήσαντες δὲ τὰ χρήματα, καὶ δεκάτην ἐξελόντες τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι θεῷ, ἀπ᾽ ἧς ὁ τρίπους ὁ χρύσεος ἀνετέθη, ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ τρικαρήνου ὄφιος τοῦ χαλκέου " ἐπεστεὼς ἄγχιστα τοῦ βωμοῦ: καὶ τῷ ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίῃ θεῷ ἐξελόντες, ἀπ᾿ ἧς δεκάπηχυν χάλκεον Δία" ἀνέθηκαν" καὶ τῷ ἐν ᾿Ισθμῷ θεῷ, ἀπ᾿ ἧς ἑπτάπηχυς χαλ- κεος Ποσειδέων ἐξεγένετο' ταῦτα ἐξελόντες, τὰ λοιπὰ διαιρέοντο, καὶ ἔλαβον ἕκαστοι τῶν ἄξιοι ἦσαν, καὶ τὰς παλλακὰς τῶν Περ- σέων, καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν, καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον, καὶ ἄλλα χρήματά τε καὶ ὑποζύγια. ὅσα μέν νυν ἐξαίρετα τοῖσι ἀριστεύσασι αὐτέων ἐν Πλαταιῇσι ἐδόθη, οὐ λέγεται πρὸς οὐδαμῶν" δοκέω δ᾽ ἔγωγε καὶ 197 ψέλιά τε καὶ στρεπτούς. See above, note 226 on viii. 118. The acinacee pro- bably was gold hilted. 198 Gre ἐόντα χαλκὸν δῆθεν. Larcher quotes as a parallel the case of the Swiss, who, after the battle of Granson, took the silver plate of the Duke of Burgundy, which fell into their hands, for tin, and sold his largest diamond, imagining it to be glass, for a florin. 199 ἤφιος τοῦ χαλκέουι. PAUSANIAS (x. 18. 9) says the serpent remained, but that all of the offering which was of gold had gone in the sacred war. He men- tions it next in order to the second group described in note 57 on viii. 27, so that it seems probable that that group also stood near the altar, and is different from the one mentioned by Herodotus as of peyd- λοι ἀνδριάντες of περὶ τὸν τρίποδα συνεσ- τεῶτες. The brazen serpent was removed by Constantine, together with many other of the relics and offerings at Delphi, ‘and it stands to this day in the Hippodrome at Constantinople. It is described as being about fourteen feet high, and as not being really a three-headed serpent, but three serpents, whose bodies interlaced together form the shaft of a very rapidly diminishing column. Judging however from the figure of it (which is given, from Wheler and Spon’s drawing, in the Dic- tionary of Greek and Latin Antiquities), it presented to the eye of a spectator the appearance of a single three-headed ser- pent coiled closely round a conical pillar; and it seems not impossible that such was the original idea of the artist, the cone being intended for the ὀμφαλὸς γῆς. See note 367 on i. 108. 300 δεκάπηχυν χάλκεον Ala. See above, note 78 on § 28. CALLIOPE. IX. 80—83. 473 τούτοισι δοθῆναι: Παυσανίῃ δὲ πάντα δέκα ' ἐξαιρέθη τε καὶ ἐδόθη, γυναῖκες, ἵπποι, τάλαντα, κάμηλοι, ὃς δὲ αὕτως καὶ τὰ ᾿ ἄλλα χρήματα. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε γενέσθαι: ὡς Ἐέρξης φεύ- 82 γων ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος Μαρδονίῳ τὴν κατασκευὴν 5 καταλίποι τὴν ieceating ἑωυτοῦ: Παυσανίην ὧν, ὁρέοντα τὴν Μαρδονίου κατασκευὴν χρυσῷ {be contrast τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ καὶ παραπετάσμασι ποικίλοισι κατασκευασμένην, ea ‘ κελεῦσαι τούς Te aptoxoTous™ Kal τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς κατὰ ταὐτὰ Spartan ΠΟ καθὼς Μαρδονίῳ δεῖπνον παρασκευάξειν: ὡς δὲ κελευόμενοι οὗτοι ἐποίευν ταῦτα, ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Παυσανίην, ἰδόντα κλίνας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας εὖ ἐστρωμένας, καὶ τραπέζας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας 3", καὶ παρασκευὴν μεγαλοπρεπέα τοῦ δείπνου, ἐκπλα- γέντα τὰ προκείμενα ἀγαθὰ, κελεῦσαι ἐπὶ γέλωτι τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ διηκόνους ὁ παρασκευάσαι Δακωνικὸν δεῖπνον" ὡς δὲ τῆς θοίνης “ποιηθείσης ἦν πολλὸν τὸ μέσον “5, τὸν Παυσανίην γελάσαντα μεταπέμψασθαι τῶν ᾿Ἑλλήνων τοὺς στρατηγούς" συνελθόντων δὲ τουτέων, εἰπεῖν τὸν Παυσανίην, δεικνύντα ἐς ἑκατέρην τοῦ δείπνου τὴν παρασκευήν 7. “ ἄνδρες “Ελληνες, τῶνδε εἵνεκα ἐγὼ ὑμέας συνήγαγον, βουλόμενος ὑμῖν τοῦδε τοῦ Μήδων ἡγεμόνος τὴν ἀφροσύνην δεῖξαι' ὃς τοιήνδε δίαιταν ἔχων, ἦλθε ἐς ἡμέας οὕτω ὀϊζυρὴν ᾿ ἔχοντας ἀπαιρησόμενος"" ταῦτα μὲν Παυσανίην λέγεται εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων. Ὑστέρῳ 83 μέντοι χρόνῳ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τῶν Πλαταιέων εὗρον συχνοὶ Much ᾿ ng buried gold θήκας χρυσοῦ Kat ἀργύρον καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων. ἐφάνη md silver a a ‘was er- δὲ καὶ τόδε ὕστερον ἔτει τούτων, τῶν νεκρῶν περιψιλωθέντων wards dug 7 ͵ 4 / e , 2, wo Be oF by s0mM6 Tas σάρκας: συνεφόρεον yap τὰ ὀστέα οἱ Πλαταιέες ἐς ἕνα χῶρον" of the Pla. teans. A εὑρέθη κεφαλὴ οὐκ ἔχουσα ῥαφὴν οὐδεμίαν, ἀλλὰ ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐοῦσα some re- 201 πάντα δέκα, “ten of every article.” leaves out the word εὖ, See note 213 on iii. 74. 202 κατασκευήν. ATHENZUS (iv. p. 138) quotes this passage with the variation of παρασκευήν. 203 goroxéwous. ATHENZUS has dpro- xofovs. It is certainly not impossible that in the uncial MSS the two words should be interchanged; but see note 163 on i. 51. 204 εὖ ἐστρωμένας ... ἀργυρέας. The manuscript S leaves out this clause, ob- viously owing to an ocular error on the part of the transcriber. ATHENZUS VOL. ITI. 203 robs ἑωυτοῦ διηκόνους. ATHENAUS has the dative: rots ἑωντοῦ διακόνοις. 206 ὡς δὲ τῆς θοίνης woindelons ἦν πολ- Ady τὸ μέσον. Compare i. 125: of δὲ ἔφασαν πολλὸν εἶναι αὐτῶν τὸ μέσον. 207 δεικνύντα ἐς ἑκατέρην τοῦ δείπνου τὴν παρασκενήν. S and V omit és, and F, a, 7 the article before wapacxevhp. ATHENZUS cites the passage: ἐπιδείξας ἑκατέρου τῶν δείπνων τὴν παρασκενήν. 208 ds ἡμέας οὕτω ὀϊζυρήν. ATHENAUS has ὡς ἡμᾶς οὕτω ταλαίπωρον. 3 P markable bones. 84 The body of Mardo- niue was secretly buried. 85 Tombs of the several Hellenic states on the field of Platea. 474 HERODOTUS ὀστέου ἐφάνη δὲ καὶ γνάθος καὶ τὸ ἄνω τῆς γνάθου, ἔχουσα ὀδόντας μουνοφυέας ἐξ ἑνὸς ὀστέου πάντας Ἶ“, τούς τε ὀδόντας καὶ τοὺς γομφίους" καὶ πενταπήχεος ἀνδρὸς ὀστέα ἐφάνη. Ἐπεί τε δὲ Μαρδονίου δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ 6 νεκρὸς ἠφάνιστο' ὑπ᾽ ὅτευ μὲν ἀνθρώπων, τὸ ἀτρεκὲς οὐκ ἔχω εὐπεῖν' πολλοὺς δέ τινας ἤδη καὶ παντοδαποὺς ἤκουσα θάψαι Μαρδόνιον, καὶ δῶρα μεγάλα οἶδα λαβόντας πολλοὺς παρὰ ᾿Αρτόντεω ᾿ τοῦ Μαρδονίου “παιδὸς διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον. ὅστις μέντοι ἦν αὐτῶν ὁ ὑπελόμενός τε καὶ θάψας τὸν νεκρὸν τὸν Μαρδονίου, οὐ δύναμαι ἀτρεκέως πυθέσθαι; ὄχει δέ τινα φάτιν καὶ Διονυσοφάνης "", ἀνὴρ ᾿Εφέσιος, θάψαι Μαρδόνιον. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἐτάφη. Οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες ὡς ἐν Πλαταιῇσι τὴν ληΐην διείλοντο, ἔθαπτον τοὺς ἑωυτῶν χωρὶς ἕκαστοι ,". “ακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν τριξὰς ἐποιήσαντο θήκας" ἔνθα μὲν τοὺς ipévas*” ἔθαψαν, τῶν καὶ Ποσειδώνιος καὶ ᾿Αμομφά- ρετος ἦσαν καὶ Φιλοκύων τε καὶ Καλλικράτης. ἐν μὲν δὴ ἑνὶ τῶν τάφων ἧσαν οἱ ipéves ἐν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ οἱ ἄλλοι Σπαρτιῆται ἐν δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ, οἱ εἵλωτες. οὗτοι μὲν οὕτω ἔθαπτον. Ταγεῆται δὲ χωρὶς πάντας ἁλέας" καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς ἑωυτῶν ὁμοῦ: καὶ Meyapées τε καὶ Φλιάσιοι τοὺς 209 ἔχουσα ὀδόντας μουνοφνέας ἐξ ἑνὸς δστέον πάντας. Larcher mentions seve- ral instances recorded by the ancients of this peculiarity,—among others, Pyrrhus king of Epirus, and a son of Prusias, king of Bithynia. 210 "Aprévrew. The MSS are unani- mous in this form here. But see note 353 on iii. 128, and note 219 on vii. 67. 311 ἔχει δέ τινα φάτιν καὶ Διονυσοφά- yns. See note 10 on vii. 3. 213 ἔθαπτον τοὺς ἑωντῶν χωρὶς ἕκαστοι. PAUSANIAS8, in describing the barrows of the dead, says that there are separate tombs for those of the Athenians and those of the Lacedeemonians who fell, but that the rest of the Greeks were buried together, and that an altar of Zeus Eleu- therius stands not far from this last mound. It seems not impossible that the mounds he saw were the three Lace- deemonian barrows, and that he mistook that of the helots (which would naturally be much the largest) for the common sepulchre of all the Greeks. Epitaphs, said to be by Simonides, were upon the other two (ix. 1. 5). ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου διαφθαρέντας ᾿". 313 robs ἱρένας. This is a conjecture of Valcknaer’s, which is adopted by Schaefer and Gaisford. The MSS have ἱρέας. JIren or Eiren was the phrase ap- plied at Sparta to denote a youth in the first two years after the termination of boyhood. (Piurancn, Lycurg. § 17.) The eldest boys were called μελλείρενες. If, however, Amompharetus was only of the age of nineteen or twenty, it seems strange that he should be in command of a lochus (§ 53, above). I should almost be inclined tg suspect that the whole clause, τῶν καὶ Ποσειδώνιος... ἦσαν of ἱρένες, is an addition of later times, when perhaps the additional feature of being in the bloom of youth had been added to the personal qualities of the Spartan hero. If we suppose him in command only of a battalion of youths like himself, this could hardly have been called by a local name. See above, note 141 on § 53. 16 χρὺς ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου διαφθαρέντας. These are the six hundred slain by the Theban cavalry who covered the retreat of the Persians to their fortified camp. See above, § 69. CALLIOPE. IX. 84—87. 475 τούτων μὲν δὴ πάντων πλήρεες ἐγένοντο οἱ τάφοι' τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Cenotaphs ὅσοι καὶ φαίνονται ἐν Πλαταιῇσι ἐόντες τάφοι, τούτους δὲ, ὡς ἐγὼ τὸς i “πυνθάνομαι, ἐπαισχυνομένους τῇ ἀπεστύϊ"" τῆς μάχης, ἑκάστους χώματα χῶσαι κεινὰ “5, τῶν ἐπυγινομένων εἵνεκεν ἀνθρώπων. ἐπεὶ καὶ Αὐγινητέων ἐσκὲ αὐτόθι καλεόμενος τάφος, τὸν ἐγὼ ἀκούω καὶ δέκα ἔτεσι ὕστερον μετὰ ταῦτα, δεηθέντων τῶν Αὐγι- νητέων, χῶσαι Κλεάδην τὸν -«Αὐτοδίκου ἄνδρα Πλαταιέα, πρόξεινον ἐόντα αὐτῶν. ‘Qs δ᾽ ἄρα ἔθαψαν τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐν Πλαταιῇσι οἱ “Ἕλληνες, 86 αὐτίκα βουλευομένοισί σφι ἐδόκεε στρατεύεσθαι" ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας, moh ee καὶ ἐξαιτέειν αὐτῶν τοὺς pndicavtas™ ἐν πρώτοισι δὲ αὐτῶν battle the allies invest Τιμηγενίδην καὶ ᾿Ατταγῖνον, of ἀρχηγέται ἀνὰ πρώτους ἧσαν' Τ θεν δὴ ἣν δὲ μὴ ἐκδιδῶσι, μὴ ἀπανίστασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεος πρότερον ἢ have the > e ΄ a » “ . ς , ς 2 ? ,_ Persian par- eférwor ὡς δέ σφι ταῦτα ἔδοξε, οὕτω δὴ ἑνδεκάτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπὸ τῆς tizans given lal > a ’ 4 ξ΄ 3 4 up to t em, συμβολῆς ἀπικόμενοι ἐπολιόρκεον Θηβαίους, κελεύοντες ἐκδιδόναι, especially AY w 3 ’ A ’ 4 lA Sy, aka τοὺς ἄνδρας" οὐ βουλομένων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων ἐκδιδόναι, τήν τε and Tima- γῆν αὐτῶν ἔταμνον καὶ προσέβαλλον πρὸς τὸ τεῖχοςς Καὶ οὐ γὰρ 87 ἐπαύοντο σινεόμενοι, εἰκοστῇ ἡμέρῃ ἔλεξε τοῖσι Θηβαίοισε Τι- rise μηγενίδης τάδε' “ἄνδρες Θηβαῖοι, ἐπειδὴ οὕτω δέδοκται τοῖσι Ἕλλησι, μὴ πρότερον ἀπαναστῆναε πολιορκέοντας ἢ ἐξέλωσι Θήβας, ἢ ἡμέας αὐτοῖσι παραδῶτε, νῦν ὧν ἡμέων εἵνεκα γῇ ἡ Βοιωτίη πλέω μὴ ἀναπλήσῃ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν χρημάτων χρηΐζοντες πρόσχημα ἡμέας ἐξαιτέονται, χρήματά σφι δῶμεν ἐκ τοῦ κοινοῦ" 315 Δηεστύϊ, Gaisford has ἀπεστοῖ. See note on i. 85. The word in the text is adopted from the conjecture of Valck- naer. The Ionic dialect is especially par- tial to forms in vs. Thus Herodotus uses κτιστὺς below, δ 97; ληιστὺς above, v. 6; καταπλαστὺς, iv. 75. Hesycuivs inter- prets the word ἀπεστὺς by ἀποχώρησιΞ. 216 ἑκάστους χώματα xed. This as- sertion seems quite incompatible with the existence of the names of the cities thus disparaged upon the base of the brazen statue of Zeus Eleutherius. See above, note 78 on § 28. But the account which PiuTarcn (Aristides, § 21) gives of the discussions which followed the battle shows how very much statements varied. He makes all the Greeks resign their pre- tensions to credit in favour of the Pla- teeans,—of whom Herodotus makes no mention whatever,—and says that an annual congress of the Greeks was held at Platea in memory of the battle,—of which there is no trace elsewhere. But Plutarch is no doubt following the local traditions prevalent at Plateea in his own time, and these would naturally be shaped to the glorification of Plateans. There was a festival held on the spot on the third day of Boedromion, which was considered to be the day on which the battle had been fought. For Cleades, the reputed builder of the A®ginetan cenotaph, the manu- scripts M, K, P, F, ὁ have Aleades. 217 στρατεύεσθαι. So Gaisford prints from the majority of MSS. M, P, and F have στρατεύειν. 218 sobs μηδίσαντας. ἃ 16, above. See note 44 on 3P2 Attaginus escapes, but Τοῖσι, the rest are ut to death 89 Anecdote of the hurried retreat of Artabazus through Thrace to 476 HERODOTUS σὺν yap τῷ κοινῷ καὶ ἐμηδίσαμενἾ", οὐδὲ μοῦνοι ἡμέες: εἶ δὲ ἡμέων ἀληθέως δεόμενοι πολμιορκέουσι, ἡμεῖς ἡμέας αὐτοὺς ἐς ἀντιλογίην ἢ παρέξομεν." κάρτα τε ἔδοξε εὖ λέγειν, καὶ ἐς και- pov’ αὐτίκα τε ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο πρὸς Παυσανίην οἱ Θηβαῖοι, 88 θέλοντες ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς ἄνδρας. “As δὲ ὡμολόγησαν ἐπὶ τού- ᾿Ατταγῖνος μὲν ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος" παῖδας δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀπαχθέντας Παυσανίης ἀπέλυσε τῆς αἰτίης, φὰς τοῦ μηδισμοῦ by Pause- παῖδας οὐδὲν εἶναι μεταιτίους" τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐξέδο- σαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι, οἱ μὲν ἐδόκεον ἀντιλογίης Te κυρήσειν, καὶ δὴ 4 3 χρήμασι ἐπεποίθεσαν διωθέεσθαι" ὁ δὲ ὡς παρέλαβε, αὐτὰ ταῦτα ὑπονοέων, τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν τῶν συμμάχων ἅπασαν ἀπῆκε, καὶ ἐκείνους ἀγωγὼν ἐς Κόρινθον διέφθειρε "".. ταιῇσι καὶ Θήβῃσι γενόμενα. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐν Πλα- ᾿Αρτάβαζος δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος, φεύγων ἐκ Πλαταιέων καὶ δὴ καὶ πρόσω ἐγίνετο" ἀπικόμενον δέ μὲν οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ παρὰ σφέας ἐπί τε ξείνια ἐκάλεον, καὶ ἀνειρώτευν περὶ τῆς στρατιῆς τῆς ἄλλης, οὐδὲν ἐπιστάμενοι τῶν ἐν Πλαταιῇσι γενομένων" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτάβαζξος, Byzantium. γνοὺς ὅτε εἰ ἐθέλοι σφε πᾶσαν τὴν ἀληθηΐην τῶν ἀγώνων εἰπεῖν, αὐτός τε κινδυνεύσει ἀπολέσθαι καὶ ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρατός" ἐπι- θήσεσθαι γάρ οἱ πάντα τινὰ οἴετο πυνθανόμενον τὰ ‘yeyovoTa’ ταῦτα ἐκλογιζόμενος, οὔτε πρὸς τοὺς Φωκέας ἐξαγόρευε οὐδὲν, πρός τε τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς ἔλεγε τάδε" “ ἐγὼ μὲν, ὦ ἄνδρες Θεσ- σαλοὶ, ὡς ὁρᾶτε, ἐπείγομαί τε κατὰ τὴν ταχίστην ἐλῶν ἐς Opri- κην, καὶ σπουδὴν ἔχω πεμφθεὶς κατά τι πρῆγμα ἐκ τοῦ στρατο- πέδου μετὰ τῶνδε" αὐτὸς δὲ ὑμῖν Μαρδόνιος καὶ 6 στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, φ ΄ 9 A 4 , ’» 3 σι οὗτος κατὰ πόδας ἐμεῦ ἐλαύνων προσδόκιμος ἐστι τοῦτον καὶ 310 σὺν γὰρ τῷ κοινῷ καὶ ἐμηδίσαμεν. See above, note 173 on § 67. 330 ds ἀντιλογίην. This phrase, which is repeated in the next section, is a very peculiar one, and is not similarly used, so far as I am aware, in any other writer. ἀντιλογίη appears to be ‘ the pleadings on each side.’ Translate ἡμεῖς ἡμέας αὐτοὺς ἐς ἀντιλογίην παρέξομεν : “we will give ourselves up to be tried.” 221 κείνους ἀγαγὼν és KépiwOior δι- ἔφθειρε. THinLWALt designates this act as “‘ the first indication that appears of the imperious character of Pausanias.’’ I should be more inclined to explain it by the sup- position, that even at this time Pausanias had been intriguing with Persia, and that he put the Theban oligarchs to death in order to conceal the evidence which they might have given against him, had they been brought to trial. (See notes 8, 24, and 34, above.) His dismissal of the allies before destroying the accused is a very striking feature in the story; and 90 is the liberation of Attaginus’s children, the father being himself at large, and therefore formidable. CALLIOPE. IX. 88—90. 477 ξεινίζετε καὶ εὖ ποιεῦντες φαίνεσθε: οὐ γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐς χρόνον ταῦτα ποιεῦσι μεταμελήσει." ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας, ἀπέλαυνε σπουδῇ τὴν στρατιὴν διὰ Θεσσαλίης τε καὶ Μακεδονίης ἰθὺ τῆς Θρηΐκης, ὡς ἀληθέως ἐπευγόμενος, καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν τάμνων τῆς ὁδοῦ" καὶ ἀπικνέεται ἐς Βυζάντιον, καταλιπὼν τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ συχνοὺς ὑπὸ Θρηΐκων τε κατακοπέντας ᾽," κατ᾽ ὁδὸν, καὶ λιμῷ συστάντας καὶ καμάτῳ' ἐκ Βυξαντίου δὲ διέβη πλοίοισι. μὲν οὕτω ἀπενόστησε ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. Τῆς δὲ αὐτῆς ἡμέρης τῆσπερ ἐν Πλαταιῇσι τὸ τρῶμα ἐγένετο, 90 συνεκύρησε γενέσθαι καὶ ἐν Μυκάλῃ τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης. ἐπεὶ γὰρ δὴ © ld al ἐν τῇ Δήλῳ κατέατο οἱ “Ελληνες οἱ ἐν τῇσι νηυσὶ ἅμα Δευτυχίδῃ Tonia on the τῷ «“Δακεδαιμονίῳ ἀπικόμενοι, ἦλθόν σφι ἄγγελοι ἀπὸ Σάμου ἐλ δα ε}6 οἵ Adprov τε Θρασυκλέος καὶ ᾿Αθηνωγόρης ᾿Αρχεστρατίδεω καὶ “Ηγησίστρατος ᾿Αρισταγόρεω, πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Σαμίων λάθρη overtures τῶν τε Περσέων καὶ τοῦ τυράννον Θεομήστορος τοῦ ᾿Ανδροδά alate οὗτος “ΔΙῸ made to pavros™, τὸν κατέστησαν Σάμου τύραννον οἱ Πέρσαι" ἐπελθόν- he "πὰ των δέ σφεων ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς, ἔλεγε ᾿Ηγησίστρατος πολλὰ tioned at καὶ παντοῖα' ὡς ἢν μοῦνον ἴδωνταε αὐτοὺς οἱ Ἴωνες ἀποστή- σονται ἀπὸ Περσέων, καὶ ὡς οἱ βάρβαροι οὐκ ὑπομενέουσι" ἣν δὲ καὶ ἄρα ὑπομείνωσι, οὐκ ἑτέρην ἄγρην τοιαύτην εὑρεῖν ἂν αὐτούς" 3222 ὑπὸ Θρηΐκων τε κατακοπέντας. In the time of DemosTHENEs it seems to have been the common belief that the calamity referred to in the text was due not to the Thracians, but the Macedo- nians. He says: Περδίκκᾳ τῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βαρβάρον wor’ ἐπιστρατείαν βασιλεύ- οντι Μακεδονίας, τοὺς Govussiries éx Πλαταιῶν τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπὸ τῇς ἥττης διαφθείραντι καὶ τέλειον τἀτύχημα ποιή- σαντι τῷ βασιλεῖ, οὐκ ἐψηφίσαντο [ol ὑμέτεροι πρόγονοι ἀγώγιμον εἶναι, ἐάν τις ἀποκτείνῃ Περδίκκαν" ἀλλὰ πολιτείαν ἔδω- καν μόνον (c. Aristocrat. p. 687). But it appears that Alexander, the father of this Perdiccas, was still alive in B.c. 463, at the time when Cimon recovered Tha- sos; for PLuTarcH speaks of a suspicion which attached to Cimon of having been influenced by him to the detriment of Athenian interests. (Cimon, §14) To hypothesize a regency of Perdiccas during the life-time of his father is a less satis. factory way of explaining the variation, than to account for it by the ordinary phenomenon, observable in every country, of the inaccuracy of popular traditions with regard to dates and persons. (See note 213 on i. 63, and 247, a, on vi. 108.) Nothing is more likely than that Alexander him- self should bave acted treacherously to- wards his Persian patron when he found him decidedly the weaker of the two con- tending parties. (See the provision he makes for such a contingency, above, § 45.) The ethnical affinity of the Thracians with the Macedonian common- alty, and the indefiniteness of the boun- dary between the two countries (see above, note 45 on v. 17; note 349 on vii. 127; and note 277 on viii. 136), would readily lead to the confusion of the two nations in common estimation. 225 Θεομήστορος τοῦ ᾿Ανδροδάμαντος. See note 170 on viii. 85, above. The manuscripts M, K have Θεομήτορος, and 8, Θεομνήτορος, but obviously from an error of transcription. In viii. 85 there is no corresponding variation. 478 HERODOTUS θεούς τε κοινοὺς ἀνακαλέων, προέτρεπε αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι ἄνδρας Ἕλληνας ἐκ δουλοσύνης καὶ ἀπαμῦναι τὸν βάρβαρον εὐπετές τε αὐτοῖσι, ἔφη, ταῦτα γίνεσθαι: tds τε γὰρ νέας αὐτῶν κακῶς πλέειν ᾿" καὶ οὐκ ἀξιομάχους κείνοισι εἶναι αὐτοί τε, εἴ τε ὑπο- πτεύουσι μὴ δόλῳ αὐτοὺς προάγοιεν, ἑτοῖμοι εἶναε ἐν τῇσε νηυσὶ 91 τῇσι ἐκείνων ἀγόμενοι ὅμηροι εἶναι. ‘Ns δὲ πολλὸς ἦν λεσσό- teal pevos*® ὁ ξεῖνος ὁ Σάμιος, εἴρετο Δευτυχίδης, εἴτε κλῃδόνος εἵνεκεν θέλων πυθέσθαι, εἴτε καὶ κατὰ συντυχίην θεοῦ ποιεῦντος" with the application, : ὁ δὲ εἶπε' ““᾿Ηγησίστρατος"" and sails in ες * 5,2 , \ oo» Κ᾿ τῶν πωρίμθδον ξεῖνε Σάμιε, τί τοι τὸ οὔνομα ; } ι ᾿ pola ὁ δὲ ὑπαρπάσας τὸν ἐπίλοιπον λόγον, εἴ τινα ὅρμητο λέγειν Oo ofthe Se- ᾿Ἡγησίστρατος, εἶπε" “ δέκομαι τὸν οἰωνὸν, τὸν ᾿Η γησίστρατον “5, minn com- ® a , ‘ toa , md > 7 . , 3 missioners. ὦ ξεῖνε Σάμιε' σὺ δὲ ἡμῖν ποίεε ὅκως αὐτός τε δοὺς πίστιν ἀπο- πλεύσεαι, καὶ οἱ σὺν σοὶ ἐόντες οἵδε, ἦ μὲν Σαμίους ἡμῖν προ- θύμους ἔσεσθαι συμμάχους." Ταῦτά τε ἅμα ἠγόρενε καὶ τὸ ἔργον προσῆγε 37: αὐτίκα γὰρ οἱ Σάμιοι πίστιν τε καὶ ὅρκια ἐποιεῦντο συμμαχίης πέρε πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας" ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες, οἱ μὲν ἀπέπλεον: μετὰ σφέων γὰρ ἐκέλευε πλέειν τὸν ᾿Η γησίστρα- τον 5, οἰωνὸν τὸ οὔνομα “ποιεύμενος ᾽". οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες ἐπισχόντες ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην, τῇ ὑστεραίῃ ἐκαλλιερέοντο, μαντευομένου σφι 92 224 τάς τε γὰρ νέας αὑτῶν κακῶς πλέειν. The greater part of the ships which the Persians had with them were probably those which had not been in the brunt of the battle at Salamis, of which Artemisia speaks so contemptuously: Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Κύπριοι καὶ Κίλικες καὶ Πάμφυλοι, τῶν ὄφελός ἐστι οὐδέν (viii. 68). It must be remembered that the estimate of their powers was made by Asiatic Greeks, who ps be strongly prejudiced against them 233 ὡς δὲ πολλὸς ἦν λισσόμενος. Seo note 346 on i. 98. 226 δέκομαι τὸν οἰωνὸν, τὸν Ἡ γησίστρα- τον. WValcknaer would exclude the words τὸν ‘Hynolorpatoy as ἃ gloss. I should be rather disposed to do so with τὸν οἰωνὸν, if anything. But the two may well stand together. See note 285 on viii. 137, and compare ARIsTOPHANES, Plut. 63: δέχου τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὸν ὕρνιν τοῦ θεοῦ. 237 προσῆγε. The manuscript S has προῆγεν. If προσῆγε be retained, the words τὸ ἔργον προσῆγε. must mean 4“ acted thereupon.”’ 238 τὸν ‘Hynolotparoy. These words do not exist in S and V. 229 μετὰ σφέων yap exéAcve 2. . οὔνομα ποιεύμενος. The name H was not merely lucky in itself, but even more 80 as suggestin ἡγήτωρ στρατοῦ, the title under which Apollo was worshipped in the Carnea, the festival in which the successful invasion of the Peloponnese was commemorated. Hegesistratus would be, in a manner, considered as an evafar of the tutelary deity sent for this occasion. Hence the point made by the 5 king not to let him add the name of his father, which he would naturally have done. (See note 265 on viii. 132.) Cicero tells a story of L. milius Paul- lus, who, on going home from the senate- house just after having been appointed to conduct the war against the Macedonian king Perseus, found his little daughter in tears for the loss of her lap-dog. He kissed her and asked the reason. ‘ Fa- ther,”’ she said, “‘ Persa is deed.” “Tum ille arctius puellam complexus, ‘ accipio,' inqult, ‘ mea filia, omen.’”” (De Divins- tione, i. 46.) CALLIOPE, ΙΧ. 91—93. 479 Δηϊφόνου τοῦ Evnviov, ἀνδρὸς ᾿Α΄ πολλωνιήτεω, ᾿Α΄ πολλωνίης δὲ τῆς ἐν τῷ ᾿Ιονίῳ Kokr@™ τοῦ τὸν πατέρα κατέλαβε ἘΕὐήνιον πρῆγμα τοιόνδε' "Ἔστι ἐν τῇ ᾿Απολλωνίῃ ταύτῃ ἱρὰ ἡλίου πρό. 98 Bata, τὰ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας βόσκεται παρὰ ποταμὸν, ὃς ἐκ Δάκμωνος te δ: οὔρεος ῥέει διὰ τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίης χώρης ἐς θάλασσαν, παρ᾽ "Ὥρικον Bther of the seer of λεμένα' τὰς δὲ νύκτας ἀραιρημένοι ἄνδρες οἱ πλούτῳ τε καὶ γένεϊ De hone δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ἀστῶν, οὗτοι φυλάσσουσι ἐνιαυτὸν ὅκαστος" οἵ Apollo- περὶ πολλοῦ γὰρ δὴ ποιεῦνται ᾿Α πολλωνιῆται τὰ πρόβατα ταῦτα, ἐκ θεοπροπίου τινός" ἐν δὲ ἄντρῳ αὐλίζονται, ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ἑκάς. ἔνθα δὴ τότε ὁ Εὐήνιος οὗτος ἀραιρημένος ἐφύλασσε' καί κοτε αὐτοῦ κατακοιμήσαντος τὴν φυλακὴν ᾽", παρελθόντες λύκοι ἐς τὸ ἄντρον διέφθειραν τῶν προβάτων ὡς ἑξήκοντα" ὁ δὲ ὡς ἐπήϊσε ᾽ εἶχε συγῇ καὶ ἔφραζε οὐδενὶ, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων ἀντικαταστήσειν ἄλλα πριάμενος" καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθε τοὺς ᾿Απολλωνιήτας ταῦτα γενόμενα, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπύθοντο, ὑπαγωγόντες μεν ὑπὸ δικαστήριον ᾿ κατέκριναν, ὡς τὴν φυλακὴν κατακοιμήσαντα, τῆς ὄψιος στερηθῆναι ἐπεί Te δὲ τὸν Εὐήνιον ἐξετύφλωσαν, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα οὔτε πρόβατά σφι ἔτικτε οὔτε γῆ ἔφερε ὁμοίως καρπόν' mpopavra™ δέ σφι ἔν τε Δωδώνῃ καὶ ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐγίνετο, ἐπεί τε ἐπειρώτευν τοὺς προφήτας τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ παρεόντος κακοῦ, οἱ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἔφραζον, ὅτι ἀδίκως τὸν φύλακον τῶν ἱρῶν προβάτων Εἰήνιον τῆς ὄψιος ἐστέρησαν" αὐτοὶ, γὰρ ἐπορμῆσαι τοὺς λύκους" οὐ πρότερόν Te παύσεσθαι τιμωρέοντες ἐκείνῳ, πρὶν ἢ δίκας δῶσι τῶν ἐποίησαν ταύτας τὰς ἂν αὐτὸς ὅληται καὶ δικαιοῖ 330 ᾿Απολλωνίης δὲ τῇς ἐν τῷ ᾿Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ. This clause is quite necessary to distinguish the town from the other of the same name in the Euxine,—which was probably more familiar to Herodotus than this. See iv. 90. 231 κατακοιμήσαντος Thy φυλακήν. This eppears to be the reading of all the MSS except one (8), in which the word κατα- κοιμίσαντος is written, although corrected by the same copyist. But XENOPHON uses the expression κατακοιμίζειν τὸ χρη- σιμώτατον τῆς ἡμέρας (Memorad. ii. 1. 30); and the very phrase κατακοιμίζειν τὴν φυλακὴν is used in the sense of “ to fall asleep ’' in AELIAN several times. If, therefore, there were the sanction of MSS, I should think κατακοιμίσαντος the better 3% γρύτων δὲ τελεομένων, reading. 232 érhice. This is the aorist from dxalw. ‘ But he, as he perceived it.” 233 ὑπαγαγόντες μιν ὑπὸ δικ We The common expression would be ὑπάγειν ἐς δίκην or és δικαστήριον. But the ex- pression in the text is used elsewhere by Herodotus. See vi. 72; also ὑπὸ τοὺς ἐφόρους, vi. 82; ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον, vi. 136. 334 πρόφαντα. The manuscripte S and V have πρόβατα, probably originating in 8 marginal gloss. 235 αὐτοί. This word apparently refers to the θεοὶ in Dodona and Delphi, gathered by inference from the word προφήτας. 236 καὶ δικαιο. I suspect these words to be an alternative reading to ὅληται, taken into the text from the margin. 478 HERODOTUS θεούς τε κοινοὺς ἀνακαλέων, προέτρεπε αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι ἄνδρας “Ἕλληνας ἐκ δουλοσύνης καὶ ἀπαμῦναι τὸν βάρβαρον: εὐπετές τε αὐτοῖσι, ἔφη, ταῦτα γίνεσθαι: τάς τε γὰρ νέας αὐτῶν κακῶς πλέειν , καὶ οὐκ ἀξιομάχους κείνοισι εἶναι αὐτοί τε, εἴ τε ὗὑπο- πτεύουσι μὴ δόλῳ αὐτοὺς προάγοιεν, ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι ἐν τῇσε νηυσὶ 91 τῇσι ἐκείνων ἀγόμενοι ὅμηροι εἶναι. “As δὲ πολλὸς ἦν λεσσό- poet a μενος 3 ὁ ξεῖνος ὁ Σάμιος, εἴρετο Δευτυχίδης, εἴτε κλῃδόνος Sle εἵνεκεν θέλων πυθέσθαι, εἴτε καὶ κατὰ συντυχίην θεοῦ ποιεῦντος- =e cape “ὦ ξεῖνε Σάμιε, τί τοι τὸ οὔνομα ;" ὃ δὲ εἶπε' “ “Hynoiorparos” ἡ να ὁ δὲ ὑπαρπάσας τὸν ἐπίλοιπον λόγον, εἴ τινα ὅρμητο λέγειν ὁ of the ὅα- ᾿Ἡγησίστρατος, εἶπε" ““ δέκομαι τὸν οἰωνὸν, τὸν ᾿Ηγησίστρατον ᾿ἧ,, missioners. ὦ ξεῖνε Σάμιε' σὺ δὲ ἡμῖν ποίεε ὅκως αὐτός τε δοὺς πίστιν ἀπο- πλεύσεαι, καὶ οἱ σὺν σοὶ ἐόντες οἵδε, ἢ μὲν Σαμίους ἡμῖν προ- θύμους ἔσεσθαι συμμάχους." Ταῦτώ τε ἅμα ἠγόρευε καὶ τὸ ἔργον προσῆγε ᾽7. αὐτίκα γὰρ οἱ Σάμιοι πίστιν τε καὶ ὅρκια ἐποιεῦντο συμμαχίης wépt πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας" ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες, οἱ μὲν ἀπέπλεον' μετὰ σφέων γὰρ ἐκέλευε πλέειν τὸν ᾿Η γησίστρα- tov, οἰωνὸν τὸ οὔνομα ποιεύμενος ᾽.. οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες ἐπισχόντες ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην, τῇ ὑστεραίῃ ἐκαλλιερέοντο, μαντενομένου σφι 92 224 τάς τε γὰρ νέας αὐτῶν κακῶς πλέειν. The greater part of the ships which the Persians had with them were probably those which had not been in the brunt of the battle at Salamis, of which Artemisia speaks so contemptuously: Αἰγύπτιοί re wal Κύπριοι καὶ Κίλικες καὶ Πάμφυλοι, τῶν ὄφελός ἐστι οὐδέν (viii. 68). It must be remembered that the estimate of their powers was made by Asiatic Greeks, who pea be strongly prejudiced against em. 315 ὡς δὲ πολλὸς ἦν λισσόμενος. Seo note 346 on i. 98. 216 δέκομαι τὸν olwvdy, τὸν Ἡγησίστρα- τον. Valcknaer would exclude the words τὸν ᾿Ηγησίστρατον as ἃ gloss. I should be rather disposed to do so with τὸν οἰωνὸν, if anything. But the two may well stand together. See note 285 on viii. 137, and compare ARISTOPHANES, Plut. 63: δέχου τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὸν ὕρνιν τοῦ θεοῦ. 327 προσῆγε. The manuscript S has προῆγεν. If προσῆγε be retained, the words τὸ ἔργον προσῆγε. must mean “ acted thereupon.” 238 τὸν Ἡ γησίστρατον. These words do not exist in S and V. 229 μετὰ σφέων γὰρ ἐκέλευε .. . οὔνομα ποιεύμενος. The name Hegesistratus was not merely lucky in itself, but even more ΒΟ ag suggesting ἡγήτωρ στρατοῦ, the title under which Apollo was worshipped in the Carnea, the festival in which the successful invasion of the Peloponnese was commemorated. Hegesistratus would be, in a manner, considered as an avatar of the tutelary deity sent for this special occasion. Hence the point made by the Spartan king not to let him add the name of his father, which he would naturally have done. (See note 265 on viii. 132.) Cicero tells a ant of L. Aimilius Paul- lus, who, on going home from the senate- house just after having been appointed to conduct the war agains‘ the Macedonian king Perseus, found his little daughter in tears for the loss of her lap-dog. He kissed her and asked the reason. ‘' Fa- ther,’’ she said, ‘‘ Persa is dead.” “Tum ille arctiue puellam complexus, ‘ accipio,’ inquit, ‘ mea filia, omen.’’’ (De Divina- tione, i. 46.) CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 91—93. 479 Δηϊφόνου τοῦ Εὐηνίου, ἀνδρὸς ᾿Α πολλωνιήτεω, ᾿Α΄ πολλωνίης δὲ τῆς ἐν τῷ ᾿Ιονίῳ κόλπῳ," τοῦ τὸν πατέρα κατέλαβε Εὐήνιον “πρῆγμα τοιόνδε' "Ἔστι ἐν τῇ ᾿Απολλωνίῃ ταύτῃ ἱρὰ ἡλίον πρό- 98 Bara, τὰ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας βόσκεται παρὰ ποταμὸν, ὃς ἐκ ΛΔάκμωνος Arecdote of Evenius, οὔρεος ῥέει διὰ τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίης χώρης ἐς θάλασσαν, παρ᾽ "Ὥρικον Bther of the seer of λεμένα' τὰς δὲ νύκτας ἀραιρημένοι ἄνδρες οἱ πλούτῳ τε Kal γένεϊ Delphonts δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ἀστῶν, οὗτοι φυλάσσουσι ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστος" οἵ Apollo- περὶ πολλοῦ γὰρ δὴ ποιεῦνται ᾿Α πολλωνιῆται τὰ πρόβατα ταῦτα, ἐκ θεοπροπίου τινός" ἐν δὲ ἄντρῳ αὐλίζονται, ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ἑκάς. ἔνθα δὴ τότε ὁ Εὐήνιος οὗτος ἀραιρημένος ἐφύλασσε' καί κοτε αὐτοῦ κατακοιμήσαντος τὴν φυλακὴν "", παρελθόντες λύκοι ἐς τὸ ἄντρον διέφθειραν τῶν προβάτων ὡς ἑξήκοντα" ὁ δὲ ὡς ἐπήϊσε᾽"", εἶχε συγῇ καὶ ἔφραζε οὐδενὶ, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων ἀντικαταστήσειν ἄλλα πριάμενος" καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθε τοὺς ᾿Α΄πολλωνιήτας ταῦτα γενόμενα, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπύθοντο, ὑπωγαγόντες μεν ὑπὸ δικαστήριον “5 κατέκριναν, ὡς τὴν φυλακὴν κατακοιμήσαντα, τῆς ὄψιος στερηθῆναι ἐπεί τε δὲ τὸν Εὐήνιον ἐξετύφλωσαν, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα οὔτε πρόβατά σφι ἔτικτε οὔτε yh ἔφερε ὁμοίως καρπόν' πρόφαντα δέ σφι ἔν τε Δωδώνῃ καὶ ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐγίνετο, ἐπεί τε ἐπειρώτευν τοὺς προφήτας τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ παρεόντος κακοῦ, οἱ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἔφραζον, ὅτε ἀδίκως τὸν φύλακον τῶν ἱρῶν προβάτων Ἐὐήνιον τῆς ὄψιος ἐστέρησαν" αὐτοὶ ᾽ν γὰρ ἐπορμῆσαι τοὺς λύκους" οὐ πρότερόν τε παύσεσθαι τιμωρέοντες ἐκείνῳ, πρὶν ἢ δίκας δῶσι τῶν ἐποίησαν ταύτας τὰς ἂν αὐτὸς ἔληται καὶ δικαιοῖ .. τούτων δὲ τέλεομένων, 230 ᾿Απκολλωνίης δὲ τῆς ἐν τῷ ᾿Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ. This clause is quite necessary to distinguish the town from the other of the same name in the Euxine,—which was probably more familiar to Herodotus than this. See iv. 90. 481 κατακοιμήσαντος Thy φυλακήν. This appears to be the reading of all the MSS except one (S), in which the word κατα- κοιμίσαντος is written, although corrected by the same copyist. But XZNOPHON uses the expression κατακοιμίζειν τὸ χρη- σιμώτατον τῇς ἡμέρας (Memorabd. ii. 1. 30); and the very phrase κατακοιμίζειν τὴν φυλακὴν is used in the sense of “to fall asleep ’’ in ASLIAN several times. If, therefore, there were the sanction of MSS, 1 should think κατακοιμίσαντος the better reading. 233 érhice. This is the aorist from dxaiw. ‘‘ But he, as he perceived it.’’ 288 ὑχωγαγόντες pv ὑπὸ Six ov. The common expression would be ὑπάγειν és δίκην or ἐς δικαστήριον. But the ex- pression in the text is used elsewhere by Herodotus. See vi. 72; also ὑπὸ rods ἐφόρους, vi. 82; ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον, vi. 136. 334 πρόφαντα. The manuscripts S and V have πρόβατα, probably originating in a marginal gloss. 235 αὐτοί. This word apparently refers to the θεοὶ in Dodona and Delphi, gathered by inference from the word προφήτας. 236 καὶ S:xasot. I suspect these words to be an alternative reading to ὅληται, taken into the text from the margin. 94 96 The allies sail from Delos to Samos, 480 HERODOTUS αὐτοὶ δώσειν Evnvio δύσω τοιαύτην τὴν πολλούς μιν μακαριεῖν ἀνθρώπων ἔχοντα. Τὰ μὲν χρηστήρια ταῦτά σφι ἐχρήσθη; οἱ δὲ ᾿Απολλωνιῆται ἀπόρρητα ποιησάμενοι, προέθεσαν τῶν ἀστῶν ἀνδράσι διαπρῆξαι" οἱ δέ σφι διέπρηξαν ὧδε: κατημένον Ε ὐηνίου ἐν θώκῳ, ἐλθόντες οἱ παρίζοντο καὶ λόγους ἄλλους ἐποιεῦντο, ἐς ὃ κατέβαινον συλλυπεύμενοι τῷ WAGE” ταύτῃ δὲ ὑπάγοντες εἰρώτεον τίνα δίκην ἂν ἕλοιτο, εἰ ἐθέλοιεν ᾿Α΄ π᾿ολλωνιῆται δίκας ὑποστῆναι δώσειν τῶν ἐποίησαν ; ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀκηκοὼς τὸ θεοπρό- πίον, εἵλετο εἴπας" εἴ τίς οἱ δοίη ἀγροὺς τῶν ἀστῶν, ὀνομάσας τοῖσι ἠπίστατο εἶναι καλλίστους δύο κλήρους τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Απολ- λωνίῃ, καὶ οἴκησιν πρὸς τούτοισι, τὴν ἤδεε καλλίστην ἐοῦσαν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλι" τούτων δὲ, ἔφη, ἐπήβολος γενόμενος τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀμή- νιτος εἶναι, καὶ δίκην οἱ ταύτην ἀποχρᾶν γενομένην. καὶ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγε, οἱ δὲ πάρεδροι εἶπαν ὑπολαβόντες" “ Εὐήνιε, ταύτην δίκην ᾿Απολλωνιῆται τῆς ἐκτυφλώσιος ἐκτίνουσί τοι κατὰ θεο- πρόπια τὰ γενόμενα." ὁ μὲν δὴ πρὸς ταῦτα δεινὰ ἐποιέετο, ἐνθεῦτεν πυθόμενος τὸν πάντα λόγον, ὡς ἐξαπατηθείς" οἱ δὲ, πριάμενος παρὰ τῶν ἐκτημένων, διδοῦσί οἱ τὰ εἵλετο. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα ἔμφυτον μαντικὴν εἶχε, ὥστε καὶ οὐνομαστὸς γενέσθαι. Τούτου δὴ ὁ Δηΐφονος ἐὼν παῖς τοῦ Εὐηνίου, ἀγόντων Κοριν- θίων, ἐμαντεύετο τῇ στρατιῇ. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τόδε ἤκουσα, ὡς ὁ Δηΐφονος ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ Evnviov™* οὐνόματος, ἐξελάμβανεἾ" ἐπιὼν τὴν Ελλάδα ἔργα, οὐκ ἐὼν Evnviov παῖς. Τοῖσι δὲ Ἕλλησι ὡς ἐκαλλιέρησε, ἀνῆγον τὰς νέας ἐκ τῆς Δήλου πρὸς τὴν Σάμον". ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο τῆς Σαμίης πρὸς Καλάμοισι"", 327 és ὃ κατέβαινον συλλνκπεύμενοι τῷ «ἀθεῖ, “until at last they ended with ex- pressing sympathy with his calamity.’ For the explanation of the phrase κατα- βαίνειν, see note 316 on i. 90. 338 ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ Etnylov. Compare iii. 62: ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ Σμέρδιος οὐνό- τος. 3229 ἐξελάμβανε. This expression is a very singular one, and perhaps best to be understood by remembering that it is the correlative term of ἐκδοῦναι. It is used in that sense by Piurarcn, of a painter who contracted to execute a drawing: ἐκλαβὼν γὰρ leroy ἀλινδούμενον γράψαι, and marie παρὰ τῆς πόλεως πίνακα γράψαι μάχης érépas (Pelopidas, § 25); and so it is by Basi, in reference to the parable in Matth. Evang. xxi. 33: τῶν γεωργῶν τῶν ἐκλαβόντων μὲν τὸν ἀμπελῶνα, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς μὴ ἀποδιδόν.- των. Deiphonus seems to have travelled over Greece, and to have been consulted on special cases where there was a need for the exercise of his art. In fact he was a travelling fortune-teller. 240 πρὸς Καλάμοισι. This is a conjec- tural emendation of Wesseling’s. The MSS have ἐν Καλαμίσοισι, except 8, which has Λαμίοισι. The name would CALLIOPE. IX. 94---98. 48] οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ ὁρμισάμενοι κατὰ τὸ Ἡραῖον τὸ ταύτῃ, παρεσκευά- where the Ε ἢ " ᾿ find that the Covro ἐς ναυμαχίην" οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι πυθόμενοί σφεας προσπλέειν, Persian fleet 2 κι ᾽ \ \ w ͵ Ν « has gone to ἀνῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον τὰς νέας τὰς ἄλλας, τὰς δὲ Mycale, to Φοινίκων ἀπῆκαν ἀποπλέειν: βουλευομένοισι γάρ σφι ἐδόκεε ναυ- cue μαχίην μὴ ποιέεσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ὧν ἐδόκεον ὁμοῖοι εἶναι" ἐς δὲ τὴν of the lend ἤπειρον ἀπέπλεον, ὅκως ἔωσι ὑπὸ τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν τὸν σφέτερον Tsranes, ἐόντα ἐν τῇ Μυκάλῃ; ὃς, κελεύσαντος Ἐέρξεω, καταλελειμμένος ins in lonia. τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ, ᾿Ιωνίην ἐφύλασσε' τοῦ πλῆθος μὲν ἦν ὃξ μυριάδες: ἐστρατήγεε δὲ αὐτοῦ Τυγράνης, κάλλεϊ τε καὶ μεγάθεϊ ὑπερφέρων Περσέων. ὑπὸ τοῦτον μὲν δὴ τὸν στρατὸν ἐβουλεύ- σαντο καταφυγόντες οἱ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγοὶ "" ἀνειρύσαι τὰς νέας, καὶ περιβαλέσθαι ἕρκος, ἔρυμα τῶν νεῶν καὶ σφέων αὐτῶν κρησφύγετον. Ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι ἀνήγοντο" - ἀπικόμενοι δὲ 97 παρὰ τὸ τῶν Ποτνιέων ἱρὸν τῆς Μυκάλης ἐς Γαίσωνά τε καὶ poled μοί Σ κολοπόεντα, τῇ Δήμητρος ᾿Ελευσινίης ἐστὶν ἱρὸν, τὸ Φίλιστος ὁ ects their gallies, Tlactxdéos ἱδρύσατο Νείλεῳ τῷ Κόδρου ἐπισπόμενος ἐπὶ Μιλήτου Which are κτιστὺν, ἐνθαῦτα τάς τε νέας ἀνείρυσαν καὶ περιεβάλοντο ὅρκος he whee καὶ λίθων καὶ ξύλων, δένδρεα ἐκκόψαντες ἥμερα, καὶ σκόλοπας περὶ τὸ ἕρκος κατέπηξαν καὶ π᾿αρεσκευάδατο ὡς πολιορκησόμενοι καὶ ὡς νικήσοντες, ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα' ἐπιλεγόμενοι γὰρ παρεσκευά- ζοντο **, Oi δὲ “Ελληνες ὡς ἐπύθοντο οἰχωκότας τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐς τὴν 98 ἤπειρον, ἤχθοντο ὡς ἐκπεφευγότων' ἐν ἀπορίῃ τε εἴχοντο ὅ τι θὰ ἰδὸ arrival of ποιέωσι, εἴτε ἀπαλλάσσωνται ὀπίσω εἴτε καταπλέωσι ἐπ᾽ “Ἐλ- the ΠΝ 5 λησπόντου" τέλος δ᾽ ἔδοξε τούτων μὲν μηδέτερα ποιέειν, ἐπιπλέειν ἐδῖθεν θη: δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἤπειρον’ παρασκευασάμενοι ὧν ἐς ναυμαχίην καὶ ἀπο- excite the βάθρας Ἶ" καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσων ἔδεε, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τῆς Μυκάλης. Ionians in ἐπεὶ the enemy's seem to indicate the marshy nature of the site; and it is at first sight strange that the Hereum should have been built doubt speaking of the same locality as Herodotus. It seems not at all improbable in such a situation. But perhaps it occu- pied the spot on which the first settlers located themselves, who, if a half com- mercial, half piratical race, as in such times was to be expected, would be more likely to remain in the marshes than to occupy the interior. Avtexis or Samos mentions a temple of Aphrodite at Samos, called by some Aphrodite ἐν Καλάμοις, and by others Aphrodite ἐν ᾿Ἐλειατικοῖς (ap. Atheneum, xii. p. 572). He is no VOL. II. that the Samian Here absorbed into her ritual both that of the Artemisium and that of the Aphrodisium. See note 143 on iii. 48. 341 of τοῦ ναντικοῦ στρατηγοί. These words are omitted in 8. 342 ῥπιλεγόμενοι γὰρ παρεσκευάζοντο, “for they made their preparations at their leisure.” The meaning of ἐπιλέγε- σθαι is ““ἴο think and talk any matter over.” 343 ἀποβάθρας. These are the gang- 3 Q army to revolt, repares to attack the camp. The Per- sians, die- trusting the Samians, disarm them, but t the ilesians in δὴ im- 482 HERODOTUS δὲ ἀγχοῦ τε éyivovro τοῦ στρατοπέδου, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐφαίνετό σφι ἐπαναγόμενος, ἀλλὰ ὥρων νέας ἀνέλκυσμένας ἔσω τοῦ τείχεος, πολλὸν δὲ πεζὸν παρακεκριμένον παρὰ τὸν αὐγιαλὸν ᾽“, ἐνθαῦτα πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῇ νηὶ παραπλέων, ἐγχρίμψ ας "" τῷ αὐγιαλῷ τὰ μάλιστα Λευτυχίδης, ὑπὸ κήρυκος προηγόρευε τοῖσι Ἴωσι λέγων; “ ἄνδρες “Iwves ὅσοι ὑμέων τυγχάνουσι ἐπακούοντες, μάθετε τὰ λόγω: πάντως γὰρ οὐδὲν συνήσουσι Πέρσαι τῶν ἐγὼ ὑμῖν ἐντέλ- λομαι: ἐπεὰν συμμίσγωμεν, μεμνῆσθαί τινα χρὴ ἐλευθερίης μὲν πάντων πρῶτον, μετὰ δὲ, τοῦ συνθήματος “Ηβης καὶ τάδε tore καὶ ὁ μὴ ἐσακούσας ὑμέων πρὸς τοῦ ἐπακούσαντος." ὠύτὸς δὴ οὗτος ἐὼν τυγχάνει νόος τοῦ πρήγματος καὶ ὁ Θεμεστοκλέος ὁ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ "“. ἢ γὰρ δὴ λαθόντα τὰ ῥήματα τοὺς βαρβάρους ἔμελλε τοὺς “Iwvas πείσειν, ἢ ἔπειτα ἀνενειχθέντα ἐς τοὺς βαρ- βάρους, ποιήσειν ἀπίστους [τοῖσι “Ελλησι 51]. “Δευτυχίδεω δὲ ταῦτα ὑποθεμένου, δεύτερα δὴ τάδε ἐποίευν οἱ , "EdAnves: π ὄντες τὰς νέας, ἀπέβησαν ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλόν καὶ poor οὗτοι μὲν ἐτάσσοντο' οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ὡς εἶδον τοὺς “Ελληνας παρα- σκευαζομένους ἐς μάχην, καὶ τοῖσι ἼΖωσι παραινέσαντας, τοῦτο μὲν ὑπονοήσαντες τοὺς Σαμίους τὰ ᾿Ελλήνων φρονέειν, ἀπαιρέονται τὰ ὅπλα" οἱ γὰρ ὧν Σάμιοι, ἀπικομένων ᾿Αθηναίων αἰχμαλώτων ἐν τῇσι νηυσὶ τῶν βαρβάρων, τοὺς ἔλαβον ἀνὰ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν λελειμ- μένους οἱ Ἐέρξεω, τούτους λυσάμενοι πάντας ἀποπέμπουσι ἐποδιά- σαντες ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας" τῶν εἵνεκεν οὐκ ἥκιστα ὑποψίην εἶχον, πεντακοσίας κεφαλὰς τῶν Ἠέρξεω πολεμίων λνυσάμενοι" τοῦτο δὲ boards, which were laid out from a ves- sel’s side to the shore to enable a landing to be effected. It was while passing along one of these, in order to get ashore at Pylos, that Brasidas received a blow which caused himself to fall backwards into the galley, while his shield dropped into the sea and so came into the hands of the enemy. (Tuvcyrpipgs, iv. 12.) The same, or 8 similar, machine would pro- bably be used to facilitate boarding when two ships engaged out at sea happened to fall foul of one another. 244 πρλλὸν δὲ πεζὸν παρακεκριμένον παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν, ‘and a numerous land force which had been brought into position along the line of coast.’”’ See note 140, a, on viii. 70. 345 dyyplupas. Several MSS have the form ἐγχρίψας, but in ii. 60 all but S have ἐγχρίμψαντες, which by inadvertence I have omitted to substitute for Gaisford’s reading. Still nothing can be more ancer- tain than Herodotus’s use of such forms; for 8 is one of the MSS which in thie passage have ¢yxpluyas. The verb is active, and ναῦν or some such word is to be supplied. See ii. 60. 346. ὁ Θεμιστοκλέος ὁ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ. See above, viii. 22. 247 [τοῖσι “EAAnoi]. These words seem to have been a gloss from the hand of a scholiast who imagined the word ἀπίστους to be used in an active sense, and to refer to βαρβάρους instead of Ἴωνας. They however are in all the MSS, and are retained by Geisford without sus- picion. CALLIOPE. IX. 99—101. τὰς διόδους τὰς ἐς τὰς κορυφὰς τῆς Μυκάλης φερούσας προστάσ- portant σουσι τοῖσι Μιλησίοισι "" Ῥυλάσσεθ᾽, ὡς ἐπισταμένοισι δῆθεν ᾿Ξ μάλεστα τὴν χώρην: ἐποίευν δὲ τούτου εἵνεκεν, ἵνα ἐκτὸς τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἔωσι: τούτους μὲν ᾿Ιώνων, τοῖσε καὶ κατεδόκεον νεοχμὸν ἄν τι ποιέειν δυνάμιος ἐπιλαβομένοισι, τρόποισι τοιυ- οὕύτοισε προεφυλάσσοντο οἱ Πέρσαι' αὐτοὶ δὲ συνεφόρησαν τὰ γέρρα ὅρκος εἶναί σφι. ‘Qs δὲ ἄρα παρεσκευάδατο 488 "Ὁ χοῖσι Ἕλλησι, προσήϊσαν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους: ἰοῦσι δέ σφι φήμη τε ἐσέπτατο ἐς τὸ sd stale 100 Sov Way, Kas κηρυκήϊον ἐφάνη ἐπὶ τῆς κυματωγῆς κείμενον 250, ἡ δὲ On com- mencing the φήμη διῆλθέ σ pe ὧδε, ὡς οἱ “Ελληνες τὴν Μ αρδονίου eae attack a ru- νικῷεν ἐν Βοιωτοῖσι μαχόμενοι. δῆλα δὴ πολλοῖσι τεκμηρίοισί th trough ἐστι τὰ θεῖα τῶν πρηγμάτων, εἰ καὶ τότε τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης συμ- ΤΡ ΕΑ πιπτούσης τοῦ τε ἐν Πλαταιῇσι καὶ τοῦ ἐν Μ υκάλῃ μέλλοντος τ ᾿ ἔσεσθαε τρώματος, φήμη τοῖσι “Ελλησι τοῖσι ταύτῃ ἐσαπίκετο, ὥστε θαρσῆσαί τε τὴν στρατιὴν πολλῷ μᾶλλον, καὶ ἐθέλειν “προθυμότερον κινδυνεύειν. Καὶ 242 τοῖσι Μιλησίοισι. It does not clearly appear from the narrative of Herodotus who these Milesians were. After the sup- pression of the Ionian revolt, which had been caused by the intrigues of Histieus, Miletus was taken, and the surviving po- pulation transported to the islands in the Erythreean sea. The Persians themselves (Herodotus says) occupied the plain, and the highlands were given to a Carian po- pulation. (See note 54 on vi. 20.) But when the new settlement of Tonia was made by Darius (vi. 42), it is not unlikely that the cultivators o "the soil for the Persian conquerors were allowed to ac- uire a beneficial interest in it, and that ese are the “ Milesians”’ referred to in the text. The conquerors would certainly not cultivate the soil for themselves, and the easiest method of deriving benefit from it would be to leave it in the hands of the natives, exacting in return a certain pro- portion of the produce. Probably at the time the arrangement was made, the pe- ricecians found their situation improved, and were well disposed to support their new masters against their old. But after twelve or thirteen years had pessed, the old hardships would be forgotten; and they would ἐν glad of an opportunity to get rid of the burdens which were still rode ἕτερον συνέπεσε γενόμενον, imposed upon them, and convert their tenancy into an absolute possession,— which of course would result from the expulsion of the Persians. Hence per- hape we may account both for the con- fidenee placed in them, and for their abuse of it. 349 παρεσκευάδατος As this is the plural form, Bekker conjectures παρ- ἐσκεύαστο. I should be more Sisposed to expunge the words τοῖσι Ἕλλησι. These may have been placed in the mar. n as a gloss of σφι, and from thence ve been inserted in a wrong place of the text. 350 ἰοῦσι δέ ogi... ἐπὶ τῆς κυματωγῆς κείμενον, “‘and as they advanced not only had they a rumour spread suddenly among the whole force, but there appeared on the edge of the beach a herald’s staff lying.’ Dioporvs makes Leotychides put a herald with a very loud voice into the which he sent along the line of the barian encampment, and order him to declare that the allies, having defeated Mardonius at Platea, are come to Asia to liberate the Greeks of that continent. This conversion of the omen into a pre- meditated stratagem, is of a piece with his version of the escape of Sesostris. See note 301 on ii. 107. 3Q2 101 ΄ 484 HERODOTUS Another Arjunrpos τεμένεα ᾿Ελευσινίης παρὰ ἀμφοτέρας τὰς συμβολὰς t : incidence εἶναι" καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τῇ Πλαταιΐδι παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον ἐγένετο occurred ς ἢ , ¥ e , ἢ , » in the fact (ὡς καὶ πρότερον μοι εἴρηται) ἡ μάχη, καὶ ἐν Μυκάλῃ ἔμελλε battles took ὡσαύτως ἔσεσθαι" γεγονέναι δὲ νίτην τῶν μετὰ Παυσανίεω ᾿Ελ- eae ag λήνων ὀρθῶς σῴφε ἡ φήμη συνέβαινε ἐλθοῦσα" τὸ μὲν yap ἐν προ οὗ ἸΤλαταιῇσι πρωὶ ἔτι τῆς ἡμέρης ἐγίνετο: τὸ δὲ ἐν Μυκάλῃ περὶ δείλην" ὅτι δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι, μηνός τε τοῦ αὐτοῦ, χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ σφι ὕστερον δῆλα ἀναμανθάνουσι ἐγίνετο. ἣν δὲ ἀρρωδίη σφι πρὶν τὴν φήμην ἐσαπικέσθαι, οὔτι περὶ σφέων αὐτῶν οὕτω, ὡς τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων, μὴ περὶ Μαρδονίῳ πταίσῃ ἡ Ἑλλάς" ὡς μέντοι ἡ κλῃδὼν αὕτη σφι ἐσέπτατο, μᾶλλόν τι καὶ ταχύτερον τὴν πρόσοδον ἐποιεῦντο. οἱ μὲν δὴ “Ελληνες καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἔσπευδον ἐς τὴν μάχην, ὥς σφι καὶ αἱ νῆσοι καὶ ὁ Ἑλλήσποντος ἄεθλα προέκειτο. 102 Τοῖσι μέν νυν ’Αθηναίοισι καὶ τοῖσε προσεχέσι τούτοισι τε- Afer 8 very τ μγμέγοισι, μέχρι κου τῶν ἡμισέων, ἡ ὁδὸς ἀγίνετο κατ᾽ αὐγιαλόν sree ea Te καὶ ἄὄπεδον χῶρον' τοῖσι δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοισι καὶ τοῖσι ἐπεξῆς way, τούτοισι τεταγμένοισι, κατά Te yapddpny καὶ οὔρεα' ἐν ᾧ δὲ οἱ “Λακεδαιμόνιοι περιήϊσαν, οὗτοι οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ ἑτέρῳ κέρεϊ ἔτι καὶ δὴ ἐμάχοντο. ἕως μέν νυν τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ὄρθια ἦν τὰ γέρρα", ἡμύνοντό τε καὶ οὐδὲν ἔλασσον εἶχον τῇ μάχῃ' ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ᾿4θη- ναίων καὶ τῶν προσεχέων ὃ στρατὸς, ὅκως ἑωυτῶν γένηται Ἶ5 τὸ ἔργον καὶ μὴ Δακεδαιμονίων, παρακελευσάμενοι, ἔργον εἴχοντο προθυμότερον, ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα Ἶ διωσάμενοι γὰρ τὰ γέρρα οὗτοι, φερόμενοι ἐσέπεσον ἁλέες ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας: οἱ δὲ δεξάμενοι, καὶ χρόνον συχνὸν ἀμυνόμενοι, τέλος ἔφευγον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Σικυώνιοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, (οὕτω γὰρ ἦσαν ἐπεξῆς τεταγμένοι,) συνεπισπόμενοι συνεσέπιπτον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος" ὡς δὲ καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀραίρητο, οὔτ᾽ ἔτε πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐτράποντο οἱ βάρβαροι πρὸς φυγήν τε ὁρμέατο οἱ ἄλλοι πλὴν Περσέων" οὗτοι δὲ κατ᾽ ὀλύγους γινόμενοι Ἶ“, ἐμάχοντο τοῖσι αἰεὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἐσπίπτουσι Ελλήνων. καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν 351 ὄρθια ἦν τὰ γέρρα. See note 160 353 ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα. Compare vii. on § 61, above. » ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ νεῖκος. 382 γένηται. So Gaisford prints on the 354 κατ᾽ ὀλίγους γινόμενοι, “ forming authority of the majority of MSS. The into small knots.” rest have γένοιτο. See note 40 on i. 9, CALLIOPE. IX. 102—105. 485 Περσικῶν δύο μὲν ἀποφεύγουσι, δύο δὲ τελευτῶσι' ᾿Αρταύντης μὲν καὶ ᾿Ιθαμίτρης "", τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγέοντες, ἀποφεύγουσι" Μαρδόντης ** δὲ καὶ ὁ τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατηγὸς Τυγράνης " μαχό-. μενοι τελευτῶσι. Ἔτι δὲ μαχομένων τῶν Περσέων ἀπίκοντο 103 Δακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ τὰ λουπὰ συνδιεχείριξον. Me Tonians in his army ww ἃ ϑϑ.: A Le ¢ 4 2 σὰ turning ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν “Ἑλλήνων συχνοὶ ἐνθαῦτα ἄλλοι τε καὶ tuning him, Σικυώνιοι, καὶ στρατηγὸς Περίλεως. τῶν δὲ Σαμίων oi στρα- τευόμενοι, ἐόντες τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῷ Μηδικῷ καὶ ἀπαραιρη- μένοι τὰ ὅπλα, ὡς εἶδον αὐτίκα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς γινομένην ἑτεραλκέα "5" τὴν μάχην, ἕρδον ὅσον ἠδυνέατο, προσωφελέειν ἐθέλοντες τοῖσι “Ελλησι" Σαμίους δὲ ἰδόντες οἱ ἄλλοι Ἴωνες ἄρξαντας, οὕτω δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀποστάντες ἀπὸ Περσέων ἐπέθεντο τοῖσε βαρβάροισι. Μιλησίοισι δὲ προσετέτακτο μὲν τῶν Περσέων "" τὰς διόδους 104 τηρεῖν, σωτηρίης εἵνεκά σφι" ὡς, ἣν ἄρα σφέας καταλαμβάνῃ οἷά 24 the περ κατέλαβε, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας σώξωνται ἐς τὰς κορυφὰς τῆς proving tho Μυκάλης: ἐτάχθησαν μέν νυν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα οἱ Μιλήσιοι, foes of all. τούτου τε εἵνεκεν καὶ ἵνα μὴ παρεόντες ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τι νεοχμὸν Toto οἱ δὲ πᾶν τὸ ἐναντίον τοῦ προστεταγμένου ἐποίεον, ἄλλας τε κατηγεόμενοί σφι ὁδοὺς φεύγουσι αἱ δὴ ἔφερον ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τέλος αὐτοί σφι ἐγίνοντο κτείνοντες πολεμιώτατο. οὕτω δὴ τὸ δεύτερον ᾿Ιωνίη ἀπὸ Περσέων ἀπέστη. Ἔν δὲ ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ Ἑλλήνων ἠρίστευσαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι" καὶ ᾿Αθη- 105 ναίων, Ἑρμόλυκος ὁ Εἰὐθύνου, ἀνὴρ παγκράτιον ἐπασκήσας" τοῦ- Among the τον δὲ τὸν «ΕἙρμόλυκον κατέλαβε ὕστερον τούτων, πολέμον ἐόντος moe dhe: ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Kapvoriows®", ἐν Κύρνῳ τῆς Kapvotins were the 255 ᾿Ιθαμίτρης. This individual was the nephew of Artayntes, and associated with him and Mardontes in the command of the fleet. (See viii. 130.) 256 Mapdéyrns. Probably the son of Bagreus mentioned in vii. 80, and viii. 130 251 § τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατηγὸς Τιγράνης. In the roll of the grand army Tigranes is merely in command of the Medes. But we may perhaps suppose that a change of appointments took place after the arrival of Xerxes in Asia; and moreover the army at Mycale was composed almost entirely of Medes and Asiatic Greeks. (See above, § 96.) 258 ἑτεραλκέα. Sand V have ὕπεραλ- κέα. (See note on viii. 11.) 359 τῶν Περσέων. It does not seem necessary either to read ἐκ τῶν Περσέων, or to consider τῶν Περσέων to be governed by the preposition πρὸς in the compound verb προσετέτακτο. It is the genitive case after διόδους. Translate, ‘“‘to the Mile- sians orders had been given to secure the communications of the Persians.’’ 260 πρλέμον ἐόντος ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Καρυστίοισι. THucypipes, in his brief summary of the events between the Per- sian and Peloponnesian wars, speaks of Athenians, and of them one Hermo- ᾿Αθηναίους, 106 The allied fleet returns to Samoe, and the future polic 486 HERODOTUS χώρης ἀποθανόντα ἐν μάχῃ, κεῖσθαι ἐπὶ Τεραιστῷ μετὰ δὲ Κορώθιοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι καὶ Σικυώνιοι ἠρίστευσαν. Ἔπεί τε δὲ κατεργάσαντο οἱ “Ελληνες τοὺς πολλοὺς, τοὺς μὲν μαχομένους τοὺς δὲ καὶ φεύγοντας τῶν βαρβάρων, τὰς νέας ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἅπαν, τὴν ληΐην προεξαγαγόντες ἐς τὸν αὐγιαλόν' καὶ θησαυρούς τινας χρημάτων εὗρον" ἐμπρήσαντες δὲ is discumed. τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὰς νέας ἀπέπλεον. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Σάμον οἱ Rise of the Ἕλληνες, ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ ἀναστάσιος τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης, καὶ ὅπη χρεὸν εἴη τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος κατοικίσαι, τῆς αὐτοὶ éyxpatécs ἦσαν τὴν δὲ ᾿Ιωνίην ἀπεῖναι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι: ἀδύνατον γὰρ ἐφαίνετό σφι εἶναι ἑωυτούς τα ᾿Ιώνων προκατῆσθαι Ἶ φρουρέοντας τὸν πάντα χρόνον καὶ ἑωυτῶν μὴ προκατημένων, Ἴωνας οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα εἶχον χαίροντας πρὸς τῶν Περσέων ἀπαλλάξειν ™. πρὸς ταῦτα Πελοποννησίων μὲν τοῖσι ἐν τέλεϊ ἐοῦσι ἐδόκεε τῶν μηδι- σάντων ἐθνέων τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν τὰ ἐμπόρια ἐξαναστήσαντας, δοῦναι τὴν χώρην Ἴωσι ἐνοικῆσαι' ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ οὐκ ἐδόκεε ἀρχὴν, ᾿Ιωνίην γενέσθαε ἀνάστατον", οὐδὲ Πελοποννησίοισι περὶ τῶν σφετέρων ἀποικιέων βουλεύειν' ἀντιτεινόντων δὲ τούτων προθύμως, εἶξαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι' καὶ οὕτω δὴ Σαμίους τε καὶ this war as one in which no other of the Euboean towns took a part, and which was terminated by a pacific arrangement. This happened after the extension of the Athenian relations to Macedonia by the occupation of Eion on the Strymon (i. 98). From the site of Carystus and the c - ter of its population (see note 227 on vi. 99), it appears likely that outrages would be committed on Athenian trading vessels going northward through the Eubcean channel, and driven by stress of weather on the shore. In this case, satisfaction would be given by the extradition of of- fenders. Had it been a war of conquest of which Thucydides speaks, it could hardly have ended as it did. Themistocles had extorted money from Carystus after the battle of Salamis, and, after this, its terri- tory had been devastated by the allies (viii. 112. 121). 261 "Idvew προκατῆσθαι. See note 74 on viii. 36. 262 Ἴωνας οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα εἶχον χαίρον- τας πρὸς τῶν Περσέων ἀπαλλάξειν. ‘They had no hope that the Ionians would be uit of the business without suffering at ὁ hands of the Persians.” The fear of the allies was, that the Jonians would be utterly exterminated by the Persians as soon as their protectors had left; bat to express this directly would have shocked the feelings of a Greek, who above all things avoided words of ill omen. Hence ot χαίροντας, being the substituted equi- valent for τὰ ἔσχατα παθόντας or some similar phrase, is put in the regimen ap- propriate to that. 862 Ἰωνίην γενέσθαι ἀνάστατον. Sach 8 measure as that proposed, would, if car- ried out, have given the Lacedemonians 8 predominance not only in the Pelopon- nese, but also in Boeotia and Thessaly, which would have overwhelmed all other interests. Naturally, therefore, it encoun- tered an opposition on the part of the Athenians, which would be the more ef- fective, as their contingent formed far the largest part of the fleet, and a refusal of their ships would have entirely baffled the project had it been resolved on. CALLIOPE. IX. 106—108. 487 Χίους καὶ Δεσβίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νησιώτας, of ἔ τυχὸν συστρα- permanent τευόμενοι τοῖσι “Ελλησι, ἐς τὸ συμμαχικὸν ἐποιήσαντο, πίστι τε saint pe καταλαβόντες καὶ ὁρκίοισι, ἐμμένειν τε καὶ μὴ ἀποστήσεσθαι" τού- or Tous δὲ καταλαβόντες ὁρκίοισι, ἔπλεον τὰς γεφύρας λύσοντες" ἔτι yap ἐδόκεον ἐντεταμένας εὑρήσειν. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ελλησπόντον ἔπλεον. Τῶν δὲ ἀποφυγόντων ‘suite és τὰ ἄκρα te τῆς Mucddns 107 κατειληθέντων, ἐόντων οὐ πολλῶν, ἐγίνετο κομιδὴ ἐς Σάρδις" Asal ΠΡ “πορενομένων δὲ, κατ᾽ ὁδὸν Μασίστης * ὁ Δαρείου παρατυχὼν τῷ ae arabe τῷ γεγονότε τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾿Αρταὔντην ἔλεγε πολλά τε καὶ eet τς κακὰ, ἄλλα τε καὶ γυναικὸς κακίω φὰς αὐτὸν εἶναι τοιαῦτα στρα- the road to which a τηγήσαντα, καὶ ἄξιον εἶναι παντὸς κακοῦ τὸν βασιλέος οἶκον κακώ- quarrel ween σαντα παρὰ δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι γυναικὸς κακίω ἀκοῦσαι Sévvos Masistesand rtayntes μέγιστός ἐστι" ὁ δὰ, ἐπεὶ πολλὰ ἤκουσε, δεινὰ ποιεύμενος, σππᾶταε nearly οοεῖο the former ἐπὶ τὸν Μασίστην τὸν dxsvanea, ἀποκτεῖναι Ne καί μὲν ἔπι- his life. θέοντα φρασθεὶς Ἐειναγόρης ὁ Πρηξίλεω, avy pr Aap σεν, ὄπισθε ἑστεὼς αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρταὔντεω, ἁρπάζει μέσον" , καὶ ἐξάρας παίει ἐς τὴν γῆν" καὶ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ δορυφόροι Maclorew προέστησαν" ὁ δὲ Ἐειναγόρης ταῦτα ἐργάσατο, χάριτα αὐτῷ τε Μασίστῃ τιθέ μενος ἢ καὶ Ἠέρξῃ, ἐκσώξζων τὸν ἀδελφεὸν τὸν ἐκείνου' καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον Ἐεινωγόρης Κιλικίης πάσης ἦρξε, δόντος βασιλέος" τῶν δὲ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν πορενομένων, οὐδὲν ἔτε πλέον ἐγένετο τούτων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις" ἐν δὲ τῇσι Σάρδισι ἐτύγχανε ἐὼν βασιλεὺς, ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου ἐπεί τε ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων, προσπταίσας τῇ ναυμαχίῃ, φυγὼν ἀπίκετο. Τότε δὲ ἐν τῇσι Σάρδισι ἐὼν ἄρα ἤρα τῆς Μασίστεω γυναικὸς, 108 ἐούσης καὶ ταύτης ἐνθαῦτα" ὡς δέ οἱ προσπέμποντι οὐκ ἐδύνατο Anecdote of the licen- karepyaaUias, οὐδὲ βίην sc ΠΡΟΜηθευ βένος τὸν ἀδελφεὸν fous a Maciorny τὠντὸ δὲ τοῦτο εἶχε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα" εὖ γὰρ ἐπίστατο Xeraes and of Θ bitter βίης ov Teubopevry seh δὴ Ἐέρξης ἐργόμενος τῶν ἄλλων, spite of the sultana πρήσσει τὸν γάμον τοῦτον τῷ παιδὶ τῷ ἑωυτοῦ Δαρείῳ, θυγατέρα Ameatris. 264 Maglorns. See note 56 on § 20, Sublimem medium primum arriperem, et above. capite in terram statuerem, 263 ἁρπάζει μέσον, ‘seizes him by his Ut cerebro dispergat viam. waist.”” The idiom exists also in Latin. 266 τα τιθέμενος, “ putting under Tenence, Adelph. iii. 3. 17: a race i Wasa On ca AT. Tum autem Syrum a dat cr vah ? qui- 267 πρήσσει τὸν γάμον τοῦτον, “* he bus illum lacerarem modis makes up this match.’ 488 HERODOTUS Ths γυναικὸς ταύτης καὶ Μασίστεω, δοκέων αὐτὴν μᾶλλον λάμ- | ψέεσθαι ἢν ταῦτα ποιήσῃ, ἁρμόσας δὲ καὶ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας ἀπήλαυνε ἐς Σοῦσα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖ τε ἀπίκετο καὶ ἠγώγετο ἐς ἑωυτοῦ “αρείῳ τὴν γυναῖκα, οὕτω δὴ τῆς Μασίστεω μὲν γυναικὸς ἐπέπαυτο, ὁ δὲ διαμειψάμενος ἤρα τε καὶ ἐτύγχανε τῆς Δαρείου μὲν γυναικὸς, Μασίστεω δὲ θυγατρός" οὔνομα δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ ταύτῃ ἣν ᾿Αρταύὔντη. Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος, ἀνάπυστα γίνεταε τρόπῳ τοιῷδε" ἐξυφήνασα “Apnotpis, ἡ Ἐέρξεω γυνὴ, φᾶρος μέγα τε καὶ ποικίλον καὶ θέης ἄξιον, διδοῖ Ἐέρξῃ" ὁ δὲ ἡσθεὶς περιβάλλεται τε καὶ ἔρχεται παρὰ τὴν Aptaivrny ἡσθεὶς δὲ καὶ ταύτῃ, ἐκέλευσε αὐτὴν αἰτῆσαι ὅ τι βούλεταί οἱ γενέσθαι ἀντὶ τῶν αὐτῷ ὑπουρ- γημένων Ἶ“ πάντα γὰρ τεύξεσθαι αἰτήσασαν' τῇ δὲ κακῶς γὰρ ἔδεε πανοικίῃ γενέσθαι, πρὸς ταῦτα εἶπε Ἐέρξῃ" “ δώσεις μοι τὸ ἄν σε αἰτήσω ;" ὁ δὲ πᾶν μᾶλλον δοκέων κείνην αἰτῆσαε, ὑπισχνέετο καὶ ὥμοσε' ἡ δὲ, ὡς ὥμοσε, ἀδεῶς αἰτέει τὸ φᾶρος: Ἐέρξης δὲ παν- τοῖος ἐγίνετο 5, οὐ βουλόμενος δοῦναι" κατ᾽’ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν, φοβεό- μενος δὲ "άμηστριν, μὴ καὶ πρὶν κατεικαζούσῃ τὰ γινόμενα οὕτω ἐπευρεθῇ πρήσσων "5" ἀλλὰ πόλις τε ἐδίδου καὶ χρυσὸν ἄπλετον, καὶ στρατὸν τοῦ ἔμελλε οὐδεὶς ἄρξειν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἐκείνη: Περσικὸν δὲ κάρτα ὁ στρατὸς δῶρον' ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ἔπειθε, διδοῖ τὸ φᾶρος" ἡ δὲ περιχαρὴς ἐοῦσα τῷ δώρῳ, ἐφόρεέ τε καὶ ἠγάλλετο 37." καὶ ἡ “Apnotpis πυνθάνεταί μὲν ἔχουσαν. Μαθοῦσα δὲ τὸ ποιεύμενον, τῇ μὲν γυναικὶ ταύτῃ οὐκ εἶχε ἔγκοτον" ἡ δὲ ἐλπίζουσα τὴν μητέρα αὐτῆς εἶναι αἰτίην καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνην πρήσσειν, τῇ Μασίστεω γυναικὶ ἐβούλευε ὄλεθρον: φυλάξασα δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν ἑωυτῆς Ξέρξην φασιλήϊον δεῖπνον προτιθέμενον.: τοῦτο δὲ τὸ δεῖπνον παρασκευάξεται ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, ἐν ἡμέρῃ τῇ ἐγένετο Bact 4 109 110 308 οἱ γενέσθαι ἀντὶ τῶν αὐτῷ ὑπουρ- γημένων. These words do not exist in the manuscript S, and the first not in F and ὁ. 269 παντοῖος ἐγίνετο. See note 340 on iti. 124. 370 μὴ καὶ πρὶν κατεικαζούσῃ τὰ γινό- μενα οὕτω ἐπευρεθῇ πρήσσων, “ lest his intrigue should at last become known to her who even before had an inkling of what was going on.”” Several of the MSS have κατεικάζουσα, which Gaisford adopts. In that case the sentence ought to have ended, οὕτω καταλάβῃ πρήσσοντα. But wherever a sudden change of construction takes place, there is always in the older writers a motive, originating in the desire to express some shade of meaning which the sentence in its normal shape would fail to convey. Here nothing of the kind would be effected by the change, and therefore I prefer the old reading. 271 ἠγάλλετο. This is the reading of the majority of the MSS. But S, V, P, and F, which Gaisford follows, have the form ἀγάλλετο. { Ι CALLIOPE. IX. 109—111. 489 λεύς 7. οὔνομα δὲ τῷ δείπνῳ τούτῳ Περσιστὶ μὲν TTKT A, κατὰ δὲ τὴν “Ελλήνων γλῶσσαν, ΤΈΛΕΙΟΝ 57". τότε καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν σμᾶται μοῦνον βασιλεὺς “, καὶ Πέρσας δωρέεται: ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἡμέρην φυλάξασα ἡ άμηστρις, χρήξει τοῦ Ἐέρξεω δοθῆναί οἱ τὴν ἹΜασίστεω γυναῖκα" ὁ δὲ δεινόν τε καὶ ἀνάρσιον ἐποιέετο, τοῦτο μὲν ἀδελφεοῦ γυναῖκα παραδοῦναι, τοῦτο δὲ ἀναιτίην ἐοῦσαν τοῦ πρήγματος τούτου" συνῆκε γὰρ τοῦ εἵνεκεν ἐδέετο. Τέλος μέντοι, κείνης Te λιπαρεούσης καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἐξεργόμενος" ὅτι ἀτυχῆσαι τὸν χρήξζοντα οὔ σφι δυνατόν ἐστι βασιληΐον δείπνου “προκειμένου κάρτα δὴ ἀέκων Karavever καὶ παραδοὺς ποιέει ὧδε" τὴν μὲν κελεύει ποιέειν τὰ βούλεται, ὃ δὲ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν ἀδελφεὸν λέγει τάδε' “ Μασίστα, σὺ εἷς Δαρείου τε παῖς, καὶ ἐμὸς ἀδελφεός "55. πρὸς δ᾽ ἔτι τούτοισι, καὶ εἷς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός’ γυναικὶ δὴ ταύτῃ τῇ νῦν συνοικέεις, μὴ συνοίκεε: ἀλλά TOL ἀντ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐγὼ δίδωμι θυγατέρα τὴν ἐμήν" ταύτῃ συνοίκεε, τὴν δὲ νῦν ἔχεις, οὐ γὰρ δοκέει ἐμοὶ, μὴ ἔχε γυναῖκα" ὁ δὲ Μασίστης ἀποθωμάσας τὰ λεγόμενα, λέγει τάδε: “ὦ δέσποτα, τίνα μοι λόγον λέγεις ἄχρηστον, κελεύων με γυναῖκα, ἐκ τῆς μοι παῖδες venviat τέ εἶσι καὶ θυγατέρες, τῶν καὶ σὺ μίαν τῷ παιδὶ τῷ σεωυτοῦ ἠγάγεο γυναῖκα, αὐτή τέ μοι κατὰ νόον τυγχάνει κάρτα ἐοῦσα, ταύτην με κελεύεις μετέντα, θυγατέρα τὴν σὴν γῆμαι ; ἐγὼ δὲ, βασιλεῦ, μέγα μὲν ποιεῦμαι ἀξιεύμενος θυγατρὸς τῆς σῆς, ποιήσω μέντοι τούτων οὐδέτερα' σὺ δὲ μηδαμῶς βιῶ πρήγματος τοιοῦδε δεόμενος "+ ἀλλὰ τῇ τε σῇ θυγατρὶ ἀνὴρ ἄλλος φανήσεται ἐμεῦ οὐδὲν ἥσσων, ἐμέ τε ἔα γυναικὶ τῇ ἐμῇ συνοικέειν.’ ὁ μὲν δὴ 272 ἂν ἡμέρῃ τῇ ἐγένετο βασιλεύς. The natural signification of these words would be, ‘‘in the day in which he became king ;’”’ but there seems little doubt that the day in question was the monarch’s birth-day, which was by far the highest feast of all among the Persians. (Above, i. 133, and Dinon ap. Atheneum, iv. p- 147.) Puato (Alcibiad. i. § 36) says that the birth-day of the reigning sovereign was observed as a festival throughout the whole of Asia. Thus too the festival in which Herod could not re- fuse a boon was τοῖς γενεσίοις αὑτοῦ. (Marc. Evang. vi 21.) But the word βασιλεὺς was commonly used without the article, just as if it were a proper name, when applied to the Persian king. (See VOL. II. vii. 174.) This passage, therefore, may perhaps be rendered, ‘‘on the day on which His Majesty was born.”’ 173 ΤΈΛΕΙΟΝ. When Herodotus uses this word elsewhere, he adopts the form τέλεον, after the analogy of ἐπιτήδεος, ὑπώρεος, &c., instead of the common ém- τήδειος, ὑπώρειος. 214 βασιλεύς. ὃ. and V have ὁ βασι- λεύς. But see note 272, above. 275 εἷς Δαρείου re παῖς, καὶ ἐμὸς ἀδελ- φεός. He was the brother of Xerxes by both father and mother (vii. 82). 276 σὺ δὲ μηδαμῶς Bid πρήγματος τοι- ovde δεόμενος, ‘‘ and do thou not think of pressing thy request for such a proceed- ing.” 985 111 Masistes is , ut to death Κῶ ἀκηκοὼς τούτων, ᾿ his bro- 112 113 er, 114 490 HERODOTUS τοιούτοισε ἀμείβεται' Ἐέρξης δὲ θυμωθεὶς λέγει τάδε' ““οὕτω τοι, Μασίστα, πέπρηκται' οὔτε γὰρ ἄν τοι δῴην θυγατέρα τὴν ἐμὴν γῆμαι, οὔτε ἐκείνῃ πλεῦνα χρόνον συνοικήσεις' ὡς μάθῃς τὰ διδό- μενα δέκεσθαι." ὁ δὲ ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε, εἴπας τοσόνδε, ἐχώρεε ἔξω' “ δέσποτα, οὐ δή no με ἀπώλεσας." ‘Ev δὲ τούτῳ τῷ διὰ μέσου χρόνῳ ἐν τῷ Ἐέρξης τῷ ἀδελφεῷ διελέγετο, ἡ "άμηστρις μετα- πεμψαμένη τοὺς δορυφόρους τοῦ Ἐέρξεω, διαλυμαίνεταε τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν Μασίστεω' τούς te patos" ἀποταμοῦσα κυσὶ προέβαλε, καὶ ῥῖνα, καὶ ὦτα, καὶ χείλεα" καὶ γλῶσσαν ἐκταμοῦσα, ἐς οἶκόν μὲν ἀποπέμπει διαλελυμασμένην. Ὃ δὲ Μασίστης οὐδέ ἐλπόμενος δέ τί οἱ κακὸν εἶναι, ἐσπίπτει δρόμῳ ἐς τὰ οἰκία" ἰδὼν δὲ διεφθαρμένην τὴν γυναῖκα, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα συμβουλευσάμενος τοῖσι παισὶ, ἐπορεύετο ἐς Βάκτρα σύν τε τοῖσι ἑωντοῦ υἱοῖσι καὶ δή κού τισι καὶ ἄλλοισι, ὡς ἀποστήσων νομὸν τὸν Βάκτριον, καὶ ποιήσων τὰ μέγιστα κακῶν βασιλέα: τάπερ ἂν καὶ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, εἴπερ ἔφθη ἀναβὰς ἐς τοὺς Βακτρίους Ἶ καὶ τοὺς Σάκας" καὶ γὰρ ἔστεργόν τέ μεν, καὶ ἦν ὕπαρχος τῶν Βακτρίων: ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ἐέρξης πυθόμενος ταῦτα ἐκεῖνον πρήσσοντα, πέμψας ἐπ’ αὐτὸν στρατιὴν, ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ κατέκτεινε αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν éxelvov"”. κατὰ μὲν τὸν ἔρωτα τὸν Réptew καὶ τὸν ασίστεω θάνατον τοσαῦτα éyévero. Οἱ δὲ ἐκ Μυκάλης ὁρμηθέντες “Ελληνες ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ελλησπόντου 377 μα(ζούς. § and V have μαστούς. policy of Darius, and furnish a ready in- See note 516 on iv. 202. 478 robs Βακτρίους. The power of the Bactrians at the time of Cyrus’s accession to the throne was very great indeed. See the of Cresras cited in the note 441 oni. 130. And even after the acces- sion of Cambyses, the country seems to have been only nominally dependent upon the Median sovereign. Κῦρος δὲ μέλλων τελευτᾷν Καμβύσην μὲν τὸν πρῶτον υἱὸν βασιλέα καθίστη, Ταννοξάρκην δὲ τὸν νεώτερον ἐπέστησε δεσπόπην Βακτρίων καὶ τῆς χώρας καὶ Χοραμνίων (forte legen- dum Χορασμίων) καὶ Παρθίων καὶ Kappa- νίων, ἀτελεῖς ἔχειν τὰς χώρας διορισάμε- yos. (Cresias ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 37.) Under such circumstances, it was not un- natural that it should have been compa- ratively little affected by the centralizing strument to any disaffected member of the blood-royal. It should not be over- looked, that Masistes, being the son of Atossa, would have in his ves the blood of Astyages’s daughter, the representative of the old Medo-magian dynasty. And his enemy Amestris, whether the daugh- ter of Otanes or Onophas, comes of stock of one of the seven conspirators who slew the Magian. (See note 192 on - vii. 61.) 179 τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν ἐκείνου͵ There is no occasion to regard the word στρα- τιὴν 88 a marginal gloss, or to change it into θεραπηΐην. As satrap of Bactria, Masistes would undoubtedly always be attended by his guards, just as an English noble before the wars of the Roses was by his retainers. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 112—116. 491 πρῶτον μὲν περὶ Aexrov ὅρμεον , ὑπὸ ἀνέμων ἀπολαμφθέντες" The allies Hellespont, μένας τὰς ἐδόκεον εὑρήσειν ert ἐντεταμένας "δ where they ἥκιστα εἵνεκεν ἐς τὸν ‘EdXAnotrovroy ἀπίκοντο. τοῖσι μέν νυν ἀμφὶ ae de- ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς “ABvédoy, καὶ τὰς γεφύρας εὗρον διαλελυ- oat το she 7 καὶ τούτων οὐκ find the “Δευτυχίδεα Πελοποννησίοισι ἔδοξε ἀποπλέειν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα: The Pelo- ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ i ea : ponnesians A@nvaiows δὲ καὶ Ἐανθίππῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ, αὐτοῦ ὑπομείναντας θεὰς fai πειρᾶσθαι τῆς Χερσονήσου ,3. ot μὲν δὴ ἀπέπλεον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ, the Athe- nians, un- ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αβύδου διαβάντες ἢ ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον, Σηστὸν ἐπολιόρ- der Xan- κεον. “Es δὲ τὴν Σηστὸν ταύτην, ὡς ἐόντος ἰσχυροτάτου τείχεος 1 15 aa τῶν tavTn™™, συνῆλθον, ὡς ἤκουσαν παρεῖναι τοὺς “Ελληνας és ὑπαὶ and τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον, ἔκ Te τῶν ἄλλων τῶν περιοικίδων Kal δὴ καὶ resi the ἐκ Kapdins πόλιος ᾿5 OioBalos**, ἀνὴρ Πέρσης, ὃς τὰ ἐκ τῶν place in thé γεφυρέων ὅπλα ἐνθαῦτα ἦν Kexopixas εἶχον δὲ ταύτην ὀπιχώριοι calles «Αἰολέες, συνῆσαν δὲ Πέρσαι τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων συχνὸς ὅμῶλος. ᾿Ετυράννευε δὲ τούτον τοῦ νομοῦ Ἐέρξεω ὕπαρχος," 116 ᾿Αρταύκτης, ἀνὴρ μὲν Πέρσης ™, δεινὸς δὲ καὶ ἀτάσθαλος" ὃς καὶ ee βασιλέα ἐλαύνοντα ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἐξηπάτησε, τὰ ΤΙρωτεσίλεω τοῦ commander ᾿Ιφίκλου χρήματα ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος ᾿" ὑφελόμενος ᾽- ἐν γὰρ ᾿Ελαι- trict. οὔντι τῆς Χερσονήσου ἐστὶ Πρωτεσίλεω τάφος τε καὶ τέμενος περὶ αὐτὸν, ἔνθα ἦν χρήματα πολλὰ, καὶ φιάλαι χρύσεα: καὶ ἀργύρεαι, καὶ χαλκὸς, καὶ ἐσθὴς, καὶ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, τὰ ᾿Αρταύκτης has a command in the army in Xerxes’s expedition (vii. 68). ἘΣ 381 τούτου τοῦ νομοῦ... ὕπαρχος. the nature of the Chersonese satrapy, see 880 περὶ Λεκτὸν ὅρμεον. Lectum is a promontory formed by one of the roots of Mount Ida running down to the sea in a direction somewhat to the south of west. It is the most western point of the conti- nent of Asia. Under it the allied fleet would be sheltered from the force of the Etesian winds. 381 ras ἐδόκεον εὑρήσειν ἔτι ἐντοτα- μένας. See note 212 on viii. 109, above. 282 rotor μέν voy... τῆς Χερσονήσον. See ΤῊ ΟΥΡΙΡΕΒ, i. 89. 282 διαβάντες. § has διαβάλοντες. But although this latter word is some- times used of a transit by sea, the former seems the true reading. 384 ὡς ἐόντος loxupordrov τείχεος τῶν ταύτῃ. Se note 76 on v. 30. 285 ἐκ Kapdins πόλιος. See note 80 on vi. 33. 286 OléBa(os. This is the name of the Persian whose sons were, according to the story in iv. 84, barbarously put to death by Darius just before his expedition into Scythia. The son of an (Sobasus also notes 64 and 76 on v. 25. 30, and 91 on vii. 22. 388 ἀνὴρ μὲν Πέρσης. His father’s name was Chorasmis, or Cherasmis. See note 244 on vii. 79. 289 ἐὲ ᾿Ἐλαιοῦντος. For the position of Eleus, see note 91 on vii. 22. 390 ῥφελόμενος. The manuscripts S and V, confirmed by Valla’s translation, give the reading αἰτήσας, which some have preferred on the ground that when Artayctes was misleading Xerxes he had not as yet laid hands on the treasures of the fane. But this may possibly not have been the case; and, anyhow, the text as it stands means no more than that he both robbed Protesilaus and deceived the Persian king. Still it does not seem so likely that αἰτήσας is due to an arbitrary correction, as that this is another instance of an early variation of recensions. 28 ὦ 117 Sestos holds out till the autumn, 118 although pishabeas | evously rom fa- 492 HERODOTUS ἐσύλησε, βασιλέος δόντος" λέγων δὲ τοιάδε Ἐέρξεα Sue Barero “ δέσποτα, ἔστι οἶκος ἀνδρὸς “Ελληνος ἐνθαῦτα, ὃς ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν στρατευσάμενος, δίκης κυρήσας ἀπέθανε' τούτον μοι δὸς τὸν οἶκον, iva καί τις μάθῃ ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν μὴ στρατεύεσθα." ταῦτα λέγων, εὐπετέως ἔμελλε ἀναπείσειν Ἐέρξεα δοῦναι ἀνδρὸς οἶκον, ovder ὑποτοπηθέντα τῶν ἐκεῖνος ἐφρόνεε' ἐπὶ γῆν δὲ τὴν βασιλέος στρα- τεύεσθαι Πρωτεσίλεων ἔλεγε, νοέων τοιάδε: τὴν. ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν νομίζουσι ἑωυτῶν εἶναι," Πέρσαι, καὶ τοῦ αἰεὶ βασιλεύοντος" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐδόθη τὰ χρήματα, ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος ἐς Σηστὸν ἐξεφόρησε, καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἔσπειρε καὶ ἐνέμετο' αὐτός τε ὅκως ἀπίκοιτο ἐς ᾿Ελαιοῦντα, ἐν τῷ ἀδύτῳ γυναιξὶ euloyero™. τότε δὲ ἐπολιορ- κέετο ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων, οὔτε παρεσκευασμένος ἐς πολιορκίην οὔτε “προσδεκόμενος τοὺς “Ελληνας" ἀφυλάκτῳ᾽" δέ κως αὐτῷ ἐπέπεσον. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πολιορκεομένοισί σφι φθινόπωρον ἐπεγίνετο, καὶ ἤσχαλ- λον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπό τε τῆς ἑωυτῶν ἀποδημέοντες καὶ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐξελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος, ἐδέοντό τε τῶν στρατηγῶν ὅκως ἀπάγοιέν adeas ὀπίσω, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἔφασαν, πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλωσι ἢ τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων κοινόν σφεας μεταπέμψηται' οὕτω δὴ ἔστεργον τὰ παρεόντα. Οἱ δ' ἐν τῷ τείχεϊ ἐς πᾶν ἤδη κακοῦ ἀπυγμένοι ἦσαν, οὕτω ὥστε τοὺς τόνους ὄψοντες τῶν κλινέων ἐσιτέοντο' ἐπεί τε δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἔτι εἶχον, 201 ξωυτῶν εἶναι. The Persian kings considered themselves the representatives of the Median and Assyrian dynasties, and hence Xerxes is made to speak of Pelops as the vassal of his ancestors (vii. 11). Whether the Assyrian empire really ever extended to these parts is of little con- sequence, All oriental sovereigns of im- portance have probably regarded them- selves, and been regarded by their sub- jects, as possessing a claim to universal dominion. Pato, however, makes the dynasty of Priam vassals of that of Ninus Legg. iii. § 6); and the name Assaracus Asur-ac) is ἃ decisive proof of some con- nexion of Assyria with the neighbourhood of Troy. The name of the builder of the N. τ᾿. palace in the mound of Nimroud is read Ashur-ac-dal, as well as Asur-adn- δαὶ (Sardanapalus). 992 ἐν τῷ ἀδύτῳ γυναιξὶ ἐμίσγετο. This is probably the Hellenic version of the fact that Artayctes converted the demesne and temple of Protesilaus into a paradise and eeraglio. Such a secularisation of sacred lands would no doubt involve the destruction of many rights of the citizens of Eleus,—for the whole town belonged to the hero (Pausanias, i. 34. 2),—as well as cause enormous scandal. The contrast between the reckless proceeding of Artayctes, and the tenderness of Xerxes for religious institutions of exactly the same character as the Protesilaus-worship (see vii. 43), is not to be overlooked. The women whom Artayctes collected (ἀγινέετο, vii. 33) in his harem probably were, as they are at the present day, Cir- cassians; for he commanded the contin- gent in Xerxes’s army which came from that part of the Persian king’s dominions. See notes 243 on vii. 78, and 274, 275 on iii. 94. 293 ἀφυλάκτῳ. This reading is adopted by Gaisford on the authority of S and V. The rest of the MSS have ἀφύχτως, to which a very fair sense may be given ; for the main gist of the story is to show the formidable issue of the vengeance of Pro- tesilaus. That the word ἀφύόκτως should be unusual is no objection, as it is formed according to analogy. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 117—120. 493 οὕτω δὴ ὑπὸ νύκτα οἴχονται ἀποδράντες of τε Πέρσαι καὶ 6’ Ap- mine, which ᾿ i 53 Ε Α at last com- ταύκτης καὶ ὁ Οἰόβαξζος, ὄπισθε τοῦ τείχεος καταβάντες TH ἣν pels the ἐρημότατον τῶν πολεμίων: ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη ἐγένετο, οἱ ΧΧερσονησῖται rieon to” ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἐσήμῃναν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ τὰς fo” πύλας ἄνοιξαν: τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῦνες ἐδίωκον, of δὲ τὴν πόλεν εἶχον. Οἰόβαξον μέν νυν ἐκφυγόντα ἐς τὴν Θρηΐκην Θρήϊκες 119 ᾿Αψώθιοι᾽" λαβόντες ἔθυσαν Πλειστώρῳ ἐπιχωρίῳ θεῷ, τρόπῳ ence - τῷ oderépgr τοὺς δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου, ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ ἐφόνευσαν. οἱ δὲ destroyed. ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αρταύκτην ὕστεροι " ὁρμηθέντες φεύγειν, καὶ ὡς κατ- ἐλαμβάνοντο. ὀλίγοι ἐόντες ὑπὲρ Αὐγὸς Ποταμῶν, ἀλεξόμενοι χρόνον ἐπὶ συχνὸν, οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον οἱ δὲ ζῶντες ἐλάμφθησαν. καὶ συνδήσαντές σφεας οἱ “EXAnves ἦγον ἐς Σηστόν: μετ᾽ αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρταύκτην δεδεμένον, αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ. Καί τεῳ 120 τῶν φυλασσόντων λέγεται ὑπὸ Χερσονησιτέων, ταρέχους ὀπτῶντι pag ναι ch τέρας γενέσθαι τοιόνδε" οἱ τάριχοι ἐπὶ τῷ πυρὶ κείμενοι ἐπάλ- Pele! Ar λοντό “5 τε καὶ ἤσπαιρον, ὅκως περ ἰχθύες νεοάλωτοι" καὶ οἱ μὲν m hoes τῳ περιχυθέντες ἐθώμαζον" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρταύκτης ὡς εἶδε τὸ τέρας, καλέσας ieee, and τὸν ὀπτῶντα τοὺς ταρίχους ἔφη" “ξεῖνε ᾿Αθηναῖε, μηδὲν φοβέο τὸ crucified. τέρας τοῦτο" ov γὰρ σοὶ πέφῃνε' ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ σημαίνει ὁ ἐν ᾿Ελαι- ouvrs Πρωτεσίλεως, ὅτι καὶ τεθνεὼς καὶ τάριχος ἐὼν δύναμεν πρὸς θεῶν ἔχει τὸν ἀδικέοντα τίνεσθαι" νῦν ὧν ἄποινά οἱ τάδε ἐθέλω ἐπιθεῖναι ᾽37. ἀντὶ μὲν χρημάτων τῶν ἔλαβον ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ, ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καταθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ ἀντὶ δ᾽ ἐμεωυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποδώσω τάλαντα διηκόσια ᾿Αθηναίοισι, wepvyevopevos.” ταῦτα ὑπισχόμενος, τὸν στρατηγὸν Ἠάνθυππον οὐκ ἔπειθε: οἱ γὰρ ᾿Ελαιούσιοι τῷ Πρωτεσίλεῳ τιμωρέοντες ἐδέοντό μὲν καταχρη- σθῆναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ταύτῃ 6 νόος ἔφερε: ἀπωγωγόντες δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐς τὴν Ἐέρξης ἔζευξε τὸν πόρον 5, (οἱ δὲ 24 ᾿Αψίνθιοι. These are perhaps the icecians of Enus. See note 81 on vi. 34, and note 183 on vii. 58. 295 ὕστεροι. 8, V, and F, have ὕστε- ρον. In the next line S alone has ὀλέγοι, and the rest ὀλίγον, which Gais- ford prints. 396 δπάλλοντο. This word has nothing to do with ἄλλεσθαι, but is the imperfect passive of rdAAw. Compare δείματι παλ- λόμενοι in the oracle (vii. 140), and the word wa\Aoudvous applied to the leaping of fish just drawn out from the water i. 141). ( 297 a, of τάδε ἐθέλω ἐπιθεῖναι. The more usual phrase would be ἄποινα διδό- vas or ἐκτίνειν. (See vi. 79, above.) But what Artayctes is doing is to impose a penalty on himself for his impiety. Trans- late, ‘‘ Now therefore I am willing to fix this satisfaction for bim.” He uses indeed the phrase which would be appropriate to the arbiter, not to one of the parties in the case. 298 ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν és τὴν Héptns ἔζευξε τὸν πόρον. In the description which the 117 Sestos holds out till the autumn, 118 although sufferi evously rom fa- 492 HERODOTUS ἐσύλησε, βασιλέος δόντος: λέγων δὲ τοιάδε Ἠέρξεα διεβάλετο' “ δέσποτα, ἔστι οἶκος ἀνδρὸς “Ελληνος ἐνθαῦτα, ὃς ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν στρατευσάμενος, δίκης κυρήσας ἀπέθανε: τούτου μοι δὸς τὸν οἶκον, iva καί τις μάθῃ ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν μὴ στρατεύεσθαι" ταῦτα λέγων, εὐπετέως ἔμελλε ἀναπείσειν ἨἘέρξεα δοῦναι ἀνδρὸς οἶκον, οὐδὲν ὑποτοπηθέντα τῶν ἐκεῖνος ἐφρόνεε' ἐπὶ γῆν δὲ τὴν βασιλέος στρα- τεύεσθαι Πρωτεσίλεων ἔλεγε, νοέων τοιάδε: τὴν. ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν *) Πέρσαι, καὶ τοῦ αἰεὶ βασιλεύοντος" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐδόθη τὰ χρήματα, ἐξ Ελαιοῦντος ἐς Σηστὸν ἐξεφόρησε, καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἔσπειρε καὶ ἐνέμετο᾽ αὐτός τε ὅκως ἀπίκοιτο ἐς ᾿Ελαιοῦντα, ἐν τῷ ἀδύτῳ γυναιξὶ ἐμίσγετο Ἶ, τότε δὲ ἐπολεορ- κέετο ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων, οὔτε παρεσκευασμένος ἐς πολιορκίην οὔτε “προσδεκόμενος τοὺς "Ελληνας" ἀφυλάκτῳ᾽" δέ κως αὐτῷ ἐπέπεσον. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πολιορκεομένοισί σφι φθινόπωρον ἐπεγίνετο, καὶ ἤσχαλ- λον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπό τε τῆς ἑωυτῶν ἀποδημέοντες καὶ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐξελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος, ἐδέοντό τε τῶν στρατηγῶν ὅκως ἀπάγοιέν σφεας ὀπίσω, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἔφασαν, πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλωσι ἢ τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων κοινόν σφεας μεταπέμψηται οὕτω δὴ ἔστεργον τὰ παρεόντα. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ τείχεϊ ἐς πᾶν ἤδη κακοῦ ἀπυγμένοι ἦσαν, οὕτω ὥστε τοὺς τόνους ὅὄψοντες τῶν κλινέων ἐσιτέοντο' ἐπεί τε δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἔτι εἶχον, νομίζουσι ἑωντῶν εἶναι 3291 ξωυτῶν εἶναι. The Persian kings destruction of many rights of the citizens considered themselves the representatives of the Median and Assyrian dynasties, and hence Xerxes is made to speak of Pelops as the vassal of his ancestors (vii. 11). Whether the Assyrian empire really ever extended to these parts is of little con- sequence. All oriental sovereigns of im- portance have probably regarded them- selves, and been regarded by their sub- jects, as possessing a claim to universal dominion. PLaTo, however, makes the dynasty of Priam vassals of that of Ninus Legg. iii. ὃ 6); and the name Assaracus Asur-ac) is a decisive proof of some con- nexion of Assyria with the neighbourhood of Troy. The name of the builder of the N. W. palace in the mound of Nimroud is read Ashur-ac-dal, as well as Asur-adn- bal (Sardanapalus). 392 dy τῷ ἀδύτῳ γυναιξὶ ἐμίσγετο. This is probably the Hellenic version of the fact that Artayctes converted the demesne and temple of Protegilaus into a paradise and seraglio. Such a secularisation of sacred lands would no doubt involve the of Elseus,—for the whole town belonged to the hero (Pausanras, i. 34. 2),—as well as cause enormous scandal. The contrast between the reckless proceeding of Artayctes, and the tenderness of Xerxes for religious institutions of exactly the same character as the Protesilaus-worship (see vii. 43), is not to be overlooked. The women whom Artayctes collected (ἀγινέετο, vii. 33) in his harem probably were, as they are at the present day, Cir- cassians; for he commanded the contin- gent in Xerxes’s army which came from that part of the Persian king’s dominions. See notes 243 on vii. 78, and 274, 275 on iii. 94. 293 ἀφυλάκτῳ. This reading is adopted by Gaisford on the authority of S and V. The rest of the MSS have ἀφύκτως, to which a very fair sense may be given ; for the main gist of the story is to show the formidable issue of the vengeance of Pro- tesilaus. That the word ἀφύκτως should be unusual is no objection, as it is formed according to analogy. CALLIOPE. ΙΧ. 117—120. 493 οὕτω δὴ ὑπὸ νύκτα οἴχονται ἀποδράντες of τε Πέρσαι καὶ ὁ Ap- mine, which ταύκτης καὶ ὁ Οἰόβαξος, ὄπισθε τοῦ τείχεος καταβάντες τῇ ἣν τὸ ΩΣ ἐρημότατον τῶν πολεμίων: ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη ἐγένετο, οἱ ΧΧερσονησῖται rison to” ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἐσήμῃναν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ τὰς ἵν, “τύλας ἄνοιξαν: τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῦνες ἐδίωκον, οἱ δὲ τὴν πόλιν εἶχον. Οἰόβαξον μέν νυν ἐκφυγόντα ἐς τὴν Θρηΐκην Θρήϊκες 119 ᾿ΑΨώθιοι"" λαβόντες ἔθυσαν Πλειστώρῳ ἐπιχωρίῳ θεῷ, τρόπῳ ἀὐρμ τὼν 2 τῷ σφετέρῳ' τοὺς δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου, ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ ἐφόνευσαν. οἱ δὲ destroyed. ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αρταύκτην ὕστεροι" ὁρμηθέντες φεύγειν, καὶ ὡς κατ- ἐλαμβάνοντο. ὀλύγοε ἐόντες ὑπὲρ «Αὐγὸς Ποταμῶν, ἀλεξόμενοι χρόνον ἐπὶ συχνὸν, οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον οἱ δὲ ζῶντες ἐλάμφθησαν. καὶ συνδήσαντές σφεας οἱ “Ελληνες ἦγον ἐς Σηστόν" μετ᾽ αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρταύκτην δεδεμένον, αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ. Καί τεῳ 190 τῶν ἀνλάσουντοι λέγεται ὑπὸ Χερσονησιτέων, ταρίχους ὀπτῶντι Singular κκν τέρας γενέσθαι τοιόνδε" οἱ τάριχοι ἐπὶ τῷ πυρὶ κείμενοι edn. νεϊεὶ ἜΝ λοντό "" τε καὶ ἤσπαιρον, ὅκως περ ἰχθύες νεοάλωτοι" καὶ οἱ μὲν Whose ran- περιχυθέντες ἐθώμαζον" ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρταύκτης ὡς εἶδε τὸ τέρας, καλέσας Ποῦ; saat τὸν ὀπτῶντα τοὺς ταρίχους ἔφη" “ ξεῖνε ᾿Αθηναῖε, μηδὲν φοβέο τὸ crucified. τέρας τοῦτο' οὐ γὰρ σοὶ πέφῃνε' ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ σημαίνει ὁ ἐν ᾿'Ελαι- ovvre Πρωτεσίλεως, ὅτε καὶ τεθνεὼς καὶ τάριχος ἐὼν δύναμεν πρὸς θεῶν ἔχει τὸν ἀδικέοντα τίνεσθαι' νῦν ὧν ἄποινά οἱ τάδε ἐθέλω ἐπιθεῖναι “7. ἀντὶ μὲν χρημάτων τῶν ἔλαβον ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ, ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καταθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ ἀντὶ δ᾽ ἐμεωντοῦ καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποδώσω τάλαντα διηκόσια ᾿Αθηναίοισι, περυγενόμενος." ταῦτα ὑπισχόμενος, τὸν στρατηγὸν Ἠάνθυππον οὐκ ἔπειθε' οἱ γὰρ ᾿Ελαιούσιοι τῷ Πρωτεσίλεῳ τιμωρέοντες ἐδέοντό μὲν καταχρη- σθῆναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ταύτῃ ὁ νόος ἔφερε: ἀπωγωγόντες δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐς τὴν Bépkns ἔζευξε τὸν πόρον 5, (οἱ δὲ 2.4 "Αψίνθιοι. These are perhaps the pericecians of Anus. See note 81 on vi. 34, and note 183 on vii. 58. 205 ὕστεροι. S, V, and F, have Sere- ρον. In the next line S alone has (i. 141). 297 Κπρινά of τάδε ἐθέλω ἐπιθεῖναι. The more usual phrase would be ἄποινα διδό- va: or ἐκτίνειν. (See vi. 79, above.) But what Artayctes is doing is to impose a ὀλίγοι, and the rest ὀλίγον, which Gais- ford prints. 196 dwddAovro. This word has nothing to do with ἅλλεσθαι, but is the imperfect passive of xdAAw. Compare δείματι παλ- λόμενοι in the oracle (vii. 140), and the word παλλομένους applied to the leaping of fish just drawn out from the water penalty on himeelf for his impiety. Trans- late, ‘‘ Now therefore I am willing to fix this satisfaction for him.” He uses indeed the phrase which would be appropriate to the arbiter, not to one of the parties in the case. 398 ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐς τὴν Héptns ἔζευξε τὸν πόρον. In the description which the 494 CALLIOPE. λέγουσι ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ Madvrov πόλεος,) σανίδα προσπασσαλεύσαντες, ἀνεκρέμασαν' τὸν δὲ παῖδα ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσι 121 τοῦ ᾿Αρταύκτεω κατέλευσαν. Ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ἀπέπλεον ἐς The Athe- γὴν “Ελλάδα, τά τε ἄλλα χρήματα ἄγοντες καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ ὅπλα home, τῶν γεφυρέων, ws ἀναθήσοντες ἐς TA ἱρά' καὶ κατὰ TO ἔτος τοῦτο οὐδὲν ὅτι πλέον τούτων ἀγένετο. 199 Τούτου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρταύκτεω τοῦ ἀνακρεμασθέντος προπάτωρ ΩΣ ᾿Αρτεμβάρης ἐστὶ ὁ Πέρσῃσι ἐξηγησάμενος λόγον, τὸν ἐκεῖνοι the grand- ὑπολαβόντες Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν ᾿, λέγοντα τάδε: “ ἐπεὶ Ζεὺς Artayctes. Πέρσῃσι ἡγεμονίην διδοῖ, ἀνδρῶν δὲ σοὶ, Κῦρε, κατελὼν ᾿Αστυάγεα; φέρε, γῆν γὰρ ἐκτήμεθα ὀλύγην καὶ ταύτην τρηχέην, μεταναστάντες ἐκ ταύτης ἄλλην ἔχωμεν ἀμείνω. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλαὶ μὲν ἀστυγεέτονες πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ἑκαστέρω: τῶν μίαν σχόντες πλέοσι ἐσόμεθα θωμαστότεροι: οἰκὸς δὲ ἄρχοντας ἄνδρας τοιαῦτα “ποιέειν: Kore γὰρ δὴ καὶ παρέξει κάλλιον, ἢ ὅτε γε ἀνθρώπων τε πολλῶν ἄρχομεν πάσης τε τῆς ᾿Ασίης ;” Κῦρος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας, καὶ οὐ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον, ἐκέλευε ποιέειν ταῦτα' οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῖσι “ταραένεε, κελεύων παρασκευάζεσθας ὡς οὐκέτι ἄρξοντας ἀλλ᾽ ἀρξομένους" φιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὺς ἄνδρας γίνεσθαι οὐ γάρ τοι τῆς αὐτῆς γῆς εἶναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν φύειν καὶ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια' ὥστε συγγνόντες Πέρσαι οἴχοντο ἀποστάντες, ἑσσωθέντες τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς Κύρου" ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο λυπρὴν οἰκέοντες ᾿ μᾶλλον, ἢ πεδιάδα σπείροντες ἄλλοισι δουλεύειν. ΙΧ. 121, 122. author gives of the bridges (vii. 33), he assigns this locality to the scene of Ar- tayctes’s punishment, without mentioning any other. 499 Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν, * attributed to Cyrus.” It is the view of Artembares: ἐκ μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὶ ἄνδρες, which is the λόγος of the text,—the argument. 809 ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο Aurphy οἰκέοντες. The facts scarcely bear out this statement ; for Cyrus, as well as Cambyses after him, appears to have made Agbatana his capi- tal, and in fact to have placed himself in every respect in the position of the Median sovereigns whom he succeeded. (See Er- cursus on iii. 74, p. 429.) The ruffianly conduct of Artayctes is very much of a piece with the violence which is imputed to some individuals of the old Persian party. (See iii. 118, and note 435 on iv. 166.) And the opinion ascribed in the text to his grandfather is just such a one as might be expected from a man brought up under the influences of barbarism, and endeavouring to find a reasonable justifi- cation for his prepossessions. ἩΡΟΔΟΤΟΥ͂ ἹΣΤΟΡΙΩ͂Ν ’ENATH. EXCURSUS ON IX, 19. CTESIAS AND THE BATTLE OF PLATAA. THE account which is given from Crests of the expedition of Xerxes, while in its main features it agrees with the narrative of Hzroporvs, yet differs in some respects so remarkably from it, that it is worth while to present it in a connected form; in order to show what widely different stories had obtained currency in Greece respecting events occurring scarcely more than a generation before. It is only fair to a writer who has been somewhat unduly depreciated, to state, that there is in his account less exaggeration of numbers than in that of Herodotus, while at the same time there appears no tendency to disparage the extraordinary success of the Hellenic efforts at resiat- ance. According to him the whole force collected by Xerxes for the expedition consisted of 1000 triremes and 800,000 land troops, besides war-chariots. While these were crossing the bridge of boats at the Hellespont, Demaratus, the exiled king of Lacedsmon, met the invader, and endeavoured to dissuade him from directing the expedition against his native country; but whether this attempt was made by arousing Xerxes’s fears or by deprecating his anger, the brief notice of the summary does not allow us to determine. At Thermopyle the first resistanca appears. Artabanus is sent on thither with an advanced body of 10,000, but effectually resisted by Leonidas. His force is doubled, and afterwards increased to as many as 50,000, but with no better success, and the attempt is given up at the time. Afterwards, however, by the agency of two Trachi- nians, 40,000 troops are brought into the rear of the Lacedsmonians, and the whole of them cut to pieces. After this, another army 120,000 490 EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. strong, under Mardonius, is dispatched against Platea at the insti- gation of the Thebans. Pausanias the Lacedsmonian meets them at the head of 300 Spartans, 1000 Lacedemonian pericecians, and 6000 allies, totally defeats them, and compels Mardonius, who is himself wounded in the engagement, to retreat in disorder. Then follows the account of an expedition for the purpose of despoiling the temple of Apollo, headed by this same Mardonius; but his success is no greater in this instance, and he loses his life by a storm of enormous hailstones in the attempt,—an event which (Ctesias re- marks) occasioned extreme grief to Xerxes. By the way in which these events are related, one is induced to believe that, in the story of Ctesias, the main army was represented as occupying some portion of Greece north of Thermopyle, while strong expeditionary detachments were sent forward for special pur- poses. After the death of Mardonius, however, Xerxes is repre- sented as himself marching upon Athens, and burning, first the city, and afterwards, when deserted by its defenders, the acropolis also. Then, descending to the coast to the neighbourhood of the Hera- cleum, he attempts to carry a mole across the strait between Salamis and the main, the Athenians from the city having in the mean time taken refuge in the island and carried over to it 120 ships. It would seem as if this operation was interrupted by the aid of a subsidiary force of bowmen brought from Crete by the advice of Anstides and Themistocles. Next follows the great naval action, between more than 1000 vessels on the side of the Persians under the command of Onophas (the father, according to Ctesias, of the sultana Amestris), and 700 on that of the allies. Five hundred of the Persian gallies are destroyed; and Xerxes, under the influence of the intrigues of Aristides and Themistocles, retreats, having in the course of the expedition lost 120,000 men in battle. ‘Once arrived in Asia, and on his march to Sardis, he sends another expedition to lay waste the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and insult the deity. Megabyzus, to whom the command is offered, declines it, and the expedition is put under the orders of an eunuch named Mataces, who, after executing his commission, returns back to Xerxes '. It is a singular circumstance that, in the above account, while the 1 See note 80 on viii. 39, above. EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. 497 main historical events constituting the turning points of the war, appear in nearly the same important light as in the narrative of Herodotus, their chronological arrangement is entirely different. Plateza, Thermopyle, Salamis, and the retreat of the Persians through the intrigues of Themistocles, are with both historians the salient features of the picture ; in both, too, Athens is represented as having been burnt, and a temple of Apollo attacked without success. But the prolongation of the war by Mardonius after the retreat of Xerxes is peculiar to Herodotus, being not merely unnoticed by Ctesias, but altogether incompatible with his notion of the progress of events, Few persons will be disposed to renounce that long-standing belief as to the details of this celebrated campaign, which has grown up on the basis of the description of it by Herodotus; but neverthe- less, it cannot be denied that the account of Ctesias is not only more in accordance with verisimilitude, particularly as regards the numbers attributed to the invaders, but likewise favoured to some extent, in one or two particulars, by the contemporary poet Aiscuyius’. The precipitate retreat of the Persian king immediately after the battle of Salamis is a point strongly put forward by the dramatist, and is quite compatible with Ctesias’s view of the attempt at forming the mole to the island, but not so with that of Herodotus. The great panic, too, which accompanied the return of the army through Thrace is difficult to understand, if their retreat was covered by an entire army under the commander-in-chief. Again, that there should be no allusion whatever in the drama to the calamity at Platea is somewhat strange; but less so if the battle there was on the scale and at the time represented by Ctesias, than if we are guided in our estimate of it by the account of his rival. In the one case it certainly chal- lenges attention as the first successful repulse of the invader; but after all it does no more than oppose a temporary check to his advance. He moves on, weakened indeed by losses, and discouraged by minor failures, but still on the whole quite irresistible, until he has overrun the main, and wants nothing to complete his triumph but the command of the strait of Salamis. Then, the destruction of half his fleet there, and with it the loss of the command of the sea, 2 See AscHYLus quoted in note 191 on viii. 97, above. VOL. II. 38 498 EXCURSOS ON IX. 19. becomes an overwhelming calamity, and justifies the cry of woe — which Aschylus puts into his mouth on seeing the “depth of his | misfortunes.” Under such circumstances the Hellenic triumph at — Platza obviously bears so small a proportion to that at Salamis, that it might well pass unnoticed in a performance devoted to the magni- | fying the latter. But as Herodotus represents the matter, the case is altogether different. Mardonius was so formidable, that in spite of the misfortune at Salamis, he still expected to conquer Hellas’. The scoff of Xerxes to the Spartan herald in Thessaly shows that in the mind of the king himself this expectation amounted to an un- doubting conviction‘; and the apprehensions of the troops at Mycale are an evidence that the probability was considered a very great one even by the Greeks themselves’. Add to these circumstances the attempt to carry the mole across to the island of Salamis,—if we accept the time which Herodotus assigns to the operation,—and we have a state of things which would render panic on the part of the Persian army nearly inconceivable. The movements of the Hellenic army antecedently to the battle of Plata are, in the narrative of Herodotus, extremely difficult to understand. Mardonius appears to have occupied the whole of Attica, or at least to have had it in his power to do so. The rapid advance of the Peloponnesians takes him by surprise, and he with- draws his army into Bootia, with apparent difficulty, by the aid of Theban guides, through the easternmost passes only of Citheron ὅ. The most direct road would have been by (ποθ and Eleutherx to Hysiz, which was the position really occupied by the extreme right of his army when the allies came into the presence of it’. It is by this road that they themselves marched, and compared with that by which Mardonius is represented as retiring, it is as the chord to the 5 viii. 100. 4 ὁ δὲ γελάσας καὶ κατασχὼν πολλὸν χρόνον, ds of ἐτύγχανε παρεστεὼς Mapts- wos, δεικνὺς δὲ τοῦτον εἶπε' τοιγάρ σφι Μαρδόνιος ὅδε δίκας δώσει τοιαύτας οἷας ἐκείνοισι πρέπει. viii. 114. * ix. 101. Compare the argument of Alexander on his embassy (viii. 140), τί μαίνεσθε πόλεμον βασιλέϊ ἀνταειρόμενοι, x.7.A., the force of which is not questioned in the reply: καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῦτό γε ἐπιστάμεθα, ὅτι πολλαπλησίη ἐστὶ τᾷ Μήδῳ δύναμις ἥπερ ἡμῖν (viii. 148). δ ix. 15. i ’ For the great strength of (noe as a position commanding the access to the Pis- _ teis from Attica, see LEAKE quoted in note 197 on v. 74. EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. 499 arc of a segment οὗ ἃ circle. If then we are guided by Herodotus’s description, the rapid movement of the allies must be viewed as an attempt to cut Mardonius’s army in half, by an attack upon that portion of it which occupied the line of the Asopus, before the return of the remainder from Attica through the eastern passes. But it must be remembered that such a supposition implies the possession of the whole line of approach from Eleusis to Hysi#; and that this should have been left uncovered by Mardonius seems inconceivable except upon some hypothesis to which Herodotus’s narrative gives no clue, such, for instance, as the previous occupation of CEnce by a Hellenic force, or the inability of Mardonius to hold it for want of magazines. The attempt of Pausanias however is foiled by the superiority of the enemy in cavalry; which obliges the Lacedsmo- nian general to halt as soon as he debouches from the passes on to the northern incline of Cithwron*®. Unable to contend against this superiority even on the flanks of the hills, he retires to the Gar- gaphian spring, and the immediate vicinity of Platwa’, where ulti- mately the decisive action takes place. But this site is undoubtedly one where we cannot conceive a force any thing like that mentioned by Herodotus capable of being drawn up’. The numbers of Ctesias, on the other hand, whatever may be his general authority, are such as occasion no difficulty. The retirement of the allies from their first position appears to have put the debouchement of the road by (noe and Hysiw into the command of the Persians; for the convoys which they eight days afterwards succeeded in cutting off were advancing not by that route, but by the Oakheads, a pass which must certainly be looked for to the west of it". Now the maintenance in an advanced position of a suffi- cient force to command this road, and at the same time to keep up a continual galling attack upon Pausanias in his new station, may well have occasioned difficulty to Mardonius; and thus we may possibly understand the discussion between him and Artabazus which Hero- dotus mentions”. The numbers of the Greeks would “daily in- crease,”’—not indeed in Pausanias’s camp,—but on the line of (ποθ and Hysiw, thus rendering it necessary for Mardonius to continually 8 ix. 19, 20. 9 ix. 25. 10 ix, 28. τι ix, 39, where see note 109. 12 jx, 4]. 382 δ00 EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. strengthen the detachment from the fortified camp at Scolus which masked those two burghs, and to supply it with forage and provisions. If it were in any material degree diminished, opportunity would be afforded the allies for striking a heavy blow, by a simultaneous advance of Pausanias and of the garrisons upon it. The plan of Pausanias seems to have been, to draw more and more of the enemy into this false position, and at last oblige them to fight with the Asopus at their back; that of Mardonius, so to annoy the division of Pausanias by his cavalry, as to oblige him either to retire from the north side of Cithwron, or else fight a pitched battle in order to drive the Persians from their lines, which of course could not be done without crossing the Asopus and engaging under circumstances which would have given a decided superiority to them. Artabazus appears to have thought that in this trial of patience Pausanias would be the successful party, and accordingly to have recommended Mardonius at once to withdraw his advanced division within his lines, where there would be a facility of supplying them, and within which he might remain secure to try the effect of temporising. That this advice should be in after times represented as counsel to break up the camp and retire within the actual city walls of Thebes is not at all surprising. In the narrative of Ctesias, the advance of the enemy being sup- posed to be altogether from the north, and before a footing had been gained by him in Attica, any hypothesis to account for his non- occupation of the strongholds in it becomes unnecessary. But this advantage adds little to the presumption in favour of the correctness of the arrangement of events. Pausanias could hardly have been in command of the Lacedsmonian army during the life-time of his father Cleombrotus; and there is nothing in Ctesias contradictory to the account which Herodotus gives of the time and circumstances of Cleombrotus’s death. If the actual history of Ctesias still existed, we might perhaps be able with tolerable confidence to point out the origin of the differ- ence between the two historians, and decide upon the exact parti- culars in which credence should be attached to each. But as all our knowledge is derived from an extremely meagre compilation of the work, little more can be done than to call attention to the fact of the difference between them, and to the amount of variation in the cur- πον ΡΥ σα: EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. 501 rent opinions of the day which that difference indicates. It seems not unlikely that in the times immediately following the repulse of the invaders, Salamis was the one triumph which occupied the atten- tion of the Athenian people. The share which they had in the victory at Platwa was—as may be gathered even from Herodotus’s partial narrative—a very small one indeed. On the other hand it was quite obvious to all, that at Salamis they were the saviours of Greece. Hence it would not be wonderful if at first it was the fashion to say very little at Athens about Platwa; and thus perhaps the silence of fEschylus is to be explained. The Lacedemonians on the other hand, accustomed to look upon naval warfare with little respect, would not unnaturally regard the whole of the proceedings by land, from the occupation of Thermopyl# by Leonidas to the final defeat of the Persians by Pausanias at Platwa, as so many parts of one continued campaign, and think of the operations of the fleet both at Artemisium and Salamis as merely affairs incident to its function of flanking and supporting the army. Hence it is very conceivable that in Lacedemonian traditions there should be a connected account of the proceedings by land, independent of any allusion to the engage- ment at Salamis; just as at Athens (if we may regard /‘schylus as the representative of public opinion) the possession of that city was represented as the real object of the Persian invasion, and the victory of its citizens at Salamis the only important event of the war. Time, however, reducing all things to their proper position in the world’s history, would soon put a stop to the prevalence of either of these exclusive views. Even the Lacedsmonians themselves were revolted by the arrogant pretension of their own king to have destroyed the common enemy; and the popular admiration of the victory at Sala- mis, which had led to such signal distinctions being at once conferred on Themistocles, soon produced a recognition of the services of his countrymen. On the other hand, the battle of Platewa, when its important consequences showed themselves, not only in the immediate expulsion of the Persians from the whole of Greece south of the Strymon, but eventually from almost every position on the European continent, could no longer be ignored by Athenian vanity. It had clearly been a decisive battle: this it was no use to pretend not to see. The best course then was to magnify the share which the Athenians had in it; and from this feeling sprang (I conceive) most δ02 EXCURSUS ON IX. 19. of the details which Herodotus has embodied in his account of the action, the very doubtful character of which, in a historical point of view, has been pointed out in several of the notes on the Ninth Book. He may throughout his account of the invasion be consi- dered as the representative of the views current at Athens, while Ctesias may perhaps in the same way be regarded as a Lacedsemonian authority. In the original work of the latter it is indeed possible that the account of the battle of Salamis was not really chronolo- gically displaced, but that, being related in an insulated manner, after the completion of the history of the land operations, its posi- tion in the written work led a hasty compiler to assign it to a wrong place among the actual events. The above solution of the difficulty arising out of the variations of the two Greek historians is, undoubtedly, one which can only be regarded as a hypothetical suggestion, enabling us to understand how their differences may have arisen, without rashly branding either with the charge of wilful falsification. It is however an hypothesis which is entirely in accordance with the habits of the time in which the events described occurred; and it will (I believe) be received with some favour by those who have been careful to examine the nature of the authorities on which our acquaintance with the early history of Greece reposes. INDEX ΟΣ PROPER NAMES OCCURRING IN THE TEXT. The Roman numerale denote the Book, the Arabic the Section. Abe, i. 46 ; viii. Abantes, i i. 146. Abaris, iv. 36. Abdera, i, 168; vi. 46; vii. 109. 126; viii. 120. Abderitee, viii. 120. Abrocomas, vii. 224. Abronychus, viii. 21. Absinthii. See Apsinthii. Abydeni, vii. 44. Abydos, v. 117; vii. 33, 34. 43. 174. Acanthii, vii. 116. Acanthus, vi. 44. Acarnania, ii. 10. Acephali, iv. 191. Aceratus, viii. 37. Aces, iii. 117. Achea Demeter, v. 61. Acheei, i. 145. Phthiote, vii. 132. 197. Achzemenes, son of Darius, iii. 12; vii. 7. 97. 236. 27. 33. 134. ——__—_——\,, father of Teispes, vii. 11. Acheemenide, i. 125 ; iii. 65. Achaia, vii. 173; viii. 36. Achaic nation, 7 "Axaixdy ἔθνος, viii. 73. Achelous, ii. 10; vii. 126. Acheron, v. 92; viii. 47. Achilles’s Race-course, ὁ ᾿Αχιλλήϊος Δρό- pos, iv. 55. 76. Achilleum, v. 94. Acrephia, viii. 135. Acrathoi, vii. 22. Acrisius, vi. 53. Adicran, iv. 159. Adimantus, father of Aristeas, vii. 137. a son of Ocytus, viii. 5. 59. 61. Adrastus, son of Gordias, i. 35. 41. 43. 45. , son of Talaus, v. 67, 68 Adrias, i. 163; iv. 33; v. 9. Adyrmachide, iv. 168. a, i. 2; vii. 193. 197. JEaces, father of Syloson, iii. 39. 139; vi. 13. » son of Syloson, iv. 138; vi. 13. 26. Eacidee, v. 80; viii. 64. acus, v. 89; vi. 35. JEgeus, son of Pandion, i. 173. , 80n of CEolycus, iv. 149. J¥gialees, vii. 94. /E€gialian tribe, v. 68. Egicores, v. 66. ZEgide, iv. 149. fEgilea, vi. 107. Zégilia, vi. 101. JEgina, v. 80; vill. 41. 46. ZEgos Potami, Λἰγὸς ποταμοὶ, ix. 119. JEgyptus, ii. passim; iii. 3. 5.7.91; iv. 186 Acimnestus, ix. 64. 504 INDEX OF /Enea, vii. 123. Enesidemus, vii. 154. 165. JEnus, iv. , 90; vii. 58. Enyra, vi. 47. oles, i. 6. 26. 28. 141; ii. 1. 90; v 122; vii. 95; ix. 115. oalis, v. 123; vii. 176. Ealus, vii. 197. Aéropus, son of Temenus, viii. 137. ——_—_—, son of Philip, viii. 139. » father of Echemus, ix. 36. JEsanias, iv. 150. Eschines, vi. 100. Jéschreas, viii. 11. Eschrionian tribe, iii. 26. ZEschylus, ii. 156. JEsopas, ii. 134. /Ethiopes, ii. 30. 104. ——- Macrobii, ii. 29; iii. 17. 20— 23. 25. 97. Troglodyte, iii. 101; iv. 183; vii. 69. 79. ZEchiopia, ii. 110; iti. 114. Aétion, v. 92. Etolia, vi. 127. Ageus, vi. 127. Agamemnon, i. 67; vii. 159. , daughter of Clisthenes, vi. 126, 127. 130, 131. , daughter of Hippocrates, vi. 131. Agasicles, i. 144. Agathoérgi, i. 67. Agathyrsi, iv. 49. 102, 103. 125. Agathyrsus, iv. 10. Agbalus, vil. 98. Agbatana of Media, i. 98. 110. 163; iii. 64. 92. —————. of Syria, iii. 62. 64. Agenor, vii. 91. Agesilaus, son of Doryssus, vii. 204. ——_——_, son of Hippocratidas, viii. 131. Agetus, vi. 61, 62. Agis, vi. 65. Aglauros, viii. 53. Aglomachuas, iv. 164. Agora, vii. 23. 25. 58. Agrianes (the river), iv. 90. {the tribe), v. 16. Agrigentini, ᾿Ακραγαντῖνοι, vii. 165. 170. Agron, i. 7. Agyllei, i. 167. Ajax, father of Phileus, vi. 35. ----- Ἤ eon of Telamon, v.66; viii. 64. 121. Alabanda, viii. 136. Alabandi, vii. 195. Alalia, i. 165, 166. Alazir, iv. 164. Alazones, iv. 17. 52. Alceeus, son of Heracles, i. 7. » the poet, v. 95. Alcides, vi. 61. Alcimachus, vi. 10]. Alcmeeon, father of Megacles, i. 59. ————, son of Megacles, vi. 125. 127. Alcmeeonide, i. 61. 64; v. 62, 63. 66. 69 —73; vi. 115. 12I—I31. Alemena, ii. 43. 148. Alcon, vi. 127. Alea Athene, i. 66; ix. 70. Aleades, ix. 85. Aleium, τὸ ᾿Αλήϊξζον πεδίον, vi. 95. Aleuadee, vii. 6. 130. 172; ix. 58. Alexander, son of Priam, i. 3; ii. 113— 117. —————, son of Amyntas, v. 19—22; vii. cd tian 12]. 137 —140; ix. 44, Alopece, v. 63. Alpeni, vii. 176. Alpenus, vii. 226. Alpheus, vii. 227. Alpis, iv. 49. Alus, vii. 173. 197. Alyattes. See Halyattes. Amasis, i. 30. 77. 181; ii. 154. 161 -- 163. 169. 172—176. 178. 182; iii. 1. 10. 16. 40 -- 48. 47. , Persian commander, iv. 167. 201. 203. Amathus, v. 104. 108, seg. 114. Amazoues, iv. 1 10—117. Amazonides, ix. 27. Ambracia. See Ampracia. Amestris, vii. 61. 114; ix. 108. 11]. Amiantus, vi. 127. Amilcar, ᾿Αμίλκας, vii. 165—167. Aminias, viii. 84. 87. 93. Aminocles, vii. 190. Ammon, i. 46; ii. 32. 55. Ammonii, ii. 32. 42; iii. 25, 26; iv. 181. Amompharetus, ix. 53 —57. 71. 85. Amorges, v. 121. Amonun, ii. 42. Ampe, vi. 20. Ampelos, vil. 122. Amphiaraus, i. 46. 49. 52; iii. 91; viii. 134. Anmphicea, viii. 33. Amphicrates, iii. 59. Amphictyon, vii. 200. Amphictyones, ii. 180; v. 62; vii. 200. 213. 228. Amphilochus, iii. 91; vii. 91. Amphilytus, i. 62. Amphimnestus, vi. 127. Amphion, v. 92. PROPER NAMES. Amphissa, viii. 32. Amphitryon, ii. 43; v. 59; vi. 53. Ampraciote, viii. 47; ix. 28. 31. Amyntas, king of Macedonia, v. 17—21. 94; vii. 173; viii. 139. -, 800 of Bubares, viii. 136. Anazander, vii. 204. Anaxandrides, son of Leon, i. 67; v. 39 - 41; vii. 204, 205. , son of Theopompus, viii. 13). Anaxilaus, son of Archidamus, viii. 131. , son of Cratinas, vi. 23; viii. 165. Anchimolius, v. 63. Andreas, vii. 126. Andrii, viii. 66. 111. Androbulus, vii. 141. Androcrates, ix. 25. Androdamas, viii. 85; ix. 90. Andromeda, vii. 6]. 150. sar iv. 106. 119. 125; ix. 18. 02 Andrns, iv. 33; v. 31; viii. 11, seq. Aneristus, father of Sperthias, vii. 134. --------- , son of Sperthias, vii. 137. Angites, vii. 113. Angras, iv. 49. Anopea, vii. 216. Antagoras, ix. 176. Antandrus, v. 26; vii. 42. Anthela, vii. 176. ‘200. Anthemus, v. 94. Anthylla, ii. 98. Antichares, v. 43. Anticyra, vii. 198. 213. Antidorus, viii. 11. Antiochus, ix. 33. Antipater, vii. 118. Antiphemus, vii. 153. Anysis, king of Egypt, ii. 137. 140. —, the city, ii. 137. 166. Anysus, father of Tetramnestus, vii. 98. Aparyte, iii. 91. Apaturia, i. 147. - Aphete, vii. 193; viii. 4. 6. Aphidne, ix. 73. Aphrodisias, iv. 169. Aphrodisium in Cyprus, i. 105; at Mem- phis, ἢ. 112. Aphrodite, i. 105. 131. 199; ii. 4]. 112; iii. 8; iv. ὅθ. 67. VOL. II. 505 Aphthitana, ii. 166. Aphytis, vii. 123. Apia, iv. 59. Apidanus, vii. 129. 196. Apis, the city, ii. 18. —— (the Egyptian Epaphus), ii. 153; tii. 27—29. Apollo, passim. Apollonia, on the Eurine, iv. 90. 93. ————-, 0n the Ionian gulf, ix. 92, 93. Apollophanes, vi. 26. Apries, ii. 161. 169; iv. 159. Apsinthii, vi. 34; ix. 119. Arabia, ii. 8. 12; iii. 107. 112; iv. 39. Arabian gulf, ii. 11; iv. 39. Arabians, i. 198; iii. 8, 9. 88. 91. 97;. vii. 69. 86. Ararus, iv. 48. Araxes, i. 202. 205; iii. 36; iv. 11. 40. Arcadians, i. 66. 146; ii. 171; v. 49; vi. 74; vii. 202. Arcesilaus I., iv. 159. ——— II., iv. 160. -- III, iv. 162. 164, 165. Archias, iii. 55. Archidamus, son of Anaxandrides, viii. 131. —— , 80n of Zeuxidamus, vi. 71. Archidice, ii. 135. . Archilochus, i. 12. Ardericca, i. 185. Ardys, i. 15. Areo viii. 52. Ares, ii. 68, 64. 83; iv. 59. 62; vii. 76. Arge, i iv. 86. Argolis, i. 82. Argos, i. 1. 28; vi. 83; vii. 150. Ariabignes, vii. 97 ; viii. 89. Ariantas, iv. 81. Ariapithes, i iv. 76. 78. Ariaramnes, viii. 90. Aridolis, vii. 195. Arimaspi, iii. 116; : iv. 13. 27. Arimnestus, ix. 72. Ariomardus, brother of Artyphius, vii. 67. , son of Darius, vii. 78. Arion, i. 23, 24. Ariphron, vi. 131. mea vii. 33; viii. 131. T δ06 Arisba, i. 151. Aristagoras of Cuma, iv. 138; v. 37, 38 —- of Cyzicus, iv. 138. ——_—-——. of Miletus, v. 30. 36—38. 49 — 51. 97—100. 124. 126; vii. 8. —-, father of Hegesistratus, ix. 90. Aristeas of Proconnesus, iv. 18—15. of Corinth, vii. 137. Aristides, viii. 79--82. 95; ix. 28. Aristocrates, vi. 73. Aristocyprus, v. 113. Aristodemus, father of Eurysthenes and Procles, iv. 147; vi. 52; vii. 204; viii. 131. ——_——-— (δ τρέσας), vii. 229. 231; ix. 71. Aristodicus, i. 158, 159. Aristogiton, v. 55; vii. 123. Aristomachus, vi. 52 ; vii. 204; Ariston, of Byzantium, iv. 1338. -, of Sparta, i. 67; vi. 61—63. 69. Aristonice, vii. 140. Aristonymus, vi. 126. Aristophantus, vi. 66. Aristophilides, iii. 136. Arizanti, i. 101. Arizus, vii. 82. Armenii, i. 194; v. 49; vii. 73. Arpoxais, iv. 5, 6. Arsamenes, vii. 68. Arsames, grandfather of Darius, i. 209; vii. 11. 224. e—— —, son of Darius, vii. 69. Artabanus, iv. 83; vii. 10, 11. 17. 46— 52. 66, 67. 75. Artabates, vii. 65. Artabazanes, vii. 2, 3; viii. 89. Artabazus, vii. 66; viii. 126—120; ix. 4]. 66. 89. Artace, iv. 14; vi. 33. Artachees, vii. 22. 137. Artacheeus, father of Otaspes, vii. 63. , father of Artayntes, viii. 130. Artei, vii. 61. Arteeus, father of Artachzus, vii. 22. , father of Azanes, vii. 66. Artanes, vii. 224. , river in Thrace, iv. 49. Artaphernes, brother of Darius, v. 25. 30 —32. 73. 100. 123; vi. 1, seg., 4. ————— — , son of the elder Artaphernes, vi. 94. 116; vii. 74. Artaxerxes, vi. 98; vii. 106. 151. Artayctes, vii. 33. 78; ix. 116. 118—120. Artaynte, ix. 108. Artayntes, viii. 130; ix. 102. 107. Artazostra, vi. 43. Artembares, i. 114—116; ix. 122. Artemisia, vii. 99; viii. 68. 87, 88. 93. 101—108. Artemisium, iv. 35; vii. 175, 176. 195. Artimpasa, iv. 59. viii. 131. INDEX OF Artiscus, iv. 92. Artobazanes. See Artabazanes. Artochmes, vii. 73. Artontes, father of Bagzus, ii. 128. , 80n of Mardonius, ix. 84. Artoxerxes. See Artaxerxes. Artybius, v. 108. 110. Artyntes, vii. 67. Artyphius, vii. 66, 67. Artyatone, iii. 88; vii. 69. Aryandes, iv. 166, 167. Aryenis, i. 74. Asbyste, iv. 170. Ascalon, i. 105. Asia, i. 4. 95. 102. 104. 130; ii. 17. 117; iv. 37—40. 44, 46; vi. 48; ix. 116. Asias, iv. 45. Asine, viii. 73. Asmach, ii. 30. Asonides, vii. 181. Asopii, ix. 15. Asopodorus, ix. 69. Asopus, vi. 108; vii. 200. 216; ix. 15. 29. Aspathines, iii. 70. 78; vii. 97. Assa, vii. 122. Assesus, i. 19. Assyria, i. 178. 192, 193; ii. 17; iv. 39. Assyrians, i. 95. 102, 103. 106. 177; vii. 62, 63. Astacus, v. 67. Aster, v. 63. Astrabacus, vi. 69. Astyages, i. 46. 73—75. 107, 108. 119. 123. 127—130. 139. Asychis, ii. 136. Atarantes, iv. 184. Atarbechis, ii. 41. Atarnes, iv. 49. Atarneus, i. 160; vi. 4. 28; wii. 42; viii 106. Athamas, vii. 197. Athenades, vii. 213. Athenagoras, ix. 90. Athene, i. 175; ii. 83. 175. 182; iv. 180. 189; viii. 55. 104, ef altdi. Alea, i. 66; ix. 70. ——— Assesia, i. 19. 22. Crastia, v. 45. Pallenis, i. 62. Polias, v. 82. Poliuchus, i i. 160. ——— Pronea, i. 92; viii. 37. ——— Sciras, viii. 94. Tritonis, i iv. 180. Athens and Athenians, passim. Athos, vi. 44. 95; vii. 21, segg., 122. Atbribitan nome, ii. 166. Athrys, iv. 49. Atlantes. See Atarantes. Atlantic, ἡ ᾿Ατλαντὶς θαλάσσῃ, i. 200. Atlas (a river), iv. 49. PROPER NAMES. Atlas (a mountain), iv. 184. Atossa, iii. 68. 88. 138, 134; vii. 3. Atramytteum, vii. 42. Attaginus, ix. 15. 86. 88. Attica, i. 59, seq.; Vv. 76. 82; vi. 102; viii. 51—55 ; ix. 13. Atys, son of Manes, i i. 7. 94.171; vii. 74. 4—43, , son of Croesus, i. 8 Auchate, iv. 6. Augila, iv. 172. 182. Auras, iv. 49. Auschise, iv. 171. Auses (Avceis), iv. 180. 191. Autesion, iv. 147; vi. 52. Autodicus, ix. 85. Automoli, ii. 30. Autonous, viii. 39. Auxesia, v. 82, 83. Arius, vii. 123, 124. Ασχα, iv. 154. Azanes, vii. 66. Aziris, iv. 157. 169. Azotus (Ashdod), ii. 157. Babylon, i. 178—183. 191, 192; iii. 158, 159. Babylonians, i. 190—198. 200; iii. 150— 159. Bacchiadee, v. 92. Bacis, viii. 20. 71. 96; ix. 43. Badres, iv. 167. 208. , son of Hystanes, viii. 77. Bagzeus, son of Artontes, iii. 128. , father of Mardontes, vii. 80. Bagasaces, vii. 76. Barcei, iii. 13; iv. 164. 167. 201—204. Barce (in Africa), fii. 91; iv. 160. 200, seqq. (in Bactriana), iv. 204 Bares, iv. 203. Basilides, viii. 132. Battiade, iv. 202. Battus I., iv. 150. 155. 159. ——_ II., iv. 159. IIL, iv. 161. Belus, father of Ninus, i. 7. , father of Cepheus, vii. 61. Bermius, viii. 138. Bessi, vii. 111. Bias, of Priene, i. 27. 170. ———, brother of Melampus, ix. 34. Bisaltes, vi. 26. Bisaltia, vii. 115. Bisanthe, vii. 137. Bistones, vii. 110. Bistonis (the lake), vii. 109. ’ Bithyni, i. 28; vii. 75. Biton, i. 31. Beebeis (the lake), vii. 129. 507 Boeotia, ii. 49; v. 57. Boeotians, v. 74. 77; vii. 202; viii. 34; ix. 68. Boges, vii. 107. 113. Bolbitine mouth of the Nile, ii. 17. Boreas, vii. 189. Borysthenes, iv. 18. 45. 47. 53. Borysthenite, of BopvoGevetra:, iv. 17, 18. 53. 74. 78. Bospores (Cimmerian), i iv. 12. 28. 100. n), iv. 83. 85, 86. Bottisaris. vii. 185; viii. 127. Bottieis (Borricuts), vii. 123. 127. Branchide (the place), i. 46. 92. 157; ii. 159; v. 36. (the college of priests), i. 158. Brauron, iv. 145; vi. 138. Briantica (ἡ χώρη Βριαντικὴ), vii. 108. Briges, vii. 73. Brongus, iv. 49. Bryas, vii. 72. Brygi, vi. 45; vii. 185. Bubares, v. 21; vii, 22; viii. 136. Bubastis, ii. 59. 137. 156. 166. Budii, i. 101. Budini, iv. 21. 108. Bulis, vii. 134—137. Bura, i. 145. Buse, i. 101. Busiris, ii. 59. 61. Butacides, v. 47. Buto, ii. 59. 63. 155. Bybassia, i. 174. Byzantium, iv. 144; v. 26. 103. Cabales, iv. 171. Cabeles, vii. 77. Cabiri, iii. 37. 51. Cadmeans, i. 56. 146; v. 57. 61; ix. 27. Cadmus, son of Agenor, ii. 45. 49; iv. 147; v. 58, 59. of Cos, vii. 163, 164. Cadytis, ii. 159; iii. δ. Caicus, vi. 28; vii. 42. Calacta (Καλὴ ᾿Ακτὴ), vi Calami, ix. 96. Calantie, iii. 97. Calasiries, i. 135; ii. 164—168; iv. 180; vii. 89; ix. 32. Calatie, iii. 38. Calchas, vii. 91. Calchedonia, iv. 85. Calchedonians, iv. 144; v. 26; vi. 33. Callatebus, vii. 31. Calliades, viii. 51. Callias, of Elis, v. 44, 45. ——, father of Hipponicus, vi. 121, 122. , son of Hipponicus, vii. 151. Callicrates, ix. 72. 85. Callimachus, vi. 109. 114. Callipidee, iv. 17. vi. 22, seg. 8T2 508 Callipolitani (Καλλιπολῖται), vii. 154. Calliste, iv. 147. Calydnians, vii. 99. Calyndians (οἱ Καλυνδέες), viii. 87. Camarina, vii. 154. 156. Cambyses, father of Cyrus, i. 46. 107. 112. 207; vii. 11. ———, son of Cyrus, i. 208; ii. 1; iii. im. Camicns, vi vii. 169, 170. Camirus, i. 144. Campssa, vii. 123. Canastreeum, vii. 123. Candaules, son of Myrsus, i. 7, 8. 10—12. ——_——., father of Damasithymus, vii. 98. Cane (Κάνης 8pos), vii. 42. Canobic mouth of the Nile, ii. 15. 17. 113. 179. Canobus, ii. 97. Caphareus, viii. 7. Cappadocia, i. 73. Cappadocians, i. 71—73; v. 49; vit. 72. Car, i. 171. Carcinitis, iv. 55. 99. Cardamyle, viii. 73. Cardia, vi. 33; vii. 58; ix. 115. Carenus, vii. 173. Cares, i. 28. 171. 174; ii. 61. 152. 164; iii, JL; v. 117-120; vii. 93. Caria, i. 142 ; vi. 25. Carine, vii. 42. Carius Zeus, i i. 171; v. 66. Carnea, vii. 206; viii. 72. Carpathus, iii. 45. Carpis, iv. 49. Carthage (Καρχηδὼν), iii. 19. Carthaginians, i. 166; iii. 17. 19; vii. 165, seg., 167. Carystii, vi. 99; viii. 112. 121; ix. 105. Carystus, iv. 33; vi. 99. Casambus, vi. 75. Casius, ii. 6. 158; iii. 5. Casmene, vii. 155. poring ag iii. 105: _iv. 44. Caspium, i i. 202, 308 ; ; iv. 40. Cassandane, ii. 1 . iii. 2. Cassiterides, iii. 115. Castalia, viii. 39. Casthanea, vii. 183. 188. Catadupa, ii. 17. » vii. 26. Catiari, iv. 6. Caucasus, i. 104. 203, 204 ; iii. 97; iv. 12. Caucones, i. 147; iv. 148. Caunians, i. 172. Caunus, i. 176. Caustrobius, iv. 13. Caystrius, v. 100. Cecrops, viii. 44. Celcense, vii. 26. INDEX OF Celeas, v. 46. Celtz, ii. 33; iv. 49. Ceos, v. 102; viii. 76. Cephallenia, ix. 28. Cephenes, vii. 61. Cepheus, vii. 61. 150. Cephisus, vii. 178; viii. 33. Cercasorum, ii. 15. 17. 97. Chalcedonians. See Calchedonians. Chaldei, vii. 63. Chalestra, vii. 123. Chalybes, i. 28; vii. 76. Charadra, viii. 33. Charaxus, ii. 135; iv. 185. Charilaus, iii. 145. Charillus, viii. 131. Charopinus, v. 99. Chemmis, ii. 91. 156. 165. Cheops, ii. 124, segq. Chephren, ii. 127, 128. Cherasmis, vii. 78. Chersis, father of Gorgus, vii. 98; viii. 11. , father of Oneailus, νυ. 104. Chersonesus, iv. 99; vi. 33. 39. 140; ix. 118. Chileus, ix. 9. Chilon, i. 59; vi. 65; vii. 235. Chios, i. 18. 142. 160; 11.178; vi. 16, 16. 26. 31; viii. 132. Choaspes, i. 188 ; v. 49. 52. Cheereze, vi. 10]. Choereatee (Xoipearas), v. 68. Choerus, vii. 170. Chorasmians, i iii. 93. 117; vii. 66. Chromius, i. 82. Chytri (Xdrpo:), vii. 176. Cicones, vii. 59. 108. 110. Cilices, i. 28. 72; iii. 90; νυ. 49. 52; τῇ, 91. Cilicia, iti. 17. 34; iii. 90; v. 52; ix. 107. Cilix, vii. 91. Cilla, i. 149. Cillicyrii, vii. 155. Cimmeria, iv. 12. Cimmerian Bosporus, iv. 12. 28. 100. Cimmerians, i. 6. 15, 16; iv. 1. 1], 12. Cimon, father of Miltiades, vi. 34. 39. 103. , son of Miltiades, vi. 136; vii. 107. Cineas, v. 63. Cinyps (the river), iv. 175; v. 42. (the district), i iv. 198. Cion, v. 122. Cissia, v. 49. 52; vi. 119. Cissians, iii. 91; vii. 62. 86. 210. Clazomene, i. 16. 142; ii. 178; v. 193. Cleades, ix. 85. Cieander, a prophet of Phigalia, vi. 83. ———-, son of Hippocrates, vii. 155. , Son of Pantares, Vii. 154. Cleobis, i. 31. Cleodseus, vi. 52; vii. 204; viii. 131. PROPER NAMES. Cleombrotas, iv. 81; τ. 1. 41; viii. 71; ix. 10. Cleomenes, iii. 148; νυ. 41, δὲ passim; vi. 49. 51. 65, 66. 74. 76. Cleone, vii. 22. Clinias, viii. 17. Clisthenes, king of Sicyon, v. 67; vi. 126. , the Athenian reformer, v. 66. 69, 70. 73. Cnethus, vi. 88. Cnidians, i. 174; iii. 138; Cnidus, i. 144; ii. 178. Cobon, vi. 66. Codrus, i. 147; v. 65. 76; ix. 97. Coenyra, vi. 47. Coés, iv. 97; v. 11. 37, 38. Coleeus, iv. 152. Colaxais, iv. 5. 7. Colchi, ii. 104; iii. 97; iv. 37. 40; vii. 9 79. Colchis, i. 104. Colophon, i. 14. 142. Colossze, vii. 30. Combrea, vii. 123. Compsatus, vii. 109. Contadesdus, iv. 90. Copais (ἡ Kozats λίμνην, viii. 135. ahh (ἡ Κέρκυρα), iti. 42. 48, 49. 53 ; Coressus, v. 100. Corinth and Corinthians, i. 14. 50. 51; ii. 167; iii. 48, 49. 52; iv. 162; vw. 75. 87.92; vi. 89; vii. 202; viii. 94; ix. 102 iv. 164. Corobius, iv. 151, seg. Coronei, v. 79. Corycium (τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον), viii. 36. Corydallus, vii. 214. Corys, iii. 9. Cos, i. 144; vii. 164. Crathis, i. 145. Cratines, vii. 165. Cratinus, vii. 190. Cremni (Kpnpvol), iv. 20. 110. Creston (Κρηστῶν), i i. 67. ae. ἢ Kpnorevuch), vii. 124; viii. 116; (ἡ Κρηστωναίη), vii. 127. Crestonseans (Κρηστωναῖοι), v. 3. 5; vii. 124. (Κρη- στωνιῆται), i i. 57. Crete, i. 173 ; vii. 169—171. Crinippus, vii. 165. Crisseum (τὸ Κρισαῖον πέδιον), viii Critalla, vii. 26. Critobulus, viii. 127. Crius, son of Polycritus, vi. 50. 73. ——, father of Polycritus, viii. 92. Crobyzi (Ophixes of Κροβύζοι), iv. 49. viii. 32. 509 Croesus, i. 7, ef passim; iii. 14. 34. 36; vi. 37. 125; viii. 35. Crophi (Κρῶφι), ii. 28. Crosszea, vii. 123. Crotonsa (Kpérwy), iii. 136, 137. Croto- nians, ii. 131; v. 44; viii. 47. Cuma, i. 49. 157. 165; v. 58. 123; vii 194 ; viii. 130. Cuphagoras, vi vi. 117. Curium Cs ids v. 113; (the gentile of Kouplees, ibid. Cyaxares, i. 73. 103. 106. Cybebe, v. 102. Cyberniscus, vii. 98. Cyclades (οἱ Κυκλάδες νῆσοι), v. 30. Cydippa, vii. 165. Cydonia, iii. 44. 59. Cydrara, vii. 30. Cylon, v. 71. Cyneegirus, vi. 114. Cyneas, vi. 101. Cyneaii, ii. 33. Cynetes, iv. 49. Cyno, i. 110. 122. Cynosarges, v. 63; vi. 116. Cynosura, viii. 76. Cynurii, viii. 73. Cyprus and Cyprians, i. 199; ii. 182; iii. 19. 91; v. 104. 116; vii. 90. Cypselus, son of Aétion, i. 114; v. 92; vi. 128. , father of Miltiades, vi. 85. Cyraunis, iv. 195. Cyrene, iv. 164. 199. 203. Cyrenians (of Κυρηναῖοι), ii. $2; iii. 13. 131; iv. 154, segg. Cyrnus (Corsica), i i. 165; vii. 165. ———— (in Carystis), ix. 105. te hero), i. 167. Cyrus, grandfather of Cyrus the Great, i. 11]. —— (the Great), i. 15 ef passim ; iii. 69. 89. 160; ix. 122 Cythera, i. 82. 105; vii. 235. Cythnus, vii. 90; viii. 46. 67. Cytissorus, vii. 197. Cyzicum, iv. 14. 76; vi. 33. Dadice, iii. 91; vii. 66. Deedalus, vii. 170. Dai, i. 225. Damasithymus, vii. 98 ; viii. 87. Damasus, vi. 127. Damia, νυ. 82, 83. Danaé, i. 91; vi. 53; vii. 60. 150. Danaus, ii. 91. 98; vii. 94. Daphne (Δάφναι αἱ Πηλουσίαι), ii. 30. l 07. Daphnis, iv. 138. Dardanus, v. 117; vii. 43. Darite, iii. 92. Darius, i. 209; iii. 70; vii. 11, οὐ passim. 510 Darius, son of Xerxes, ix. 108. Dascyleum, iii. 120. 126; vi. 33. Dascylas, i. 8. Datis, vi. 94. 97. 118; vii. 88. Datun, ix. 75. Daulians, viii. 35. Daufises, v. 116. 121. Decelea, ix. 15. 73. Decelus, ix. 73. Deioces, i. 16. 73. 96. 99. 102. Deiphonus, ix. 92. Delians, iv. 33; vi. 97. Delium, vi. 118. Delphi (of Δελφοὶ), i. 14. 51. 54. 92 ; ii. 180; v. 62; vii. 178 ; viii. 36. Delos, i. 64; ii. 170; iv. 33. 35; vi. 98; viii. 133 ; ‘ix. 90. Demaratus, vi. 50. 61, segg.; vii. 31. 101. 104. 209. 234. 237. ae Demarmenus, v. 41; vi. Democedes, iii. 125. 129. ΝΣ ἤν 137. Democritus, viii. 46. Demonax, iv. 161. Demonous, vii. 195. Demophilus, vii. 222. Derszi, vii. 110. Derusisei, i. 125. Deucalion, i. 56. Diactorides, father of Eurydame, vi. 71. ----.- a suitor of Agariste, vi. 127. Diadromes, vii. 222. Diceea, vii. 109. Dicreus, viii. 65. Dictyne, iii. 59. Dieneces, vii. 226. Dindymene, i. 80. Dinomene, vii. 145. Diomedes, ii. 116. Dionysius, vi. 11. 17. Dionysophanes, ix. 84. Dionysus, passim. ——— Bacchew, iv. 79. Dioscuri, ii. 43. 50; vi. 127. Dipeeans, ix. 35. Diun, vii. 22. Doberes, v. 16; vii. 113. Dodona, i. 46; ii. 62. 55. 57; ix. 93. Dolonci, vi. 34, 35. Dolopes, vii. 132. 185. Dorians, i. 56, et passim. Dorieus, v. 4]—43. 45; vii. 158. 208; ix. 10. Doris (ἡ Δωρὶς), viii. 31. Doriscus, v. 98; vii. 25. 59. 105, seq. Dorus, i. 56. Doryssus, vii. 204. Dotus, vii. 72. Dropici, i. 125. Drymus, viii. 33. Dryopis, i. 56; viii. 31. Dryopians, i. 146; viii. 73. Dyme, i. 145. INDEX OF Dymanate, v. 68. Dyras, vii. 198. Dysorum, v. 17. Echedorus, Vii. 124. 127. Echemunus, ix. 26. Echestratus, vii. 204. Echinades, ii. 10. rage v. 11. 23. 124; vii. 110. 114; ix. 5. Egestians (Ἐγεσταῖοι), v. 46. Eion, vii. 25. 118; viii. 118. Eleeus (EAqovs), vi. 140; vii. 22. 33; ix. 116. 120. Elatea, viii. 33. Elbo, ii. 140. Eleans, ii. 160; iv. 148; vi. 127; ix. 77. Elephantine, ii. 9. 17. 28. 69. 175; iii 19, 20. Eleusis, i. 130; v. 74; vi. 75; viii. 65; ix. 27. δ. 101. Elis, viii. 73. Ellopia, viii. 23. Elorus, vii. 154. Encheles, v. 61 ; ix. 43. Eneti, i. 196; v. 9. Enienes, vii. 132. 185. 198. Enipeus, vii. 129. Enneacrunos, vi. 137. Enneaodoi (Ἐννέα ‘O8ol, Nine Ways), vii. 114. Eordi, vii. 185. Epaphus, ii. 1538; iii. 27, 28. Ephesus, i. 142; ii. 10. 168; v. 54. Ephialtes, vii. 213. Epicydes, vi. 86. Epidanus, vii. 196. Epidaurus, iii. 52; v. 82, 83; viii. 46; ix. 28. Epistrophus, vi. 127. Epium, iv. 148. Epizelus, vi. 117. Epizephyrii Locri, vi. 23. Erasinus, vi. 76. Erechtheus, v. 82; vii. 189; viii. 44. 55. Eretria, i. 61; v. 99; vi. 43. 94. 10]. 119; viii. 46; ix. 28, Eridanus, ili. 115. Erinyes, iv. 149. Erochus, viii. 33. Erxander, iv. 97; v. 37. Erycina, v. 43. 45. Erythea, iv. 8. Erythrobolus ( "Epvph βῶλος), ii. 111. Erythree and Erythreans (of Asis), i. 142; vi. 8. (of Boeotia), ix. 15. Eryxo, iv. 160. Ktearchus, king of Axus, iv. 154. PROPER NAMES. Etearchus, king of Ammon, ii. 52. Eteocles, father of Laodamas, v. 61. Eusenetus, vii. 173. Euagoras, vi. 103. Eualcides, v. 102. Eubeea, iv. 33; v. 31; Vill. 4. Euclides, vii. 155. Euelthon, iv. 162; v. 104. Euenius, ix. 92—94. Euesperides, iv. 171. Euesperite, iv. 198. Eumenes, viii. 93. Eunomus, viii. 131. Eupalinus, iii. 60. Euphorbus, vi. 101. Euphorion, father of Aschylus, ii. 156. ——_—_—, father of Cyneegirus, vi. 114. , the host of the Dioscuri, vi. 127. Euphrates, i. 180. 185. 191; v. 52. Euripus, v. 77; vii. 173; viii 15. Europe, i. 2.173; iii. 115; iv. 45; vii. 5. Euryanax, ix. 10. 53. 55. Eurybates, vi. 92; ix. 75. Eurybiades, viii. 2. 42. 74. 124. Euryclides, viii. 2. Eurycrates, vii. 204. Eurycratides, vii. 204. Eurydame, vi. 71. Eurydemus, vii. 213. Euryleon, v. 46. Eurymachus, father of Leontiades, vii. 205. ——_———__—, son of Leontiades, vii. 233 Euryphon, viii. 131. Eurypylus, ix. 58. Eurysthenes, iv. 147. Eurystheus, ix. 26, 27. Eurytus, vii. 229. Euthynus, ix. 105. Eutychides, ix. 73. Exampeeus, iv. 52. 81. Gades (τὰ Γάδειρα), iv. 8. Geeson, ix. 97 Galepsus, vii. 122. Gandarii, iii. 91; vii. 66. Garamantes, iv. 174. 183. Gargaphia, ix. 25. 49, 50. Gauanes, viii. 137. Gebeleizis, iv. 94. Gela, vi. 23; vii. 153, 164. 156. Geleon, v. 66. Gelon, vii. 153—165. Gelonus, son of Heracles, iv. 10. (the town), iv. 108. 123. Gephyrei, v. 57. 62. Gereestus, vill. 7; ix. 105. Gergis, vii. 82. Gergithee, v. 122; vii. 43. Germanii, i. 125. Gerrhi, iv. 71. 511 Gerrhus, iv. 53. (the river), iv. 19. 47. 56. Geryon, iv. 8. Getee, iv. 93, 94. 96. Gigonus, vii. 123. Giligamme, iv. 169. Gillus, iii. 138. Gindanes, iv. 176. Glaucon, ix. 75. Glaucus, the metallurgist, i. 25. , son of Epicydes, vi. 86. , 80n of Hippolochus, i. 147. Glisas, ix. 43. Gnurus, iv. 76. eee iii. ae 73. 78; iv. 132. 134; 2. 5. 82 Gas vii. 128. 173. Gordias, i. 14. 35; viii. 138. Gorgo, v. 48. 51 ; "vil. 239. Gorgon, ii. 91. Gorgus, king of Salamis, v. 104. 115; viii. 2. 1]. , son of Chersis, vii. 98. Grinus, iv. 150. Grynea, i. 149. Grypes, iii. 116; iv. 13. 27. Gygadas, i. 14. Gygea, v. 21; viii. 136. Gyges, i. 8. 14. 15. 91. ——, father of Myrsus, ili. 122; v. 121, Gymnopeedie, vi. 67. Gyndes, i. 189. 202; v. 52. Gyzantes, iv. 194. Heemus, iv. 49. Haliacmon, vii. 127. Halicarnassus, i. 144; ii. 178 s-~wiii. 104. Halyattes, i. 16—22. 25. 73, 74. 92, 93. Halys, i. 6. 28. 72. 75; v. 52; vii. 26. Hamilcar. See Amilcas, Hanno, vii. 165. Harmamithres, vii. 88. Harmatides, viii. 227. Harmocydes, ix. 17. Harmodius, v. 55; vi. 109. 123. Harpagus (a Mede), i. 80. 108—110. 118, 119. 123. 129. 162. 169. 171—176. (a Persian), vi. 28. 30. Hebe, ix. 98. Hebrus, iv. 90; vii. Hecateeas, ii. 143; τ. δ. 125; vi. 137. Hecatonesi, i. 15]. Hector, iii. 120. Hegesander, v. 125; vi. 137. Hegesicles, i. 65. Hegesipyle, vi. 39. Hegesistratus, king of Sigeum, v. 94. —_—_—_—_—-,, an Elean, ix , son of Aristagoras, ix. 90, 91. Hegetorides, ix. 76. 512 Hegias, ix. 33. Helena, ii. 112; v. 94; vi. G1; ix. 73. Helice, i. 145. Heliopolis (Ἡλιούπολι5), ii. 3. 7—9. 59. 63 Helisyci, vii. 165. Helle, vii. 58. Hellen, i. 56. Hellespontus, iv. 38. 85. Hellopia (ἡ Ἑλλοπίη polpn), viii. 23. Hephestians (‘Hpaorides), vi. 140. Hepheestus, ii. 3. 99. 101. 121. 147. 176; iii. 37; viii. 98. Heraclea, v. 43. Heracles, i. 7; ii. 42—44. 83. 113. 145; iv. 8—10. 59. 82; vi. 108. 116; vii. 176. 193. 198. 204; viii. 131. Heraclidse, i. 7. 13. 91; v. 43; ix 26. Heraclides, son of Ibanolis, v. 121. , father of Aristodicus, i. 158. ————, father of Aristagoras, v. 37. Herseum ζ Ἡραῖον), iv. 90. Here, i. 31; ii. δ0. 182; vi. 82; ix. δῶ. 61 Hermes, ii. δ]. 138; v. 7. Hermion, vii. 6. Hermione, iii. 59; viii. 43. 73; ix. 28. Hermippus, vi. 4. Hermolycus, ix. 105. Hermophantus, v. 99. Hermotimus, viii. 104—106. ie ii. 164, 165. 168; vii. 89; ix. Sane i. 55. 80; v. 101. Herodotus, viii. 132. Herophantus, iv. 138. Herpys, ix. 38. Hesiodas, ii. 53; iv. 32. Hestia, iv. 59. 127. Hieron, vii. 156. Hieronymus, ix. 33. Himera, vi. 24; vii. 165. Hipparchus, v. 55, 56; vi. 123; vii. 6. Hippias, i. 61; v. 91. 93. 96; vi. 107. Hippobote, v. 77. Hippoclides, vi. 127, 128. 130. Hippoclas, iv. 138. Hippocoon, v. 60. Hippocrates, father of Pisistratus, i. 59; v. 65. —, son of Megacles, vi. 13]. ---..-..-.--.-., king of Gela, vi. 23; vii. 154, 155. = —, father of Smindyrides, vi. 127. Hippocratides, viii. 131. Hippolaus, iv. 53. Hippolochus, i. 147. Hippomachus, ix. 38. Hipponicus, father of Callias, vii. 151. , son of Callias, vi. 121. Histia. See Hestia. INDEX OF Histiseotis (ἡ Ἰστιαιῶτις γῆ), in Eubcea, vii. 175. —_—_——, in Thessaly, i. 56. Histizeus, father of Phylacus, viii. 85. , son of Tymnes, v. 37; vii. 98. ,80n of Lysagoras, iv. 137, 138. 141; v. 1). 23, 24. 30. 35. 105—107; vi. 1—5. 26 -- 830. Hoples, v. 66. Hyacinthia, ix. 6. 11. Hyampea, viii. 39. Hyampolis, viii. 28. 33. Hydarnes, iii. 70; vi. 133; vii 133. ———, son of Hydarnes, vii. 83. 211. , father of Sisamnes, vii. 65. Hydrea, i iii. 59. Hylea, i iv. 18. i ek 55. 76. Hylles, v. 68. Hyllus, vi. 52; vii. 204; viii. 131; ix. 26. (the river), i. 80. Hymeas, v. 116. 122. Hymettas, vi. 137. Hypachei, vii. 91. Hypecyris, iv. 47. 55. Hypanis, iv. 17, 18. 47. 52. Hyperanthes, vii. 224. Hyperboreans, iv. 13. 32, 33. 35, 36. Hypernotians, iv. 36. Hyperoche, iv. 38—35. H ians, iii. 117; vii. 62. tgis, iv. 57. Hyria, vii. 170. Hyrceades, i. 84. Hysie, v. 74; vi. 108; ix. 15. 25. Hystanes, vii. 77. Hystaspes, father of Darius, i. 209; iii. 70; v. 83; vii. 224. —_————, son of Darius, vii. 64. Iacchus, viii. 65. Iadmon, ii. 134. Talysus, i. 144. Iamide, v. 44; ix. 838, Japyges, Ἕ 170. iii. 138; iv. 99. Ibanolis, v. 37. 122. Iberia, i. 163; vii. 165. Ichthyophagi, ii. 19, 20. 23. Ida, i. 151; vii. 42. Idanthyrsus, iv. 76. 120. 127. Idrias, v. 118. Tenysus, iii. 5. Tlissus, vii. 189. llithyia, iv. 35. Hlium (ἡ Ἰλιὰς γῆ vel χώρη), ii. 10. 118; v. 94; vii. 4]. PROPER NAMES. Tilyrii, i. 196; iv. 49; ix. 43. Imbros, v. 26; vi. 41 Inarus, iii. 12. 15; vii. 7. India (ἡ Ἰνδικὴ), iti. 98. 106 ; iv. 40. Indians, iti. 38. 94—105; iv. 44; vii. 65. Indus, iv. 44. Ino, vii. 197. Intaphernes, i iii. 70. 78. 118, 119. 24. To, i. 1.6; ii. 4]. Tolcos, v. 94. Ion, vii. 94; viii. 44. Tonia, i. 142, et passim. Iphiclus, ix. 116. Iphigenia, iv. 103. Ipni (Ἰπνοὶ), vii. 188. Irasa, iv. 158. Is, i. 179. Isagoras, v. 66. 69—73. Ischenous, vii. 181; viii. 92. Isis, ii. 40, 4]. 59. 61. 156; iv. 186. Ismaris, vii. 109. Issedones, i. 201; iv. 18. 26. Ister, ii. 33; iv. 47—50. Istisotis. See Histiseotis. Istria, ii. 33. Italia, passim. Itanus, iv. 151. Ithamatres, vii. 67. Ithamitres, viii. 130; ix. 102. Ithome, ix. 35. Lyrcee, iv. 22. Jardanus, i. 7. Jason, iv. 179; vii. 193. Labda, v. 92. Labdacus, v. 59. Labranda, v. 119. Labynetus, i. 74. 77. 188. Labyrinthus, ii. 148. Lacedemon, passim. Lacmon, ix. 93. Lacrines, i. 152. Lada, vi. 7. Ladice, ii. 181. Laius, iv. 149; v. 43. 59. Lampito, vi. 71. Lampon, son of Pytheas, ix. 78. , son of Thrasicles, ix. 90. , father of Olympiodorus, ix. 21. Lamponium, v. 26. Lampsacus, v. 117. Laodamas, son of Eteocles, v. 61. - of Phoceea, iv. 138. —, father of Sostratus, iv. 152. Laodice, iv.-33. 35. Laphanes, vi. 127. Laphystius, vii. 197. 513 Laiis, vi. 21. Leagrus, ix. 75. Learchus, iv. 160. Lebadea (ἡ Λεβάδεια), viii. 134. Lebea, viii. 137. Lebedas, i. 142. Lectum, ix. 114. Leleges, i. 171. Lemnus, iv. 145; v. 26; vi. 138—140; vill. 73. Leo (Λέων), vii. 180. Leobotes, i. 65; vii. 204. Leocedes, vi. 127. Leon, i. 65; vii. 204. Leonidas, v. 41 ; vii. 204, 205. 219— 222. 224. 238; viii. 114. Leontiades, vii. 205. 233. Leontini, vii. 154. Leoprepes, father of Theasides, vi. 85. ——_——_, father of Simonides, vii. 228. Leotychides, son of Menareus, vi. 63. 72, 73. 85, 86; viii. 131; ix. 90. 96. 98. --- --- --- -. son of Anaxilaus, viii. 131. Lepreum, iv. 148; ix. 28. Leros, v. 123. Lesbos, i. 151. 160; iii. 39; vi. 31. Leucas, viii. 45. 47; ix. 28. Leuce-acte (Aevx? ᾿Ακτὴ), vii. 25. Leucon, i iv. 160. Libya, iv. 45, et passim. Liches, i. 67, 68. Lide, i. 174, 175. Ligyes, v. 9; vii. 72. 165. Limeneum, i i. 18. Lindus, i i. 144; ii. 182; vii. 153. Linus, ii. 79. Lipaxus, vii. 123. Lipoxais, iv. 5. Lipsydrium (Λειψύδριον), ν. 62. Lise, vii. 123 Lissus, vit. 108, 109. Locri Epizephyrii, vi. 23. Lotophagi, iv. 177. Loxias, i. 91; iv. 163. Lyczeus Zeus, iv. 203. Lycaretus, iii. 143; v. 27. Lycia and Lycians, i. 28. 173. 176; iii. 90: vii. 77. 92. Lycidas, ix. 5 Lycomedes, viii. 11. Lycopas, iii. 55. Lycophron, iii. 50. Lycurgus, the legislator, i. 65, 66. ——_—_—, son of Aristolaidas, i. 59. ᾿ —~, father of Amiantus, vi. 127. Lycus, in Phrygia, vii. 30. ------ in Scythia, iv. 123. ——, grandfather of Anacharsis, iv. 76. —— , son of Pandion, i i. 173; vii. 92. Lydia and Lydians, i. 28. 34. 74. 79, 80. 93, 94. 103. 154. 171; iii. 90; vil. 74. Lydias, vii. 127. θυ δ14 1,γάπε, i. 7. 171; vii. 74. Lygdamis, father of Artemisia, vii. 99. ------...... dynast of Naxos, i. 61. 64. Lynceus, ii. 91. Lysecees, son of Tisias, vi. 133. , father of Histiseus, v. 30. Lysaniae, vi. 127. Lysicles, viii. 21. Lysimachus, viii. 79. 95, 96 Macedonia (ἡ siacabot); vii. 127. Machlyes, iv. 178. Macistius, ix. 20. Macistus, iv. 148. Macrobii thiopes, iii. 17. ᾿ Macrones, ii. 104; iii. 94; vii. 78. Mactorium, vii. 153. Madyes, i. 103. Madytus, vii. 33; ix. 120. Meander, ii. 29; iti. 122; vii. 26. 118. Meandrius, iii. 123. 142—148; v. 27. Meeones, i. 7; vii. 74. 77. Meote, iv. 123. Meeotis (ἡ Μαιῶτις λίμνη), i. 104; iv. 57. 101. 120 Magdolus, ii. 159. Magnesia, the town, i. 161; iti. 122. Magnetes, of Europe, . 132. ————; of Asia, iii. 90 Malee, i. 82; iv. 179. Malena, vi. 29. Males, vi. 127. Mandane, i. 107. Mandrocles, iv. 87, 88 Maneros, i. 79. Manes, i. 94; iv. 45. Mantinea, iv. 161. Mantineans, vii. 202; ix. 77. Mantyas, v. 12. Mapen, vii. 98. Maraphii, i. 125; iv. 167. Marathon, i. 62; vi. 107. 111. Mardi, i. 125. Mardonius, vi. 43—45. 94; vii. 5. 9. 82; viii. 100. 113. 133. 136. 141; ix. 1—4. 12—15. 38. <9. 59. 63. 84. Mardontes, vii. 80; viii. 130; ix. 102. Marea, ii. 18. 30. Mares, iii. 94; vii. 79. Mariandyni, i. 28; iti. 90; vii. 72. Maris, iv. 49. Maron, vii. 227. Maronea, vii. 109. Marsyas, v. 119; vii. 26. Mascames, vii. 105, 106. Maasistes, vii. 82; ix. 107. 113. Masistius. See Macistius. ————,, son of Siromitres, vii. 79. —-, the province, vii. 176. 183. 193. INDEX OF ii. 71. te, i. 201. 212. 214—216; iv. 11. 172. Matieni, i. 72; iti. 94; v. 49. 52; vit. 72. Mausolus, v. 118. Maxyes, iv. 191. Mazares, i. 156. 161. Mecistes, v. 67. Mecyberna, vii. 122. Medea, i. 2; vii. 62. Medes, i. 95—100. 102—1@4. 106. 130; iv. 37. 40; vii. 62. 86. 310. i. 97. Megabyzus, iii. 70. 81. 160; iv. 143, 144; v. 1. 14. 23; vii. 82. Megacles, i, 59—64; vi. 125. 127—131. Megapanus, vii. 62. Megarians, i. 59 ; vii. 156; ix. 21. Megaris, ix. 14. Megasidras, vii. 72. Megistias, vii. 219. 22]. 228. Melampus, ii. 49; ix. 34. Melampygus, vii. 216. Melanchleni, iv. 20. 102. 107. Melanippus, son of Astacus, v. 67. ——_——-, of Mytilene, v. 95. Melanthius, v. 97. Melanthus, i. 147; v. 65. Melas, vi. 41; vii. 58. 198. Meles, i i. 84. Melians, of Trachis, i iv. 33; vii. 132. 196. 198; viii. 31. , of the island, viii. 46. 48. Meliboea, vii. 188. Meliasa, iii. 50; v. 92. Membliarus, iv. 147. Memnonia, v. 58, 54. Memphis, ii. 3. 10. 99. Menares, vi. 65. 71; viii. 131. Menda, vii. 123. Mendes, ii. 42. 46. Mendesia, ii. 42. 46. 166. Menelaus, ii. 119; iv. 169. Mermnadee, i i. 7. 14. Meroé, ii. 29. Mesembria, iv. 93; vi. 33; vii. 108. Messene, vii. 164. Measenians, ix. 35. Metapontines, vi. 15. Methymne, i. 151. Metiochus, vi. 41. Metrodorus, iv. 138. Micythus, vii. 170. Midas, i. 14. 35; viii. 138. PROPER NAMES. Miletus, i. 14, 15. 17. 22. 143. 169; τ. 28, 29; vi. 6. 18. 20. Milo, iii. 137. Miltiades, son of Cypselus, vi. 34. 38. —__—___—_—__—_ Cimon, iv. 137; vi. 34. 39—41. 104. 109. 132. 137. 140. Milyas and Milyans, i. 175; iii. 90; vii. 77- Minoa, v. 46. Minos, i. 173; iii. 122; vii. 169. Minyeans, i. 146; iv. 145, 146. Mitra, i. 131. Mitradates, i. 110, 111. Mitrobates, iii. 120. 126, 127. Mnhnesarchus, iv. 95. Mnesiphilus, viii. 57, seq. Moeris, ii. 13. 101. 149; iii. 91. Moleeis, ix. 57. Moloasi, i. 146; vi. 127. Molpagoras, v. 30. Momemphis, ii. 163. Mophi, it. 28. Moschi, iii. 94; vii. 78. Mosyneeci, iii. 94 ; vii. 78. Munychia, viii. 76. Murichides, ix. 4. Museeus, vii. 6; viii. 96; ix. 43. Mycale, i. 148; vi. 16; vii. 80; ix. 90. 96. Mycenians, vii. 202; ix. 27. Mycerinus, ii. 129—134. Myci, iii. 93; vii. 68. Myconus, vi. 118. Myecphoritan province, ii. 166. Mygdonia, vii. 123. 127. Mylasa, i. 171; v. 121. Mylitta, i. 131. 199. Mynduz, v. 33. Myrcinus, v. 1]. 23. 124. Myrina, i. 149. Myrinei, vi. 140. Myrmerx, vii. 183. Myron, vi. 126. Myrsilus, i. 7. Myrsus, father of Candaules, i. 7. , son of Gyges, iii. 122; v. 121. Mys, viii. 133—135. Mysians, i. 28. 171; iit. 90. Mytilene, ii. 178; v. 94. Myzuz, i. 142; v. 36. Naparis, iv. 48. Nasamones, ii. 32; iv. 172. 190. Natho, ii. 165. Naucratis, ii. 97. 135. 178, 179. Naustrophas, iii. 60. Naxus, i. 64; v. 28. 30; vi. 96; viii. 46. Neapolis, ii. 91; vii. 123. Necos, father of Psammitichus, ii. 152. ———, son of Psammitichus, ii. 158; iv. 42. Neleide, v. 65. Neleus, ix. 97. 515 Neocles, vii. 173. Neon, viii. 32, 33. Nereids, vii. 191. Nestor, v. 65. Nestus, vii. 109. 126. Neuri, iv. 17. 103. Nicander, viii. 131. Nicandra, ii. 55. Nicodromus, vi. 88. Nicolaus, vii. 137. Nilus, ii. passim. Nineveh (ἡ Nivos), i. 103. 106. 185. 193; iti. 150; iii. 155. Nitetis, iii. 1. Nitocris, i. 185. 187; ii. 100. Noés, iv. 49. Nonacris, vi. 74. Nothon, vi. 100. Notium, i. 149. Nudium, iv. 148. Nymphodorug, vii. 137. Nysa, ii. 146; iii. 97. 111. Oarizus, vii. 71. Oarus, iv. 123. Oasis, iii. 26. Octamasades, iv. 80. Ocytus, viii. 5. 59. Odomanti, v. 16; vii. 112. Odrysee, iv. 92. (a, v. 83. (bares, iii. 85; vi. 33. (Edipus, iv. 149; v. 60. CEnoé, v. 74. CEnone, viii. 46. (Enotria, i. 167. CEnusse, i. 165. CEobazus, iv. 84; vii. 68; ix. 115. 119. Oéroé, ix. δ]. (Etosyrus, iv. 59. Oiolycus, i. 149. Olen, iv. 35. Olenus, i. 145. Oliatus, v. 37. Olophyxus, vii. 22. Olorus, vi. 39. 41. Olympia, ii. 160; v. 22, et alibi. Olympiodorus, ix. 21. Olympus, of Mysia, i. 36. 48; vii. 74. , of Thessaly, i. 56; vii. 128, 129. 172. Olynthus, vii. 122 ; viii. 127. Oneate, v. 68. Onesilus, v. 104. 108. 110—114. Onetas, vii. 214. Onochonus, vii. 129. 196. Onomacritus, vii. 6. : Onomastus, vi. 127. Onuphitan province, ii. 146. θυ 2 516 Ophryneum, vii. 43. Opis, iv. 35. ——, the city, i. 189. Opeea, iv. 78. Opuntii, vii. 203. Orbelus, v. 16. Orchomenian Minyeans, i. 146. Orchomenians, of Boeotia, viii. 34. , of Arcadia, vii. 202; ix. Orestes, i. 67. Orges, vii. 118. Oricus, ix. 93. the Scythian, iv. 78. Orithyia, vii. 189. Orneate, viii. 73. Orcetes, iii. 120—127. Oromedon, vii. 98. Oropus, vi. 100. Orotal, iii. 8. Orphica, ii. 81. Orsiphantus, vii. 227. Orthocorybantes, iii. 92. Orus, ii. 144. Osiris, ii. passim. Ossa, i. 56; vii. 128, 129. Otanes, iii. 67—72. 76. 80. 83. 14]. 144. 147. 149. ———, son of Sisamnes, νυ. 25, 26. 116. ———, father of Amestris, vii. 40. 61. Otaspes, vii. 63. Othryades, i. 82. Othrys, vii. 129. Ozole, viii. 32. Pactolus, v. 101. Pactya, vi. 36. Pactyas, i. 153, 154. 157—160. Pactyes and Pactyica, iii. 93. 102; iv. 44; vii. 67. 85. Padsei, iii. 99. Peonia, v. 13; vii. 124. People, v. 15. Pesus, v. 117. Peeti, vii. 110. Pseum, vi. 127. Pagasee, vii. 198. Palestine, i. 105; ii. 104. 106; iii. 5; vii. 89. Paleans, ix. 28. Pallene, vii. 123; viii. 126. Pamisus, vii. 129. Pammon, vii. 183. Pamphyli, i. 28; iii. 90; vii. 91. Pan, ii. 46. 145; vi. 106, seq. Panetius, vii. 82. Panathenea, v. 56. Pandion, i. 173. Pangeus, v. 16; vii. 112. Panionia, i. 148. INDEX OF Panionium, i. 143. 148. 170: vi. 7. Panionius, viii. 103—106. Panites, vi. 52. Panopeans, viii. 34, 35. Panormus, i. 157. Pantagnotus, iii. $9. Pantaleon, i. 92. Pantareus, vii. 154. Panthialei, i. 125. Panthimathi, iii. 92. Panticapes, iv. 18. 47. 54. Pantites, vii. 232. Papeus, iv. 59. Paphlagones, i. 6. 72; iii. 90; vii. 72. Papremis, ii. 59. 63. 71. Pareebates, v. 46. Paralate, iv. 6. Parapotamii, viii. 33. Paretaceni, i. 101; iii. 94. Parion, v. 117. Parmys, iii. 88; vii. 78. Parnassus, viii. 27. 32. Paroreate, iv. 148; viii. 73. Paros, v. 28. 31; vi. 133—135 ; viii. 67. 112. Parthenius, river, ii. 104. —___--, mountain, vi. 105. Parthi, iii. 93. 117; vii. 66. Pasargade, i. 125. Pasicles, ix. 97. Pataici, iii. 37. Pataicus, vii. 154. Patara, i. 182. Patarbemis, ii. 162. Patiramphes, vii. 40. Patizeithes, iii. 61. Patreans, i. 145. Patumus, ii. 158. Pausanias, iv. 81 ; v.32; vii. 204; viii 3; ix. 10. 21. 46. 50. 88 -- 67. G0—64. 78. 82. Pausice, iii. 92. Pausiris, iii. 15. Pedasus, i. 175; v. 121; vi. 20. Pedieans, viii. 33. Peithagoras, v. 46. Pelasgians, i. 56, 57. 146; ii. 51; v. 26. 64; vi. 137—140; vil. 42. 94; viii. 44. Peleus, vii. 191. Pelion, iv. 179; vii. 129. Pella, vii. 123. Pellene, i. 145. Pelops, vii. 8. 11. Peloponnesus, i. 56. 68; vii. 137. 233; viii. 31. 73; ix. 73. Pelusium, ii. 17. 154; iii. 10. Penelope, ii. 145, 146. Peneus, vii. 20. 128. 173. 182. Penthylus, vii. 195. Percalos, vi. 65. Percote, v. 117. PROPER NAMES. 517 Perdiccas, v. 22; viii. 137—139. Pergamum, vii. 43. Pergamus, vii. 112. Perialla, vi. 66. Periander, i. 20. 23; iii. 48. 60. 53; v. 92. Pericles, vi. 131. Perilaus, ix. 103. Perinthus, iv. 90; v. 1,2; vi. 33; vii. 25. Perrhebi, vii. 128. 132. 173. Perse, passim. Perses, vii. 61. 150. Perseus, ii. 15. 91; vi. 53, 54; vii. 6]. 150. Petra, v. 92. Phedima, iii. 68, 69. Phenippus, vi. 121. Phagres, vii. 112. Phalerus, v. 85; vi. 116; viii. 66. 91; ix. 32. Phanagoras, vii. 214. Phanes, iii. 4. 11. Pharandates, vii. 79; ix. 76. Phareans, i. }45. Pharnaces, vii. 66 ; ix. 4]. Pharnaspes, ii. 1; iii. 2. Pharnazathres, vii. 65. Pharnuches, vii. 88. Phaselis, ii. 178. Phasis, i. 2. 104; ii. 103; iv. 37, 38. 45. 86; vi. 84. Phayllus, viii. 47. Phegeus, ix. 26. Pheneus, vi. 74. Pherendates, vii. 67. Pheretime, iv. 162. 202. 205. Pheron, ii. 111. Phidippides, vi. 105. Phidon, vi. 127. Phileeus, vi. 35. Philagrus, vi. 101. Philaon, viii. 11. Philes, iii. 60. Philippus, of Crotona, v. 47. ——_——., of Macedonia, viii. 139. Philistus, ix. 97. Philition, ii. 128. Philocyon, ix. 72. 85. Philocyprus, v. 113. Phla, iv. 178. Phlegra, vii. 123. Phlius, vii. 202 ; ix. 28. Phoceea and Phoceans, i. 80. 152. 163; ii. 106. 177, 178; vi. 8. 11. 17. Phocians, i. 146; vii. 176. 212. 217; viii. 27. 30. 32; ix. 17. 31. Pheenicia (ἡ Φοινίκη), ii. 44.116; iii. 136; iv. 39. Phoenicians, i. 1. 105; ii. 44. 104. 112 ; 1]. 19. 107; iv. 42; v. 58. 89; vi. 47; vii. 23. 34. 44. 89; viii. 90. Pheenix, vii. 176. 200. Phormus, vii. 182. Phraortes, i. 73. 102. Phrataguna, vii. 224. Phrixe, iv. 148. Phrixus, vii. 197. Phronime, iv 154. Phryges, i. 28. 72; ii. 2; iii. 90; vii. 73. Phrynichus, vi. 21. Phrynon, ix. 15. Phthiotis, i. 56; vii. 132. Phya, i. 59. Phylacus, viii. 39. 85. Phyllis, vii. 113. Pieria and Pierians, vii. 112. 18]. 177. 185. Pigres, v. 12; vii. 98. Pilorus, vii. 122. Pindarus, iii. 38. Pindus, i. 56; vii. 129. Pirene, v. 92. Pirus, i. 145. Pisa, ii. 7. Pisistratide, v. 63. Pisistratus, son of Nestor, v. 65. ————, son of Hippocrates, i. 59—63 ; v. 65; vi. 35. 103. Pistyrus, vii. 109. Pitane, i. 149; iti. 55; ix. 53. Pittacus, i. 27. Pixodarus, v. 118. Placie, i. 57. Plateans, vi. 108 ; viii. 1. 44. 50; ix. 28. Platea, iv. 161—153. 156. 169. Pleistarchus, ix. 10. Pleistorus, ix. 119. Plynus, iv. 168. Peeciles, iv. 147. Pogon, viii. 42. Poliades, ix. 53. Polichnite, vii. 170. Polyas, vil. 21. Polybus, v. 67. Polycrates, iii. 39—44. δά. 56. 120— 125. Polycritus, viii. 92, 93. Polydectes, viii. 131. Polydorus, v. 59; vii. 204. Polymnestus, iv. 150. 155. Polynices, iv. 147; vi. 52; ix. 27. Porata, iv. 48. Poseideum, iii. 91. Poseidon, i. 148; ii. 50; iv. 59. 188; vii. 129. 192; viii. 55. 123. 129; ix. 81. Poseidonius, ix. 71. 85. Potideea, vii. 123; viii. 126—129. Preesii, vii. 170, 171. Prasias, v. 16. Praxilaus, ix. 107. Praxinus, vii. 180. Prexaspes, iii. 30. 33. 62. 66. 74; vii. 97. Priamus, i. 4; vii. 43. Priene, i. 15. 142. 161; vi. 8. Prinetades, v. 41. Procles, iv. 147; vi. 51, 52; viii. 131. 518 Procles, tyrant of Epidsurus, iii. ὅθ. 52. Proconnesus, iv. 14; vi. 33. Prometheus, iv. 45. Propontis, iv. 85. Prosopitis, ii. 41. 165. Protesilaus, vii. 33; ix. 116. Proteus, ii. 112—116. Protothyes, i. 103. Prytanis, viii. 131. Psammenitus, i iii. 10. 18. 15. Psammis, ii. 160. Peammitichus, i. 105; ἰδ, 2. 151—154. 157 ; vii. 7. Psylli, iv. 173. Psyttalea, viii. 76. 95. Pteria, i. 76. Pytheas, of A‘gina, vii. 181; ix. 78. , of Abdera, vii. 137. Pythermus, i. 152. Pythius, vii. 27—29. 38, 39. Pytho, i. 154. Pythogenes, vi. 23. Rhampzsinitus, ii. 121, 122. Rhegium, i. 166, 167; vii. 170. Rhenea, vi. 97. Rhodope, iv. 49 ; viii. 116. Rhodopis, ii. 134, 135. Rhodus, ii. 178; vii. 105. Rheoecus, iii. 60. Rheeteum, vii . 43. Rhypes, i. 146. rere ii. 137—139. 152. vii. 154, Sacee, i. i. 153; iii. 93; vii. 64. Sagartii, i. 195 ; iii. 93; vii. 85. Sais, ii. 28. 59. 163. 170. Salamis, the island, viii. 56. 84. ——, of Cyprus, iv. 162; v. 104. Sale, vii. 59. Salmydessus, iv. 93. Samos, i. 142; ii. 26. 60. 148. Samothracia, ii. 57; vi.47; vii. 106; viii. 90. Sanacherib, ii. 141. Sandanis, i. 71. Sandoces, vii. 194. Sane, vii. 22. 123. Sappho, ii. 135. Sarange, iii. 93. 117; vii. 67. Sardanapallus, ii. 150. Sardis, i. 7. 15. 84. 86; v. 101. 105. Sardo, i. 170; v. 106. 124. Sardyattes, i. 16. 18. INDEX OF Sarpedon, i. 173. Sarpedonium, vii. 58. Sarte, vii. 122. Saspires, i. 104; iii. 94; iv. 37. 40; vii 79. Sataspes, iv. 43. Satree, vii. 110, LI1. Sattagydse, iii. 91. Saulius, iv. 76. Sauromate, iv. 2]. 43. 110. 117. Scamandronymus, ii. 135. Scapte-Hyle, vi. 46. Sciathus, vii. 7. 179. 182, 183. Scidrus, vi. 21. Scione, vii. 123. Sciras, viii. 94. Sciron, viii. 71. Sciton, iii. 130. Scius, ix. 49. Scolos, ix. 15. Scolopoéis, ix. 97. Scoloti, iv. 6. , of Myndus, v. 33. Scyles, iv. 78—80. Scyllias, viii. 8. iadee, iv. 93. Scythe, i. 15. 103; iv. passim; vi. 81. Scythes, iv. 10. Scythia, iv. passim. Scythes, vi. 23, 24; vii. 163. Sebennytan province, ii. 166. Seldomus, vii. 98. Selinusii, v. 46. Selybria, vi. 33. Semiramis, i. 184. Sepia, vi. 77. Sepias, vii. 183. 186. 188. 191. 195. Serbonis, ii. 6; iii. 5. Seriphii, viii. 46. 48. Sermyle, vii. 122. Serrheum, vii. 59. Sesostris, ii. 102, seqg. Sestus, iv. 143; vii. 33; ix. 114. ‘Sethon, ii. 141. Sicania, vii. 170. Sicas, vii. 98. Sicinnus, viii. 75. 110. Sicyon, v. 67, 68; vi. 92; ix. 28. Sidon, ii. 116; iii. 136; vii. 99, 160. 128. Sigeum, the town, v. 65. 94. Simonides, v. 102; vii. 228. Sindi, iv. 28; iv. 86. Sindus, vii. 123. PROPER NAMES. Singus, vii. 122. Sinope, i. 76; ii. 34; iv. 12. Siphnas, iii. 57, 58; viii. 46. 48. Siris, in Italy, viii. 62. ——, in Peonia, v. 15; viii. 115. Siromitres, vii. 68. 79. Siromus, of Tyre, vii. 98. ————, of Cyprus, τ. 104. Sisamnes, son of Hydarnes, vii. 65. —————, father of Otanes, v. 25. Sisimaces, v. 121. Sitalces, iv. 80; vii. 137. Sithonia, vii. 122. Siuph, ii. 172. Smerdis, iii. 30. 65. ———, the Magian, iii. 61. 69. Smerdomenes, vii. 82. 121. Smila, vii. 123. Smindyrides, vi. 127. Smyrna, i. 14. 16. 149. Sogdi, iii. 93; vii. 66. Soli (όλοι), v. 110. 115. Soloéis, ii. 32; iv. 43. Solon, i. 29; ii. 177; v. 113. Solymi, i. 173. Sophanes, vi. 92; ix. 73—765. Sosicles, v. 92. Sosimenes, viii. 82. Sostratus, iv. 152. Spargapises, i. 211. Spargapithes, iv. 78. Spercheus, vii. 198. 228. Sperthias, vii. 134. Sphendales, ix. 15. Stagirus, vii. 115. Stentoris, vii. 58. Stenyclerus, ix. 64. Stesagoras, vi. $4. 38. 103. Stesanor, v. 113. Stesilaus, vi. 114. Strattis, iv. 138; viii. 132. Struchates, i. 101. Stryme, vii. 108, 109. Strymon, i. 64; v. 13. 23; vil. 24. 113; viii. 115. Strymonii, vii. 75. ‘ Stymphalis, vi. 76. Styres, vi. 107; viii. 1. 46; ix. 28. Styx, vi. 74. Sunium, vi. 87. 115. Susa, i. 188; iv. 83. 91; v. 49. 52—54; vii. 239. Syagras, vii. 153. 159. Sybaris, v. 44; vi. 21. 127. Syene, 11. 28. Syennesis, i. 74; v. 118; vii. 98. Syloson, iii. 39. 139. 141—149. Syme, i. 174. Syracuse, vii. 155, segg. Syrgis, iv. 123. Symi, i. 72. 76; iti. 90; v. 49; vii. 72. 519 Syria, ii. 12. 116; iii. 5. 91; iv. 30; vii. 89 Syrii, vii. 63. Syrtes, ii. 32. 150. :-| Tabalus, i. 154. Tabiti, iv. 59. Tachompao, ii. 29. Teenarum, i. 23, 24; vii. 168. Talaus, v. 67. Talthybiade, vii. 134. Talthybius, vii. 134. 137. Tamyne, vi. 101. Tanagra, v. 57. 79; ix. 15. 43. Tanais, ii. 166; iv. 20, 21. 45. 100. 123. | Tarentum, i. 24; Hi. 138; iv. 90; vii. 170. | Targitaus, iv. 5. Tarichee, ii. 15. 113. Tartessus, i. 163; iv. 152. 192. Taucheira, iv. 171. Tauri, iv. 3. 20. 99. 103. Taxacis, iv. 120. Taygetum, iv. 145. Tearus, iv. 90, 91. Teaspes, iv. 43; vii. 79; ix. 76. Tegea, i. 65; vi. 72. 105; vii. 170. 202; ix. 25. 35. 70. Teii, i. 168; vi. 8. Telamon, viii. 64. Teleboe, v. 59. Telecles, iii. 4]. Teleclus, vii. 204. Telesarchus, iii. 143. '| Telines, vii. 158. Telliade, ix. 37. Tellias, viii. 27. Tellus, 1.30. ᾿ Telmessians, i. 78. Telus, vii. 163. Telys, v. 44. Temenus, viii. 137, segg. Temnus, i. 149. Tempe, vii. 173. Tenedus, i. }51; vi. 31. Tenus, iv. 33; vi. 97; viii. 92. Teos, i. 142. 168; ii. 178. Teras, tv. 80; vii. 137. Terillus, vii. 165. Termile, vii. 92. Tethronium, viii. 33. Tetramnestus, vii. 98. Teucri, iv. 191; v. 13. 122; vii. 20. 43. Teuthrania, ii. 10. Thales, i. 74, 75. 170. Thamanei, iii. 93. 117. Thamasius, vii. 194. Thamimasadas, iv. 59. Thannyras, iii. 15. Thasus, ii. 44; vi. 28. 46, 47; vii. 108. 118. 520 Theasides, vi. 85. Thebe, in Egypt, i. 182; ii. 3. 15. 42. 54. 56. 83. 166; iii. 10; iv. 181. ——,in Beeotia, i. 52; v. 79; vi. 108; vii. 202; ix. 31. 41. 67. 86. Thebe, v. 80. Themiscyra, iv. 86. Themison, iv. 154. Themistocles, vii. 144. 173; viii. 4. 19. 22. 56. 74. 79. 83. 108—111. 123, 124. Theocydes, viii. 65. Theodorus, i. 51§ iii, 41. Theomestor, viii. 85; ix. 90. Theophania, i. 51. Theopompus, viii. 131. Thera, iv. 147, 148. 150. 156. Therambus, vii. 123. Therapne, vi. 61. Theras, iv. 147, 148. Therme, vii. 121. 127. 179. 183; viii. 127. Thermodon, ii. 104; iv. 86. 110; ix. 27. 43. Thermopylee, vii. 175, 176. 184. 186. 201. 223. Theron, vii. 165. Thersander, son of Polynices, iv. 147; vi 62. —_—_—_——, of Orchomenus, ix. 16. Theseus, ix. 72. Thesmophoria, ii. 171; vi. 16. Thespiee, v. 79; vii. 202. 226 ; viii. 50. 75; ix. 30. Thesprotia, v. 92; vil. 176; viii. 47. Thessalia, δεσσαλιῶτις, i. 57; Θεσσαλίῃ, vii. 128. 172, segg. 176; viii. 27---80 ; ix. 31. 89. Thessalus, v. 46. Thestes, iv. 159. Thetis, vii. 191. Thmuitan province, ii. 166. Thoas, vi. 138. Thonis, ii. 114. Thoricus, iv. 99. Ladin) i. 69. Thrace (ἡ ny nae and ἡ Θρηΐκη), i. 168; iv. 99; vi. Thracians, i. 28; ii. 103; iii. 90; iv. 74. 93 ; v. 3. 6—8; vii. 110. 185; viii. 115, 116; ix. 89. Thrasybulus, i. 20—22; v. 92. Thrasycles, ix. 93. Thrasydeius, ix. 58. Thrasylaus, vi. 114. Thriasian plain, viii. 65; ix. 7. Thyia, vii. 178. Thyni, i. 28. Thyrea and Thyree, i. 182; vi. 76. Thyssagete, iv. 22. 123. Thyssus, vii. 22. Tiarantus, iv. 48. Tibareni, iii. 94; vii. 78. INDEX OF Tibisis, iv. 49. Tigranes, vii. 62; ix. 96. 102. Tigris, i. 189; v. 52; vi. 20. Timagenides, ix. 38. 86. Timagoras, vii. 98. Timander, i ix. 69. Timarete, ii. 55. Timesitheus, of Delphi, νυ. 72. Timesius, of Clazomene, i. 168. Timnes, iv. 76. Timo, vi. 134, 135. Timodemus, viii. 1253. Timon, vii. 14]. Timonax, vii. 98. Timoxenus, viii. 128. Tiryns, vi. 76, 77. 83; ix. 28. menus, son of Antiochus, i ix. 33—35. , son of Thersander, iv. 147; vi. 52. Tisander, father of Isagoras, v. 66. ———, father of Hippoclides, vi. 127. Titormus, vi. 127. Tmolus, i. 84. 93; v. 101. Tomyris, i. 205. 212. 214. Torone, vii. 22. 122. Trachea Chersonesus, iv. 99. rina Nag 175, 176. 198, 199. 201. 203; Trescephale (τρεῖς xepara)), ix. 39. Triballian plain, iv. 49. Triopium, i. 174; iv. 38. Tritzeeans, i. 145. Tritanteechmes, i. 192; vii. 82. 121; 26. Triteans, viii. 33. Triton and Tritonis, iv. 178, 179. 191. Troezen, vii. 99; viii. 41; ix. 28. . Troglodyte, iv. 183. Troia, iv. 19] : v. 13. Trophonius, i. 46; viii. 134. Tycta, ix. 110. Tydeus, v. 67. Tymnes, v. 37; vii. 98. Tyndaride, iv. 145; v. 75; ix. 73. Typhon, ii. 156; iii. δ. Tyras, iv. 1]. 47. 6]. 82. Tyrian camp (Τυρίων στρατόπεδον), ii 112. Tyrodiza, vii. 25. Tyrrheni, of Thrace, i. 57. Tyrrhenia, i. 94. 163. 166, seq. Tyre, ii. 44. 112. Vill. PROPER NAMES. 521] Velia, i. 167. Xuthus, vii. 94. Veneti. See Eneti. Zacynthus, iii. 59; iv. 195; vi. 70. White Fort (τὸ λευκὸν rezxos), iii. 91. Zalmoxis, iv. 94. — Pillars (λευκαὶ στῆλαι), v. 118. Zancle, vi. 23; vii. 164. Zaueces, iv. 193. Xanthippus, vi. 131. 136; viii. 131; ix. | Zeus, i. 131, e¢ passim. 114. 120. Zeuxidamus, vi. 71. Xanthus, i. 176. Zone, vii. 59. Xenagoras, ix. 107. Zopyrus, iii. 153—158. 160; iv. 43. Xerxes, vi. 98; vii. 1. 11, ef passim. Zoster, viii. 107. VOL. 11. 3X INDEX or AUTHORS CITED FOR ILLUSTRATION IN THE NOTES. The Roman numerals refer to the volume, the Arabic to the page. Aberdeen, Earl of, i. 374. Acestodorus, ii. 365. Achilles Tatius, i. 181. 217. 239. Adelung, i. 439. 443. 451. Elian, i. 138. 341. 379. 398. 403; ii. 161 — 163. 479. Kachines, ii. 244. 304. Fachylus, i. 17. 35. 64. 66. 72. 75. 83. 89. 104. 157. 169. 195, 196. 198. 209, 210. 236. 252. 317. 337. 352, 353. 398. 465. 471. 477. 518. 533. 544. 549. 557; ii. 14. 30. 56. 69. 118. 149. 161. 184. 234. 207. 216. 228. 245. 329, 330. 339. 357, 358. 360, 361. 368, 369. 379— 381. 439. 447. 467. Agathocles, ii. 292. Alceeus, i. 470. Alexis, ii. 242. 442. of Samos, ii. 481]. Allen, i. 191. Ammianus Marcellinus, i, 473, 474; ii. Andocides, i. 45. Antiphanes, i. 469. 537. Antoninus Liberalis, i. 215. Apollodorus, ii. 53. 341. 346. 356. Apollonius Rhodius, i. 26. 541; ii. 262. Apostolical Constitutions, ii. 219. Appian, i. 94. Archilochus, i. 15. Aristides, i. 403. Aristobulus, i. 81. 96. 148. 383. 464. Aristophanes, i. 12. 14. 36. 88, 89. 106. 160. 170. 185. 220. 222. 231. 244. 248. 268. 333, 334. 341. 396. 493. 511. 537. 542. 644; ii. 52. 55. 60. 63. 71. 86. 93. 148. 154. 210. 296. 258. 350. 456. 478. : Aristotle, i. 9. 18. 20. 40. 43. 45. 47, (8. 118. 115. 123. 135. 142. 181. 230. 243. 245. 323. 563. 385. 392. 475. 523. 543. 549. 554; ii. 5, 6. 26. 41, 42. 45. Sl, 52. 56. 65 —67. 88. 99. 119, 120. 134. 160, 16]. 166. 241. 278. 280. 282. 340. 343. 392. 394. Arrian, i. 97. 171. 491; ii. 21. 212. Artemidorus, i. 172. 383; ii. 150. Atheneus, i. 47. 102. 295. 513. 549; i. 161. 473. Augustine, i. 238. Basil, ii. 48. Beckman, i. 300. Behistun Inscription, i. 101. 328. 349. 354. 356. $71. 373. 393. 408, 409. 436. 492; ii. 226. 235. 244. Benjamin of Tudela, i. 457. Bentley, ii. 99. Brsiz.— Pentateuch. i. 36. 77. 115. 189. 195, 196. 202. 225. 243. 266. 287. 315. 339. 380. 447. 530. 549. 560.— Joshua. i. 82. 312.— Samuel. i. 68. 72. 77. 82. 239. 256. 355; ii. 339.— Kings. i. 68. 144. 149. 204. 212. 273. 284. 288. 312. 336. 350. 396. 440. 446. 471. 530. 560; ii. 87.— Chronicles. i. 292. 312. 350. —Ezra. ii. 8.—Esther. i. 356. 410; ii. 8. 10.—Job. i. 380; ii. 214.— Psaims. i. 103; ii. 64.—IJsaiah. i. 148. 175. 284. 292. 381. 513. 519.—VJere- miahk. i. 142. 286. 312. 315. 415.— Ezekiel. i. 284. 292. 373. 391. 471, INDEX OF AUTHORS CITED. 472 ; ii. 208. 219.— Daniel. 1. d4. 132; ii. 219.—Joaah. i. 231.— Micah. i. 149. —Maccabees. ii. 329.—Gospels. i. 68. 198. 282. 290; ii. 16. 127. 370. 387. 480. 489.—Acts. i. 71. 204; ii. 46. 108. 163.—Epistles. i. 247. 282; ii. 125. 242. 426. Bion, i. 222. Boeckh, i. 13). 143. 368. Bopp, i. 502. Bunsen, i. 269. 271. Buttmann, i. 15. 103. 465; ii. 466. Callimachus, i. 213. 236. 295. 536. 546. Callinus, i. 10. 249. Callisthenes, i. 10. 150; Carlyle, ii. 201. Catallus, i. 429. Cheeremon, i. 198. Champollion, i. 186. 295. Charax of Pergamus, i. 254; ii. 170. Chardin, i. 380. Charon of Lampsacus, i. 84. 118. 120; ii. 104. Cicero, i. 4. 35. 128. 240. 273. 483; ii. 98. 111. 178. 290. 346. 444. 457. Clapperton, i. 549. Clarke, i. 437. 465, 466. 469. 474. 481. 504. 509. 513. Cleanthes, ii. 467. Clearchas, i. 73. Clement of Alexandria, ii. 176. 245. 287. 313. Clidemus, i ii. 466. Clinton, i. 38. 47. 99. 272. 321. 34]. 455 ; ii. 41. 69. 71. 108. 128. 131. 182, 183. 186. 388. Clitodemus, ii. 40. Cockerell, i. 65. Cooley, i. 447. Coray, ii. 24. Creuzer, i i. 68. 266; ii. 144. Critias, ii. 185. Ctesias, i. 65. 67. 82. 98. 100. 114. 138. 158. 184. 284. 310, 311. 320. 328. 849. 352. 359. 385. 409. 429; ii. 127. 150. 210. 224. 341. 490. Curtius (Quintus), ii. 195. 210. Davison, i. 263. Deiochus, ii. 107. De la Barre, ii. 33. Demades, ii. 278. Demetrius of ii. 69. Demosthenes, i. 293. ΡΥ ii. 12. 290. 365. 422. 444. 477. Des Vignolles, i. 218. Dicearchus, i. 14. Didymus, i. 335; ii. 105. aor i. 100. 169. 811. 406. 535; ii. Dio — i, 378. 3965; ii. 144. 368. ii. 363. Diocles, ii. 339. Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 78, 79. 121. 142, 143. 146. 149. 181. 183. 211. 225. 227, 228. 242. 246. 284. 289. 291. 310. 322. 365. 474. 541. 556; ii. 77. 110. 128. 262. 269. 271. 280. 283. 309. 320. 420. 440. 483. ah Naas Laertius, i. 343. 48]. 511; ii. 46. Diogenianus, ii. 322. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i. 75. 133. 464. 482. 559; ii. 3. 62. 187. 343. Ditmar, ii. 3. Dodwell, ii. 37. Donaldson, i. 344. 367. 376. 888; ii. 35. Ducange, i. 558. Elphinstone (Mountstuart), i. 139. Ephesus, i. 47. 56. 110. 447; ii. 67. 272. 339. 463. Erasmus, i. 12. Eratosthenes, i. 47. 152. 372. 381. 383 ; ii. 41. 77. Etymologicum Magnum, i. 467; ii. 297. Evening Mail, i. 285. Eudoxus, i. 195. 211; ii. 228. Eumelus, ii. 67. Euripides, i. 23. 25. 36. 52. 187. 194. 222, 223. 246. 253. 363. 408. 411. 473. 499. 602. 522; ii. 3. 11. 62. 64. 149. 153. 191. 216. 217. 245, 246. 277, 278. 326. 339. 345. 428. 435. 451. 456. 463. Eusebius, i. 226. 316; ii. 65. Eustathius, i. 197. 453. 513. 520. 541; ii. 43. 114. 351. Falkener, i. 73. 478. Fellowes, i. 110. 127. 405; ii. 97. Festus, i. 477; ii. 457. Fidelis, i. 263. Fitzroy, i. 480. Florus, i. 348. Gellius, i. 11. 66. 452; ii. 106. Grimm, i. 52. 126. 440. 476. 500. 550 ; ii. 163. 219. Grote, i. 207. 288; ii. 1J70—177. 254. Gurwood, ii. 179. Hamilton, i. 217. Hammer-Puergsthal (Von), i. 104. 450. Hanno, i. 191. H ion, ii. 185. Hawkins, i. 478. 601. 551; ii. 144. 254. 256. Heber, i. 453. Hecateeus, i. 195. 247. 284, 285. 458; ii. 74. 230. 232. 252. 282. Heeren, i. 543, 544. Hegesander, i. 17. 8x2 524 Heliodorus, i. 181; ii. 8. Hellanicus, i. 14; ii. 223. 230. 342. Heraclides of Syracuse, i. 238. Ponticus, ii. 25. Hermogenes, ii. 214. Hesiod, i. 63. 385. 455. 464; ii. 118. 129. 467. Hesychius, i. 143. 198. 223. 238. 231. 243. 471. 473. 493. 558; ii. 46. 67. 74. 76. 82. 121. 222. 272. 476. Hippocrates, i. 83. 185. 257. 453. 476. 605. 529 558. Hipponax, i. 168. Hoffmann, i. 60. 459. 499; ii. 339. 252. 272. 343. Hope, ii. 213. Horace, i. 75. 121. 134. 396. 387. 465. 472; ii. 93. 125. 225. 246. Hullmana, i. 152. Humboldt, ii. 256. Hume, i. 323. Hunt, ii. 6. Hyginus, i. 15; i. 163. Hyperides, ii. 390. Tablonsky, i. 197, 198. 202. 220. 222. 292. Iatrocles, i. 220. Ibn Batuta, i. 480. 545. Ideler, i. £6. 105. 170. 218. 275. Tliad, i. 18. 30. 61. 68. 74. 125. 127. 180. 208. 249. 252. 274. 202. 582; li. 141. 214. 239. 202. 308. 398. 465. Iaseus, ii. 444. Isocrates, i. 204; ii. 41. 160. 234. 398. Ister, i. 316; ii. 149. Jacobs, i. 15. Jerome, i. 172. Josephus, i. 273. 365; ii 75. Justin, ii. 154. 182. Juvenal, i, 286. 380. 534; fi. 138. 201. 207. 361. Lacroze, i. 188. Layard, i. 136. 143. 146. 367. 385; ii. 213. 222. 224. 234. 356. 461. Leake, i. 41, 42. δέ, 55. 78. 117. 488; ii. 31. 34. 37. 39, 40. 49. 58. 199. 149. 171. 236. 324, 325. 345. S51. 354. B57, 358. 365. 367. 374. Lexicon Gudianun, i. 232. Lingard, i. $74. Livy, i. 414. 496; ii. 63. 65. 221. 252. 254, 255, 266. 306. Lobeck, i. 457. London Geographical Journal, i. 61. Long, i. 11. Longinus, ii. 10. 98. Lucian, i. 88. 477; ii. 74. 148. Lucretius, i. 5433 ti. 380. Lycophron, i. 464; ii. 2. 880. Lycurgus, ii. 51. 398. INDEX OF Lynceas of Naucratis, {. 311. Lysias, ii. 204. Macrobius, i. 199. 559; ii. 339, 340. Maltebrun, i. 450. Mandevile, i. 548. Manetho, i. 202. 205. Marco Polo, i. 374. 380. 384. 461. 477. 538 ; ii. 9. Mela, i 129. Menander, i. 210. Milton, i. 290. Minucius Felix, i. 472. Minutoli, ii. 873. Mnaseas, ii. 339. Moses of Chorene, i. 79. 135; ii. 224. Mueller, i. 25. 71. 122. 254; it. 47. 110. Mure, ii. 389. Myrailus, ii. 40. Nearchus, i. 97. Nepos, Cornelius, ii. 176, "17. 320. Niebuhr, i. 38. 266. 277. 4δ8. 463. 466; ii. 3. Nonnus, ii. 74. Nymphodoras, i. 193. » i. 80. 70. 115. 185. 208. 210. 212. 232. 247, 283. 391. 489. 498; ii. 185. 393. 467. Origen, i. 457. Ovid, ii. 62. 162. 343. 395. Pallas, i. 465. Pashley, i i. 210. 348; ii 282. Pausanias, i. 12. 16, 17. 22. 33. 35. 41. 47—49. 52. 66. 72. 108. 110. 114. 117. 128. 175. 212. 254. 295 343 347. 455. 457. 478. 509. 528. 558. 558; ni. 43. 46—48. δὶ. 53—55. 83. 94. 97. 99, 100. 106. 128. 132, 133. 148—150. 159. 162. 178—180. 235. 244. 257, 258. 264. 283. 286. 288. 307, 308. 332 —-335. 340. 342—347. 356. 358. 366. 374. 377. 388. 300, 301. 428. 430. 437. 440. 444—447. 455. 4065, 464. 466 468, 469. 472. 474. 492. Persius, i 58. 374. 454; ἢ. 467. Phaneas of Lesbos, ii. 32]. Phanodemus, ii. 365. Pherecydes, i. 120. 513; ii.51. Philemon, i. 556. Philip of Theangela, i. 125. Philo J udeeus, i i. 494; ii. 444, Philochorus, i ii. 390. Photius, ii. 74. Phrynichas, i. 556. Phylarchus, ii. 25. 343. Pindar, i. 14. 21. 202. 208. 216. 279. 322. 344. 512. 523. 525. $41. 546; δ. 37. 56. 155. 160. 359. 390. Plato, i. 14. 17. 23, 24. 38. 201. 223. ay. AUTHORS CITED. 236. 257. 385. 362. 447. 456. 458. 475. | Shiel, i. 146. 542; ii. 34. 65. 71. 141. 146. 148. 166, Shakespeare, i. 247. 352; ti. 115. 167. 184. 234. 293. 362. 384. 489. | Sibthorp, i. 145. 397. 522. 492. (Comicus), ii. 376. Plautus, i. 537. Pliny, i. 12. 33. δά. 74. 287, 288. 300. 341. 366. 372. 376. 385, 386. 439. 492. 522. 537. 544. 550; ii. 9. 35. 96. 254. Plutarch, i. 14. 19- 22. 34. 36. 41. 47. 105. 192. 199. 205. 215—217. 222. 289. 251. 265. 267. 327. 330. 388. 520. 548; ii. 10. 37. 40. 46. 76. 838. 118. 128. 134. 179. 182. 201. 204. 216. 237. 246. 265. 290. 299, 306, 307. 309. 311, 312. 321. 325. 338, 342. 356. 360, 361. 368. 373.377. 384. 390. 397. 421. 423. 426. 435. 445. 447. 458. 462. 466. 468. 474, 475. 477. 480. Pococke, i. 287. Polemo, i. 60. 273. Pollux, i. 168. 179. 232. 314. 476; ii. 235 Polyzenus, ii. 424. Polybius, i. 78. 94. 110. 482. 494. 540. 556 ; ii. 77. 82. 378. Polycrates, i. 46; ii. 426. Porphyry, i. 215; ii. 67. 297. Porson, i. 334; ii. 185. Poseidonius, i. '380. 443. 476. Proclus, i. 220. Procopius, i. 464; ii. 288. Quatremére de Quincy, i. 52. Raikes, iti. 214. 336. Rawlinson, i. 78. 80. 95. 140. 381. 414, 415; ii. 157. 211. 223, 224. 232. Rennell, i. 182. 139. 172. 285. 287. 315. 376, 377. 461. 487. 508; ii. 29. Ritter, i. 169. 240. 315. 469. 484. 486. 502. Rubruquis, i. 438. 477. Saewulf, ii. 239. Sallust, i. 266. 477. Sanchoniathon, i. 220. Scaliger, i. 299. Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 373. 458 ; ii. 206. ——_———— Aristophanes, i. 288; ii. 41. 48. 50. 158. Hesiod, i. 114; ii. 467. -------..--- Pindar, i. 537. Scott, i. 380. Scylax of Caryanda, i. 110. 182. 191. 848. 637; ii. 9. 76. 103. 251, 262. 384. Scymnus Chios, i. 123; ii. 341. Seidler, i. 201. Seneca, i. 332; ii. 62. 210. 216. Servius, i. 134. 209. Shaw, i. 539. 549. Sillig, i. 17. 48. Simonides, fi. 342, Socrates, ii. 133. Sophocles, i. 24. 32. 39. 70. 74. 122. 173. 193. 252. 292. 458. 506; ii. 51. 61. 100. 132. 187. 218. 271. 291. 296. 329. 346. 390. 459. Sosibius, i i. 64. Squire, ii. 355. 436. 455. Statius, i. 63; ii. 63. Stephanus Byzantinus, i. 97. 125. 202. 342. 516. 627. 544; ii. 2, 3. 42. 51. δέ. 72. 76. 104. 107. 169, 170. 221. 235. 25). 254. 279. 319. 363. 374. 390. Stesichorus, i. 120. 253. Stobeeus, i. 398; ii. 215. 240. Strabo, i. 10, 11. 15. 26. 37. 68. 72—74. 80, 81. 85. 88. 97, 98. 105. 109. 112, 118. 117. 120. 122, 123. 129. 132, 133. 135. 138. 140. 142, 143. 148. 162. 171 —173. 179. 181, 182. 187. 198. 205. 207, 208. 212, 213. 221. 234. 240. 259. 267. 274. 279. 283, 284. 287. 291. 299. $03, 304. 306. 310—314. 342. 348. 354. 359. 369, 370. 372. 376. 378, 379. 381. 488. 442— 446. 448, 449. 453 459. 462. 466. 470. 476. 489. 496, 497. 499. 502. 513. 525. 546. 556; ii. 3. 7. 25. 32. 43. 54. 63, 64. 66. 69. 72. 74. 78. 82, 83. 91. 97, 98. 106. 118. 127. 129. 133. 144. 146. 170. 172. 199, 200. 202, 203. 208. 214. 22). 224. 229, 230. 246, 247. 25], 262. 269. 283. 293. 338, 339. 341. 349. 356. 363. 439. Suetonius, i. 213; ii. 150. 247. Suidas, i. 122. Synesius, i. 204. Tacitus, i. 57. 75. 88. 246. 262. 275. 293. $85. 475, 476. 501, 502; ii. 4. 170. 247. 288. 309. 824. Telesilla, i. 178. Terence, ii. 487. Tertullian, i. 458. 472. Themistius, ii. $2). Theocritus, i. 14. 143. 168. 222. 252. 265 ; ii. 162. 202. 274. 438. Theodoret, i. 560. Theophrastus, i. 125. 223. 243. 409. 530 ; ii. 67. 161. Theopompus, i. 5]. 446; ii. 43. 394. 398. 440 Thevenot, i. 384. Thiersch, ii. 383. Thirlwall, ii. 337 . 422. 426. 458. 476. Thu cydides, i i. 38. 48. 46, 47. 119. 125. 131. 170. 17δ. 208. 299. 318. 341. 363. 392. 408. 485. 490. 542; ii. 2. 12. 18, 19. 21. 34. 40. 46. 49. 6?. 72. 99, 100. 526 INDEX OF AUTHORS CITED. 104. 118. 120. 127, 128. 188. 149, 151. 161. 168. 182, 200. 215. 221. 243. 251. 258. 260. 265. 269, 270. 272, 273. 279. 282. 312, 313. 320. 340, 341. 360. 376. 384. 390. 393. 397. 431. 436. 440. 442. 456. 462. 468, 469. 482. 485. 491. Tibullus, i. 195. Timseus Locrus, i. 47. 395. 400; ii. 69. 97. Tzetzes, i. 501; ii. 246. Valerius Flaccus, ii. 227. Maximus, i. 149, Varro, i. 220. 323. Venetian Scholiast on the Iliad, ii. 292 Verrius Flaccus, ii. 339. Vincent, i. 180. Virgil, i. 75. 176. 248. 471, 472. 475, 476. 500. 539. 554; ii. 62. 227. 262. 339. Wilkinson, i. 170. 177, 178. 186, 187. 189. 196. 202. 205. 215—218.224. 227, 228. 234. 259. 261], 262. 267. 270-—-272. 284. 287. 294. 306. 316. Wordsworth, ii. 149. 383. Xanthus, i. 75. Xenophon, i. 53. 58. 79. 100. 140. 148 222. 256. 506. 522; ii. 32. 124. 127. 145. 161. 208, 204, 229. 247. 322. 337. 390. 479. Zenobius, ii. 170. 304. 322. 343. a. INDEX GREEK WORDS ILLUSTRATED IN THE NOTES. ἀγγαρεύειν, ii. $70. ἀγγαρῆιος, i. 393. ἀγγελίη π ΤΩ ii. 429. ἀγγελιη pos, i. 831]. ἄγη, ii. 121. ἀγκών, i, 235. ᾿Αδάμας, ii. 263. ἀδικίου, ii. 60. ἀδραστεία, i. 337. ᾿Αδρίας, i. 119. 445. ᾿Αθήνη Νίκη, i. 236. alyén, i. 547. αἰδεῖσθαι, i. 25. αἰκίου, ii. 60. αἴνη, ii. 431. αἱπόλοι, i. 203. αἰσυμνήτης, ii. 6. alréo, i. 68. ἀκέο, i. 69. ee, πόλεμος, ii. 55. ἀκινάκης, i. 387. ρα, ii. 392. ἀλαζών, ii. 93. ἀλεεινὸς and dardn, i i. 185. ᾿Αλήϊον πεδίον, ii. 14]. ᾿Αλιὰτ or ᾿Αλιλάτ, i. 315. ἄλλως, il. 4. ἀλύκταζον, ii. 465. ᾿Αμπρακιητέων ---᾿ Αμπρακι- ovr éooy, ii. : ἀμφιλαφής, i. 385. ἀμφισβατέειν, i. 445. 469. ἀναβάλλειν, and ἀναβάλ- λεσθαι, ii. 29, 30. --«««-..-.ὄ eee .. πον Sia ἐνδεῖν, i. 8. ἀνα(ευγνύ vat, ii. 348. ἄνακες, ii . 376. ἀνάκρισις, ἡ i. 345. ἀνάκτορον, ii. 463. ἀνακῶς ἔχειν, i ii. 876. ἀναποδίζειν, i ii. 66. ἀντιλογίη, ii. 476. ἀντιπόλεμος and ἀντιπολέ- μιος, i. 519. ἄνυδρος, i. 172. 28). ἄνω, ii. 887. ἀγνγῷσαι---ἀνῳστός, i. 116. ἀξός, i. 527. ἀπαλγεῖν, ἢ, 442. ἀπαρτί, i. 288. ἀπάτουρος, i. 502. ἀπειπεῖν, i. 510. ἀπέπλεον and ἀπέπλωον, i. 529. ἀπέρξαντες, i. 473. ἀπέρριπται, i. 520. ἀπεστύς, ii. 475. ἀπηγεῖσθαι, i. 205. ᾿Απία, i. 471. ἀπιποῦν, i. 231. ἀπιστότερον, i. 6. ἀποβάθραι, ii. 481. ἀπογεφυρῶσαι, i. 235. ἀποδιδόναι and ἐπιδιδόναι, i. 177. ἀποκορυφοῦν, ii. 48. ἀπόλι, ii. $49. ἀπολωλεκώς, i. 29. dsropopd, i. 243. ° ἀποχρέεσθαι, i. 27. angie iy esd i. 375. 9} dpac ba: in sense of εὔχε- σθαι, i. 18. ἀργέσται, i i, 183. “Apetor—" Ἄριοι, i i. a 373. ἀρέσκεσθαι, ii. *Apraios, ii. 223, ᾿Αρταφέρνης or ᾿Αρταφρέ- με τον li. 14. i "Apr praca, i. 471. dproxéros, ii. 473. ἀρχήν, i. 7. 805. ἀρχιέρεως, i. 195. ᾿Ασβύσται and ᾿Ασύνται, i. 537. ᾿Ασμάχ, i. 188. ᾿Αστυάγεω and ᾿Αστυάγεος, i, 87. heyy, i i, 450. ᾿Ατάραντες, i. 44, ardovres, ii. 308. ἄτη, i. 337. ἤΛτλαντες, i. 544. ἀττέλεβοι, i. 538. αὐλὸς γυναικεῖος, i. 11. αὐτοπάμων, ii. 119. αὐτός, i. 471. ἀφίστασθαι, ii. 435. 528 ἄφλαστα, ii. 155. ἀφοσιοῦσθαι, i. 528. ᾿Αχιλληΐος πόλις, ii. 69. Βάδρης or BdpSns, i. 536. BdGpaxos, i. 513. βαναυσία, i. 392. βάραθρον, ii. 258. BdpBapos, i 1. 284. βᾶρις, i. 198. βαρύτεραι νῆες, ii. 348. βασιλεύς, ii. 285. 489. βασιλήϊα, i. 448. βασσάρια, i. 549. Bdrrew and Βάττου, i. 530. Bexés, i. 168. βουνοί͵ i. 556, seqq. Bovvds, i i. 549. Bpla, ii. 221. Βρύγοι Ophixes, ii. 112. Βύζαντες, i, 550. βωθεῖν, ii. 320. Bay, βοῦν, or βόν, i. 557. γάρ, i. 523. La laa or σαντες, i. Tavydunaa, i. 513. γαυλός, i. 399. γέρρα, ii. 461. γῆς περίοδοι, i. 183. γνώμων, i, 244, Tovvaios, ii. 38. Τύζαντες, i. 550. AapSdvees or Adpvees, i. 140 δείκηλα, i. 296. δεινὸν ποιεῖν, ii. 181. δέξαι or δεῖξαι, ii. 122. δή, i. 2. 17. 4δ. 90. 390. 410. 412; ii. 2. 120. 493. 425 δῆθεν, ἢ ii. 322. δηλαδή, i. 515. δημιουργός, ii. 206. διαβάλλειν, ii. 80. διαβόνοται, i. 332. διαδέξιον, ii. 288. διακελεύειν, ii. 431. διαλαβεῖν, i. 89. διαπίνειν, ii. 431. διατάσσειν, i ii. 354. Γαμφά- διεξελθεῖν, ii. 812. διεξοδεύειν, ii. 312. ; διεξόδοι, i. 412; ii. 312. διεπρήστευσε, i. 485. διθύραμβος, i. 15. δικάζειν, i. 64. δίκαιος, 1. 380. INDEX OF δίκτυς, i. 549. δίφρος, i. 405. διφροφορούμενος, i. 406. δόσις, i. 69. δρύοχον, i. 232. δυναστεύειν, ii. 105. δύσις, i. 169. Δωδωνεῖον Xarnior, i. 210. δωρεή, ii. 13. δωτινάζειν, i. 43. ¥as, ii, 442. ἑβδομαγέτης, ii. 118. ἐγκολάπτω, ii. 329. ¥yxoros, ii. 333. ἐγκρυφίαι, ii. 339. ἐγκύρειν, ii. 301. ἐγχρίμψας, ii. 482. ἐθέλειν, i i. 57. εἰκώ, ii. 227. els, i. 411. ἑκατόμβη, i. ἐκδιδόναι, Pes 408: ii. 62. ἐκέχρητο, 282. ἐκλαμβάνειν, "; 4890. ἐκχρήσει, i. 401. ἐλινύειν, i. 50. ἕλλεσχα, i. 114. eunxavéaro, ii. 39. ἐμμέλεια, ii. 163.. ἐναγέες, ii. 46. ἐναγίζειν, i. 132. ἐναρέες, i i. 88. 475. dvéxpave, ii. 130. ἐνηβητήρια, i. 266. ἐντὸς “AAdvos, i. 5. ἐξαιρεθέντες, i. 401. ᾿Εξαμπαῖος, i. 469. year ae ii. 46 ἐξηγέο, i. terre, lnerindrr, ii. 907. ἐξίει, i. δ. 182. ἐξιέναι κάλως, i. 104. ἔξω πλεῖν, ii. 221. ἐξῶσται ἄνεμοι, i. 246. erdyepois, it. 198. dradte, i. 114; ii. 467. ἐπαλλάττειν, ii. 263. ἐπεί re, i. 91. ἐπελκόμενοι, i. 384. ἐπέχειν, i. 62. ἐπεχειρώθη, ii. 2. ἐπήϊσε, ii. 479. ἐπιδορπίσματα, i. 102, ἐπιθεῖναι ἄποινα, i ii. 498. ἐπικάρσιος, i. 498; it. 208. ἐκικατακοιμᾶσθαι, i, 638. ἐπὶ κέρως, i, 92. dxéxpnoro, i. . 204; ii, 18. ἐπίκλητος, ii. 50. 186. ἐπικρατεῖν, i. 532; ii. 273. ἐπκιλεαίνειν, ii. 190. ἐπιλέγεσθαι, ii. 481. ἐπιπάμων or ἐπιπαματίς, ii 119. éxloria, ii. 47. ἐπιστολή, i. 442; ii. 114. ἐπιστρεφέως, i. 20; ii. 349. ἐπιτάρροθος, i. 49. ἐπιτειχισμός, i. 119. ἐπιτιθέναι, i i. 338; ii. 69. ἐπιτολή, i. 170. ἐπιτραφθέντες, i. 5. ἐπιτρέφεσθαι, i. 95. éxitpowaios, i. 403. ἐπιτροπεύειν, i. 333. ἐπίτροπος, i. 482. ἐπιφορήματα, i. 102. ἐπιχρῆσθαι, i. 376. ἐπώνυμος, ἐπωνύμιος, i i. 946. ἔργα καὶ trea, i. 69. ἔρημος or epiipos, i i. 447. ἐρινύειν, ii. 282. pil i. 337. μοτύβιες, i. 292. e ρχομαι ἐρέων, i. 4. lonysahell; i. 89. 331. ἐσόχειν, i. 270. ἐσθη » ii. 1δ4. ἔσκον, ii. 106. ἔταξε and ἐτάξατο, i i. 368. ἑτεραλκέως, ii. 325. Eri, ii. 4. éroipos, i. 7. 52. εὐεκής, ii. 30. εὐεργέτην, i. 402 εὐεστώ, i. 66. etn Ola, εὐήθης, i. 402. Εὐρώπη, i. 465. ἔφεδρος, ii. 24. éxpéero or ἐχρᾶτο, ii. 446. Ζαύηκες and Ζάβυκες, i.550. (εγέριες, i. 549. Ζεὺς Κάριος, ii. 42. —— Στράτων, ii. 42. (ῶα, (όδια, i. 52. ἡβηδόν, ii. 97. Heide, i. 30. ἦθος Babs, i. 494. ἡ κάμηλος, i. 6]. ἡλέκτριδες νῆσοι, i. 385. ἡλικίῃ εἴκειν, i ii. 197. ἡσιονεῖς, i. 10. ἥ τις ἣ οὐδείς, i. 408. θάλασσα, ii. 346. » i 471. θέμιστες, i. 208. Oedxpores, i. 3}. ary θηρία τετραγωνοπρόσωπα, i. 501 Θράκια τείχη, ii. 108. θρόνος, i. 7. 405. Ouvpearixol στέφανοι, i. 64. θώῦμα, i. 541. ἱκέτης, i. 25. imxoBérat, ii. 52. ἱστία or eloria, ii. 259. καθάπτεσθαι, ii. 125. καθηγεῖσθαι, ii. 289. καθῆκον, i. 77. καθῆστο, i. 364. ἡ καθύπερθε S8ds, i. 82. καὶ δή, i. 1. — καί, i. 1. καινοῦν, i. 236. κακοδαιμονία, i. 329. καλασίρις, i. 222. 292. καλός, i. 309. καμάρη, i. 148. 476. κάνναβις, i. 480. κατά, i. 219. 319. 530. καταβαίνειν, i. 70; ii. 480. καταγγελεύς, i. 204. κατάγειν, ii. 62. καταδεῖν, ii. 48. κατακοιμίζειν, ii. 479. καταλαμβάνειν, i. 30; ii. 12. 189. καταλύσιες, ii. 31. καταποιεῖν, i. 249. καταπροΐξεσθαι, i. 834. κατάπτεσθαι, ii. 351. καταρτίζειν, ii. 16. apdexeoten i. 472. κατὰ τέλεα, ii. 434. κατειλημέναι, li. 466. κατέχειν, ii. 168. κατηγεῖσθαι, i. 206. xdrnoa—Karhpevos,i. 364. κατιέναι, ii. 62. κατόμνυσθαι, ii. 124. κατ᾽ οὐδέν, i. 237. κατ᾽ οὖρον, i. 533. κάτω, ii. 387. κέρκουροι, ii. 238. κέρκωψ, ii. 304. κεχαραγμένος, ii. 181. κήρυκες, ii. 257. κίκι, i. 231. Κιλλικύριοι, ii. 272. κλισιάδες, ii. 426. xvuChpara, i. 168. κοκκωνάρια, i. 80]. κόλπος, i. 176. κόρος, ii. 444. Κορωναῖοι, ii. 54. VOL. If. GREEK WORDS. κουρίδιαι γυναῖκες, i. 103. κουρίδιος, ii. 10. Κρᾶθις or Κράστις, ii. 26. κρίκοι καὶ κάλοι, i. 194. κρόκυν and κροκύδα, i. 314. Κρῶφις, i. 186. κυβερνῆται, i. 292. κυθηρίη, i. 63. κυλλήστις, i. 220. κωμασία and κῶμος“, i. 204. κώμῳ χρέεσθαι or κωμάζειν, i. 14, κωκεῖς, ii. 18. κωφός, i. 34. Λάβδα, ii. 68. Λακεδαιμόνιοι Δωριέες, i. 347. λαμπαδηφορία, i. 456; ii. 149. λάξις, i. 449. λαπέρσαι, i. 335. λειποψυχεῖν, li. 310. λέσχη, i. 1143 ii. 466. Λευκόσυροι, ii. 29. Λήμνια ἔργα, ii. 169. λόγιος, i. 1. 169. λόγοι Αἰσωπικοί, i. 106. λογοποιός, ii. 21. λόγος, i. 1. λύματα, i. 25. Μάδρης or Mdp3ns, i. 536. μαζὸς and μαστός, i. 553. Μαιῆτις and Maris, i. 449. μακρὸς χρόνος, i. 22. μεγαλοπρέπεια, i. 392. μέγαρον, ii. 262. μέλανες and μελανοχροές, i, 184. μελάγχλαινοι, }. 501. μεμετιμένος, ti. 78. μεμφθείς, i, 59. μεσαμβρίη ἀποκλινομένη, 1. 384. μεταλαβεῖν, it. 99. μετασχεῖν, ii. 100. μετέχειν τι, i. 152. μέχρι ob, i. 182. Μῆδος, i. 400. μηνίειν, ii. 57. 282. μῆνις, ii. 57. μητραγύρτης, i. 458. μονόκυθρον, i. 513. μύσος, i. 25. μυχός, i. 176. γαυτικός, ii. 386. νέμεσις, i. 337. Νηΐται πύλαι, i. 236. νομίζειν, i. 107. 505. 529 vouds, i. 143. νόμος ὄρθιος, i. 16. . νοτίη θαλάσση, i. 458. ξεῖνος, ii. 457. ξόανα, i. 52. ὁδοῦν, i. 518. ᾿Οδυσσέωφ δεσμός, i. 391. οἴκημα, i. 256. οἴμωζε, i. B11. Oldprara, i. 502. Οἰτόσυρος, i. 47]. | ὁὀλολυγή, i. δ47. Ὁμήρεια ἔπη, i. 455. ὁμόκαποι, ii. 125. ὁμοσίπυαι, ii. 125. ὄνειρος and ὄνειρον, ii. 196. ὄνοι, ii. 209. ὅπις, ii. 398. 470. ὅπλα, ii. 201. Spxos, ii. 129. *Oporaa or Odpardar, i. 315. ὄρχιες, i. 50}. ὅσος δή, i. 344. 526. οὐδένες, ii. 459. οὔκων, i. 8. 40; ii. 68. ov πεισόμεθα, i. 506. οὐρανὸς τέτρηται, i. 530. Οὐσατάλ, i. 315. οὕτω, i. 4 8. 38; ii. 147. 150. 283. ὀφθαλμὸς βασιλέως, i. 88. ὄψις οἰκοδομημάτων, i. 268. παῖς παρὰ πατρός, i. & παλαμναῖος, i. 25. παλέω, ii. 329. παλίγκοτος, i. 529. καλίντονος, ii. 226. παλλακή, i. 528. πάντα δέκα, ii. 478. μυρία, i. 359. τρισχίλια, i. 82. παρά, ii. 444. παραδέχεσθαι, i. 27. παραδιδόναι, i. 27. παρακρίνεσθαι, ii. 354. παραλαμβάνειν, i. 27. παραστήσασθαι, i. 340. παραχρῆσθαι, ii. 62. 308. παρίστασθαι, i. 411. παρωροφίς, i. 285. Παταϊκοί, i. 334; ii. 271. Πατι(είθης, i. 349. Παυσίκαι, i. 372. Πελασγικὸν τεῖχος, li. 40. πέμπτη σπιθαμή, i. 242. πέπαισται, i. 483. περιβάλλεσθαι, ii. 449. περιημεκτέων, i. 29. περιλεσχηνεντός, ii. 467. τ 530 πησόμενος, ii. 447. πῆχυς, i. 293. πλῆθος, i. 508; ii. 198. πληροῦν, i. 400. ποδεών, ii. 333. ποιεῖν͵ i. 282; ii. 290. ποινή, i. 337. πόλος, i. 244. Πολύφημος, ii. 53. πρεσβύτερον, i. 5. προαιδεῖσθαι, i i. 43. 402. προβάλλειν, i ii. 262. πρόβατα, i. 102. προβατοβόσκων. i. 88. προβόλαιον, ii. 267. προέχων, ii. 422. πρόκατε, ii. 166. προκατῆσθαι, ii. 336. προκατίζειν, i. 77. πρόκροσσος, i. 526 ; ii. 292. προλελεσχηνεύμενον, i ii. 87. προστιθεῖσι, i. 13. wpoorpémaos, i. 25. πρόσχημα, ii. 15. Προσωπίτης νομός, i. 198. προτερεῖν, ii. 464. πρότερον πρίν, ii. 82. προφήτης, ii. 216. πρώϊος, ii. 387. t, i. 549. πυλουρός, i. 387. πυροῦν, ii. 187. πυρφόρος, ii. 322. ῥηστώνη, i. 400. ῥηχίηφ ii. 209. 386. pnxés, ii. 264. oaydpis, ii. Χαρδονικὸν λίνον, ἢ i. 240. σεληναίη νύξ, i. 44. Σιροπαίονες, ii. 8. σῖτα, i. 512. σιτοποιός, i. 408. Σκυθέων ῥῆσις, i. 511. Σκύθης, i. 440 σκυτάλη, σκύταλον, i. 400. σμῆγμα, i. 407. σμινθός, i. 273. σοφία, i. 20 σοφιστής, i. 19, 20. 204. s, i. 204 onepxGels, ii. 301. Σπέρχιν τὸν ἰάλεμον, ii. 258. σπουδαιέστερος, i. 6. σπουδαιότερος, i. 102. στρατεύειν and στρατεύ- εσθαι, i. 153. συμβόλων λιμήν, i i. 492. συνέβαλε, i. 7]. συνέχεσθαι, i. 396. συνίστασθαι, i. 514; ii. 263. συρμαίη, i. 261. Σύροι, Σύριοι, i. 54. συστ᾽ ιν, il. 433. TaBiri,i 471. τὰ πολλὰ πάντα, ii. 43. ταριχειαί, i 179. ir eee i, 469. Ταυροπόλιον, i. 342. τέγος, i. 257. τεθριπποτροφεῖν, ii. 160. τελεῖν, i. 331. —— els, ii. 151. τέλεος, τέλειος, ii. 489. τιάρα, τιάρας, i. 101. τόνος, i. 31; ii. 36. τόρμος, i. 479. τοῦτο μέν, i. 235. τριπέτηλον. i. 476. Tpémts, 1. 232. τρῶμα or Tpédpua, i. 541. ὕδωρ, i. 136. ὕειν, i. 525. ὕπαρχος, ii. 11. 259. ὑπεκτίθεσθαι, ii. 321. ὑπεξέχειν, ii. 487. ὑπερβολή, ii. 378. ὑποδέξιμος, ii. 216. INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. ὑπὸ δικαστήριον, ii. 479. ὑπομαργότερος, i. 405. ὑπόφαυσις, ii. 208. φαντάζεσθαι, ii. 191. φάρσεα, i. 132. Φατνικόν, i. 181. φερέοικοι, i. 465. Φερῶν, i. 245. φήμη, i. 29. 410. φῆμις, i. 29. 410. φθεῖρες, i. 0]. φθειροτραγεῖν, i. 501. φθόνος θεῶν, i. 149. 336. φοινίκεος, φοινικήϊζος, i. 463. φόρος, i. 243. φρόνησις, i. 20. φρύξουσι, ii. 369. φυλακτήριον, ii. 33. φύλαρχος, ii. 45. Φωκαία and Φωκαίη, i. 107. χαῖρε, i. 511. χαλάσαι πόδα, i. 194. χάμψαι, i. 216. χαρακτήρ, ii. 181. ert καταθέσθαι, ii. 109. sates i. 257. 473. χειμάζειν, ii. 389. χειμερίζειν, ti. 378. Χερσονήσιοι, i. 516. Χερσονησιταί, i. 516. χήτι, ii, 427. χλωρός, i. 38. χρησμοσύνη, ii. 444. χρυσὸς ἄπεφθος, and χρυ- σὸς λευκός, i. 32. χυτοί, ii. 200. χωρίον, i. 250. χωρὶς ἱππεῖς, ii. 172. ψάμμη and ψάμμος, i. 542. éy, i. 196. ὡς, i. 402. éurds or ὠντός, ii. 33. INDEX ΟΡ Abee, temple of Apollo there more an- cient than that at Delphi, i. 30. ——-, probably important as a military ition, ii. 335. Abaris, in the original form of his story a mendicant priest of Apollo, i. 457. Abdera, apparently reconciled to Persian rule, ii. 113. , familiar with misfortune, ii. 249. , nature of its population, ii. 249. Ablutions of the Egyptians, i. 195. Aborigines, the Athenians proud of being thought such, ii. 277. Abou-simbul, inscription at, strangely misinterpreted, i. 189. Abrocomas, a Hellenic name, but perhaps the translation of a Persian one, ii. 308. Abydos, its feudal relation to Gyges, ii. 106. Acanthus, a colony from Andros, ii. 248. , its friendship important to Xerxes, ii. 248. —, modern dress of the women in the neighbourhood of, ii. 6. —, probable cause which took Xerxes thither, ii. 253. Acheean league, ii. 129. nation, an element in the Lace- deemonian population, i. 51. pericecians described as the slaves of the Argives, ii. 134. serfs betray their Argive masters to Cleomenes, ii. 132. Achemenid pedigree restored, i. 429. arias? lala colony, how symbolized, i. 16. Achaia, a surname of Demeter, whence derived, ii. 37. , different lists of its twelve towns, i. 110. —-—, duodenary division of, i. 110. Achelotis, formations at the mouth of it, i, 175. Achilles, his sacrifice of twelve Trojans by vivi-combustion, i. 68. recognised as a hero by the Hel- lenic settlers in Scythia, i. 470. Acre, the base of operations in the Per- sian invasion of Egypt, i. 311. Acrisius in the Hellenic legend connected by his ancestors with Egypt, ii. 117. Acrocorinthus, picturesque description of it, ii. 63. Adaptation, instances of, i. 288. 295. 472. 484. 504; ii. 61. ——_——- of stories to different locali- ties and times, i. 414. in mythology, i. 332. of religious ideas necessitated by the needs of commerce, i. 499. ——_———- of foreign deities, ii. 280. Adonis-Osiris worshipped at Amathus as an aboriginal deity, ii. 76. Adriatic gulf the point from which amder came to the Greeks, i. 385. Adyrmachidz, their site, i. 537. autis tribe occupied the right wing of the Athenian force at Marathon, ii. 168. JEge the burial-place of the Macedonian kings, ii. 9. JEgina the most difficult to make of all the Hellenic islands, ii. 342. 3yYy2 ee ey 532 . INDEX OF ZZgina marbles at Munich perhaps com- memorative of the repulse of the Per- sians, ii. 383. JEginetan talent the same as the Baby- lonian, i. 368. ————— squadron of reserve acts at the end of the action of Salamis, ii. 366. JEginetans sent colonists to Cydonia, i. 348. —, their contingent supplied to the confederate fleet at Salamis what, ii. 342. —, their distinction by the Del- phic oracle imputed to Lacedeemonian intrigue, ii. 383. JEgis an article of common wear, ii. 236. — of Athene, Herodotus’s statement respecting it examined, i. 547. —_—-— familiar in Asiatic Greece long before the foundation of Cyrene, i. 547. -----.-.--.-.-..----, its fringe developed into snakes by the progress of art, i. 547. Aeimnestus, his position at Sparta, ii. 462. Znus, its great strength, ii. 221. ——-, its Thracian name, tdid. —-—, its Hellenic name, ἐδῥά. olian cities in Asia, no trace of common action between them, i. 113. Aolians of Asia, no account of their sub- jection, i. 106. , seem not to have joined heartily in the revolt of Aristagoras, ii. 85. JEzop, his reputed connexion with Croesus probably later than Herodotus, i. 267. Aétion, how represented by the tradition, ii. 63. Africa, circumnavigation of it by orders of Neco a doubtful story, i. 461. African elephants the only kind men- tioned by Herodotus, i. 385. —_—_——— do not appear on the Egyptian monuments, i. 385. Agamemnon reigned not at Argos, but Mycene, ii. 267. Agariste married to Clisthenes, the Alc- meeonid, rival of Pisistratus, ii. 38. Agathyrsi perhaps the Carpathian moun- taineers, i. 48. Agbatana of Herodotus perbaps different from that of Polybius, i. 78. » probable meaning of the word, i. 78 -- -.------- »η comparison of it with the acro- polis at Athens, how to be explained, i. 78. , colours of its walls symbolical, , che capital of on and Cam- byses, i i. 116. i. 7 Agbatana the seat of imperial govern- ment in the time of Cambyses, i. 328. in Syria is perhaps Hamaté on the Orontes, i. 350. -----..-.. - is perhaps Gaza, i. 417. Aglaureum (see Agrauleum). Agra, spot by the Ilissus so called, i. 293. name of the local goddess, ibid. and Agrotera are local names of the Attic Artemis, ii. 345. Agrauleum was near the Paneum, if not identical with it, ii. 345. Agylieans (Cerites), their treasury at Delphi, i. 122. Ahithophel, his counsel to Absalom illus- trated by the conduct of the Magian, i. 355. Aiaces, son of Syloson, and nephew of Polycrates, dynast of Samos, i. 518. Ajax, why adopted by Clisthenes among the local heroes at Athens, ii. 42. Akhzib, changed into Ecdippa, i. 415. Al, the Persian word for the mirage, i. δά. Alazir, how referred to in a Delphic oracle, i. 533. ————, perhaps the African version of a Hellenic name, i. 534; he himself a Greek, i. 534. Alcreus, an anachronism in Herodotus's story of him, ii. 69. Alcman, his songs sung at Sparta at the Gymnopeedia, i. 64. Alcmeonids, their attempt to annoy Athens from Lipsydrium unsuccessful, ii. 37. —- ,) probably alladed to by Mil- tiades in his argument with the pole- march Callimachus, ii. 155. --τ ------ο calumny against them alluded to by Pindar, ii . 155. ——_____——, never contemplated the re- ception of Hippies again, ii. 158. ——_-_——-—, their defence (vi. §§ 121— 124) is probably from a later hand than Herodotus, ii. 158, 159. , their early history does not bear out their subsequent professions, ii. 168, 159. Alea Athene worshipped at Mantinea, Tegea, Therapne, and elsewhere, i. 49. ——_—, her temple a sanctuary for the whole of the Peloponnese, i. 49. Aleuade, expedition against them after the Persian war, ii. 128. , one of them made the instru- ment of Philip of Macedonia for fur- thering his plans, ii. 184. , their wish was probably to enter into allegiance with the Persian coart, li. 184. -, some members of the family SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. 533 instructed by the sophist Gorgias, | Amazons, their native name significant of ii. 184. Aleuadz probably supplied the Pisistra- tids with the Thessalian cavalry they employed, ii. 185. Alexander the Great, his homage to reli- gious fanaticism, i. 117. , wished to restore the temple of Bel at Babylon, i. 133. —______ —_—___-, his remorse for the death of Clitus how removed, i. 329. —_—_____————_,, local traditions re- specting him in Southern Russia, i. 500. ————— son of Amyntas, a vassal of Persia, ii. 112. —_______ ——, remarkable manner in which he is described by Herodotus, ii. 285. his con- ees ; nexions in the Persian court, ii. 392. unnecessarily described by He- rodotas, ii. 451. Alexandria free from fevers, why, i. 183. Alexandrine chronographers the channel through which various traditions have come down, i. 372. ———_——-_— grammoarians, factitious na- ture of their rules, i. 541. ----------ὄἕὄ-- Jews, their unfortunate treat- ment of the Old Testament, i. 207. ———_—_—_—— scholars, their misplaced in- genuity in handling the eurly poets, especially Homer, i. 207. Algerines retain a custom ascribed to the Nasamones by Herodotus, i. 539. Allegiance to the court of Persia sym- bolized by a present, i. 375. Alternative readings, i. 439. 518. —__—_———___ incorporated in the text, i. 3. 7. 40. 93. 125. 142. 144. 147. 227. 230. 251. 317. 325. 343. 245. 403. 412. 507. 531; ii. 59, 60. 96. 291. 563. 386. 430. 442. 444. 479. Alum, rarely found in ἃ native state, i. 300. Amalthea, horn of, said to be an offering of Miltiades to Zeus at Elis, ti. 106. Amasis, his census intended as the basis of a land tax, i. 298. » his wife from Cyrene, of a Hel- lenic race, i. 301. , his alliance with the Greeks how modified, i. 302. ——,, his probable alliance with Sparta, i. 84]. » probably a party of the commer- cial league between Samos and Cyrene, i. 627. Amathus, Aphrodite there represented as bearded, ii. 76. Amathusians a purely Cyprian race, ii. 76. what, i. 502. ———, account of them by Hippo- crates, i. 605. , their occupation of the Areo- pagus represented as an ἐπκιτειχισμὸς against Athens, ii. 439. , historical fact underlying the Attic myth of them, ii. 439. Ambassador, his pay two drachme a day in the time of the Peloponnesian war, i. 396. Amber brought from the Baltic to Hellas, i. 385 called “ glass’ by the Germans in the time of Tacitus, i. 385. Ambracia colonized by a Cypeelid, ii. 341. Amestris, her parentage, ii. 223. , her bitter jealousy raises 8 sus- picion of her personal attractions having gone off, ii. 223. , the daughter of one of the seven conspirators against the Magian, ii. 490. Autalas, his relationship to A&schylus as- sumed in modern times, ii. 361. Amompharetus, the story of his being an tren not easy to understand, ii. 474. Amoun, not Amous, the Egyptian nomi- native, i. 200. Ampe probably low on the Tigris, ii. 97. not to be identified with Opis, tbid. Amphiaraus, his oracle identified with himself, i. 32. , various localities assigned to him, i. 34. ------.---.-ἕ his ritual is substantially the same as that of Faunus, i. 35. Amphiceea corrupted by local pronuncia- tion into Ophitea, ii. 334. Amphictyonic congress at Calaurea, ii. 331. Amphipolis not mentioned by name in Herodotus, why, ii. 247. Amplification of early traditions in later times, i. 238. reer the Apollo there had a gilt face, δ]. » possibly the Lacedsemon of the Tliad, ii. 47. Amyris the wise, story of his sagacity, ii. 182. Amyrteus, king of Egypt, conquered by Cambyses according to Ctesias, i. 320. Anacharsis, 8 curious saying of his ex- plained, i. 481. --------Ξν story of his mishap perhaps derived from Cyzicus, i. 482. ——, represented as a travelling phi- losopher, i. 483. , his Epistle to Hanno quoted by Cicero, i i. 483. δ94 INDEX OF Anachronism of description, i. 108. 154. ' Aphrodisium at Ascalon the source of one 209. 393. ----ὄ --.-.-ὄ —-- showing the late origin of a story, ii. 62. ———— -— in some of Herodotus’s sto- ries no ground for suspecting interpola- tion, ii. 162. Anaitis worship, i. 157. Anaxandrides king of Sparta at the time of the Samian revolution, i. 342. Anaxarchus, a pagan precursor of Hobbes and Filmer, i. 329. his connexion with Terillus indicates a struggle of races, ii. 279. ——_———, his minister Smicythus perhaps a freedman, ii. 283. Andreas an Orchomenian name, ii. 160. , the father of Myron, possibly an Orchomenian exile at Sicyon, ii. 161. Androgynous character attached to Isis, i. $27. deities, probably the Ama- thusian Aphrodite was originally so represented, ii. 76. ————_-— representations of the gods how originated, ii. 373. Anecdotes, their substantial part the prin- ciple they embody, i. 289. ———— of which the interest is chiefly ethical, vary in their historic details, ii. 423. Anemurium probably the point from which the transit of the Persian fleets to Cy- prus took place, ii. 78. Anglo-Saxon pedigree, i. 236. Animal choruses in Attic comedy how ori- ginated, i. 204. Animals conceived to spontaneously seek sacred places, i. 209. , sacred, turned out to run at large, i. 213. the symbols of certain deities, i. 446. , how treated by the poetical mythologers, i. 446. Ant-eater probably the myrmex of Hero- dotus, i. 378. Anthemus, its site, ii. 68. Anthylla probably not the Gynecopolis of Strabo, i. 234. Anti-Persian feeling did not prevail widely before the Scythian expedition of Da- rius, ii. 15. Antiphanes, the Argive sculptor, i. 63. Apamea, the successor of Celseene as an important commercial town, ii. 202. , its site, ii. 202. Apaturia, part of the festival consisted of a hymn by torch-light, ii. 149. Apeliotes the most unfavourable wind for = voyage from Platea to Egypt, i. of Herodotus’s stories, i. 206. —————-— at Cyrene probable source of some of Herodotua’s storien, i. 391]. -- .---- at Samos, ii. 481. Aphrodite Urania analogous to the Eeyp- tian Bubastis, i. 286. ———— Apatarus, i. 502. represented as bearded at Ama- thus in Cyprus, ii. 76. Apis, caravan route to it from the Osss of Ammon, i. 171. ——, the frontier town of Egypt towards the west, i. 182. Apis, his dam held sacred, i. ———,, his temple adjacent to fe Hephe- steam at Memphis, i 283. —— identified with Osiris in the time of Strabo, i. 283. ——, his relation to the Hellenic Epa- phus, i. 327. Apollo invoked under the name of Lesches, ii. 467. of Delphi, factitious union of him with Dionysus, ii. 245. Didymeeus identical in character with the deity at Amycle, ii. 97. ——— Ismenius, his temple supposed an off-shoot from Delphi, i. 71. —_—— , the statue made of cedar wood, and in that circumstance alone differed from the Apollo of Branchide, ii. 36 oe the prophet of Zeus at 0, i. ὃ οἷ, 154. Phigaleus, his image, i. 52. Ptoiis, site of his temple, ii. Triopius identical in character with the Apollo at Thornax and δὲ Amycie, i. 128. 391. Apollonia on the Ionian gulf distinguished from the town of the same name in the Euxine, ii. 479. Appellative perhaps mistaken for a proper name, i. 54. 245. Apries the Uaphris of Manetho and Ho- phra of Scripture, i. 290. Apsinthians change places with the Do- fonchi in one version of the story of Miltiades, ii. 105. Apsinthians probably the pericecians of Ataus, ii. 493. Arabia made to include Syrophcoenicia and Syrophilistia, i. 176. Arabian gulf, remarkable way in which it is noticed by Herodotus, i. 460. ory the carriers of frankincense, i. Ι. ἐξίτ ey to obtain water in the deeert, i. 315. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Aradus and Tyre two islands s. of Gerrha, i. 383. sata of Cyrus is probably the Jihon, i. 150. of the Massagete is the Wolga or the Ural, i. 150. of Strabo not the Araxes of the Scythian traditions, i. 442. , two if not three rivers called in Herodotus by that name, i. 460. Arcadia, its wars with Lacedemon placed by Aristotle before the Lycurgean legis- lation, i. 48. Arcadians, union of them in hostility to Sparta, ii. 446. ——__—— , acommunity of feeling between them, the Eleans, and the Messenians, ii. 447. ——— » organization of them a deve- lopement of the policy of Cleomenes, ii. 129. Arch of Janus at Rome, i. 295. Archalla supposed to be the modern Er- cle, ii. 31. — probably a significant name, ii. 31. Archias of Pitane, his conversation with Herodotus criticised, i. 346. Archidamus the invader of Attica at the time of the chicas tape war, li. 128. -- -- - - probably regent for five years before coming to the crown, ii. 128. Archives of the Asiatic Greeks destroyed in the suppression of the Ionic revolt, ii. 103. Arctic circle, long nights within it pro- bably known by report, i. 451. — not likely to have been en- tered by Hellenic travellers, i. 451. Ardericca probably a significant name, i. 136. , ite site not to be identified with certainty, ii. 157. Areopagus, the court there, increased in influence just after the battle of Mara- thon, ii. 165. ———— opposite to the Paneusm on the acropolis, ii. 345. -- ---- --- the site of an Amazonian settle- ment, ii. 439. Argives destroyed by Cleomenes were of the ruling class, ii. 132. , described in an oracle under the bol of a serpent, ii. 132. a refuse to assist the A¢ginetans against Athens, why, ii. 140. ———,, their claim to take precedence of Lacedsemon founded on what, ii. 268. , Said to have invited the Persians ———Greece in consequence of their loss to the defeat by Cleomenes, ii. 428. ———— expected to be able to keep the 535 Spartans from marching against Mar- donius, how, ii. 428. Argos, revolution produced there through the blow struck by Cleomenes, ii. 134. —— in the time of Clisthenes of Sicyon must have been the most important member of the Orchomenian league, ii. 16). ——, regal office there implied by the ex- pressions of Herodotus, ii. 268. Ariabignes perbaps the Ariamenes of Plu- tarch, ii. 237. Ariaramnes shared the fate of the Phoeni- cians, beheaded by Xerxes in his pas- sion, ii. 366. ———., an ancestor of Darius was so orig in the Behistun Inscription, ii. 366. —— various derivations of the word, 453. Arion, varying forms of his story, i. 15. Aristagoras, his celebrated map often re- ferred to by modern writers, ii. 28. ——— in his map followed the line of the great road, ii. 29. Aristeas of Proconnesus, i, 452. ------------------τἫ- _ perhaps words adopted by Herodotus, i. 445. —_—_—__-____--_—- reputed @ con- juror, why, i. 452. his ——____——, his work consi- dered spurious by later writers, but not ae Herodotus, i. 452. his probable treatment of his subject, i. 452. , his work little known at Rome, i. 452. ----- --- . -ἡ.-- ὄ “8 work bought very cheap by Aulus Gellius at Brun- disium, i. 452. of Corinth put to death by the Athenians, why, ii. 260. Aristides, his difficulty in getting out of Egina not explicable from Herodotus’s account, ii. 360. , his exploits at Salamis variously reported, ii. 368. —————-, story of his taking Psyttalea progressively improved from /Eschylus to Plutarch, ii. 368. Aristobulus the Alexandrine Jew and his followers, i. 273. Aristodemus, the Lacedsmonian tradi- tions of him differed from all others, i. 522. Aristotle, charge of blasphemy against him, i. 223. Ark, superstitious treatment of it by the corrupted Israelites, ii. 50. Arrow a sacred symbol, i. 457. Arsinoe, its site, i. 305. ———, the point from which Strabo's 536 INDEX OF view of the Faioum irrigation was taken, i. 306. Arsinoitan Nome thought by Strabo the great wonder of Egypt, i. 304. Artabanus appears in all accounts as a type of wisdom and moderation, ii. 190. Artabazus recommends the employment of secret service money among the Hel- lenic confederates, ii. 449. ————-, nature of his proceedings at Plateea, ii. 463. Artabe an Egyptian as well as Persian measure, i. 143. equal to the Hebrew Bath and the Attic Metretes, i. 143. Artaphernes, his hatred of Histisus, ii. 102. - — joins with Harpagus in put- ting him to death, ii. 102. Artayctes kept a harem in the demesne of Protesilaus, ii. 492. ——-——— probably by descent one of the old Persian party, ii. 494. various accounts of the site of his crucifixion, ii. 494. Artemis the Hellenic representative of Bubastis, i. 286. —— — combined with Ares not the han- tress goddess, ii. 4. of the Thracians identical with the Tauric Artemis and the Artemis Brau- ronia, ii. 4. , probeble meaning of the name, ii, 144. worship, character of it in western Asia, ii. 144. Amarusia, her festival attended by a complete army of Eretrian citizens, ii. 146. Cindyas, a warlike goddess, ii. 82. ——_—_—__-——--,, legend relating to her statue at Caryanda, ii. 82. Coloéne at Sardis, i. 73. of Ephesus analogous to the mis Limneea at Sparta, i. 342. Artemisium, the name given to the strait as well as the shore, ii. 286. ——_————- at Ephesus, its great cele- brity, i. 71. —————-— in Salamis, arbitrarily placed by Leake, ii. 414. — at Samos, ii. 481. Article, its use where the object men- tioned for the first time is familiar, i. 226. 228. 298. 382. 548; ii. 7. 20. 44. 189. 245. 331. 350. Artificial navigation ἃ thing unfamilar to the Greeks, i. 136. Artyntes, Artayntes, and Artontes, per- haps different forms of the same Per- sian name, i. 394. Aryandes, his real offence, i. 535, 536. ——_———-, appointed au individual not a Pasargad to the chief command of the Egyptian army, why, i. 536. Asceticism of early Christians gave rise to a proverb, i. 116. Asia, antithesis of it with Europe, i. 4. Asiatic cities, details of their colonisation very uncertain, i. 112. elephants appear on the Egyptian monuments as tribute, and on the Nim- roud obelisk, i. 385. Greeks, a complete break in their after the suppression of the Ionian revolt, ii. 103. Asinzans, their origin, ii. 235. Asine in Laconia, when founded, ii. 340. of Argolis, ii. 356. Asius of Samos the authority for the legend of Apollo Ptoiis, ii. 391. Asopus has some water in its bed even in summer time, ii. 436. Aspathines, perhaps the Aspachana of the Naksh-i-Rustan inecriptions, i. 356. Asses not used in Scythia, why, i. 512. ——, the Arcadian breed a celeb one, i. 454. Assir, the ancient Latin name for “" blood,” i. 477. Assyria, scanty notices of it in Herodo- tus, i. 76. Assyrian characters on a monument, i. chronology, none of an au- thentic character followed by Hero- dotus, i. 277. --------- dress, its effeminate appear- ance, i. 146. history of Herodotus, probably never executed, i. 135. shoe similar to that of the Theban women, i. 148. Astrabacus, derivation of the name, ii. 126. ———, an orgiastic deity, li. 126. Astronomical canon reckoned from the epoch of Nabonassar, ii. 186. —_—___—__—_—-, rule in it probably corresponds with the practice of the Persian coart, ii. 188. interpretation of myths sub- sequent to the building of Alexandria, i. 199. Astyages, what relation to Croesus, i. 55. ν his dream, of what kind, i. 84. , related to Harpagus, i. 85. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Astyages, different accounts of his fate, i. 351. ———-, his re-appearance expected, i. 351. Atarbekis is equivalent to ᾿Αφροδίτης πόλις, i. 198. Atergatis etymologically identical with Derceto, i. 83. Athamas crowned for sacrifice, a familiar image at Athens, ii. 296. Athene, said to have been born at Alal- comene, why, ii. 54. united with Erectheus at Athens, ii. 56. associated with Poseidon at Lace- dsemon as well as Athens, ii. 26. 47. the special patron deity of Pisis- tratus, i. 42. » her garb that of the Libyan women, i. 547. worship at Sais, i. 212. Chalciecus, a deity belonging to the ante-dorian times of Sparta, ii. 47. Crastie, ii. 26. Itonia, her temple at Coronea, ii. 54. of Pedasus, probably an union of Ares and Aphrodite, ii. 373. Polias, site of her temple at Athens, ii. 53. Pronaia, ii. 337. Sciras, site of her temple in Sala- mis, ii. 367. —_—_————_, an instance of a pagan temple converted into a church, ii. 367. , of the lake Tritonis, analogous to Enyo, i. 542. Athenian expedition under Leagrus pro- bably of a piratical nature, ii. 496. .-.--ὄ --τ-------- not mentioned by Thucydides, ii. 469. ———— aristocracy compared with the heads of houses in the Italian republics, li. 105. kalendar, i. 22. citizens, their numbers, ii. 71. --------.--- -- expedition to Syracuse unknown to Herodotus, ii. 282. origin of sentiments put into the mouth of the Persian Artabanus, ii. 190. ————— sentiments put into the mouth of Spartans, ii. 396. ——_——— traditions followed by Herodo- tus, ii. 169. women, their costume changed, ii. 59. Athenians were ostensibly the originators of the war with Persia, i. 398. , in what sense alone can be considered aborigines, ii. 277. VOL. II. 537 Athenians, their taste for a country life imbibed from very early times, ii. 45. Athens, its small power at the time of the expulsion of the Pisistratids, ii. 48. ———, & powerful party in it favourable to Persia, ii. 421. Athor, her equivalents in other mytholo- gies, i. 198. ——, identified by Manetho with the Hellenic Here, i. 205. Athos, inhabitants of it a bilingual people, i. 2. Athribis the same with Atarbechis, i. 198. Athyr signified in Egyptian ‘‘a cow,’ also “ the third month of the year,”’ i. 198. Atossa probably whole sister to Smerdis, i. 355. her character variously repre- sented by Aéschylus and Herodotus, i. 398. Atreeb the ancient Athribis, i. 198. Atschui the Russian word for the ἄσχυ of Herodotus, i. 450. Atthides, their authors agree with Hero- dotus as to the early history of Megara, ii. 51. Attila, ground of his mission to conquer the world, i. 473. Atys connected with Ofys, Cofye, and Cotytto, i. 75. Augila is the chief date market, i. 544. Augury derived from the first person slain in a war, ii. 288. Augustine’s dispute with Jerome on the rendering of a word in Jonah, i. 231. Austrian provincial term (Aa/¢) illustrated, i. 196. Auxiliary verb, germ of its modern use, i. 18. Awarat el Macta, i. 304. Azotus (Ashdod) depopulated by the siege of Psammitichus, 1. 286. Babylon, Herodotus speaks of it in the past tense, i. 131. , exaggerated account of ite fortifi- cations, i. 131. » Strabo speaks of the walls as if still existing, i. 133. , its revolt from Darius appears both in Herodotus and in the Behistun inscription, i. 408. » its long siege as described by Herodotus, i. 409. , size of its walls, i. 411. , exaggerated notions of its size, i. 413. » story of its capture by Darius reached Herodotus through a Greek channel, i. 4] 4. 9.2 538 Babylon twice taken by Darius, i. 436. ——— and Egypt, relation between, i. 148. (in Egypt) in the neighbourhood of Memphis, i. 284. —_____—___—., imaginary difficulty raised as to its site, i. 284. ——___-_—___—_, different accounts as to ite origin, i. 284. Babylonian measures, their relation to the Egyptian, i. 293. Bacchus, the name of the initiated person in the Dionysian mysteries, i. 224. Backward reckoning from the time of Amasis, i. 276. Bactra, the modern Balk, fi. 91. , the direction in which female slaves were carried from Hellas, ii. 91. Bactrians, their dependance on the Per- sian empire 8 very loose one, ti. 490. Bahbeit, the site of an Isis-temple, i. 211. Bahr bela ma, a nullah in the Faioum, i. 305. Bahr el Wadi, a canal for irrigation, 1. 305 Youssouf, i. 281. , its condition in the time of Strabo, i. 303. Baki in Coptic means “ a city,”’ i. 198. Balbec, its gigantic blocks of stone, i. 285. Baldness, congenital, ascribed by Hero- dotus to a tribe of Asiatics, i. 450. -----...--. possible origin of the story, i. 450. Bamboo grows to the height of sixty feet in the Lower Indus, i. 876. Barca, policy of its builders, i. 534. Barene, in the neighbourhood of Agba- tana, i. 68. Barrows of the Greeks who fell at Platea, fi. 430. on the banks of the Tyras called ‘‘the Kings’ Grave,”’ i. 448. abundant in the plains to the north of the Euxine, i. 470. abound over the whole continent of Europe east of the Carpathians, i. 478. ———,, ninety-one with huge oaks on them counted from one point by Clarke between the Don and Kouban, i. 478. -——~-— sometimes surrounded by stone walls, i. 509. ——— in the Troad all regarded as sepul- chres, and chapels built on or near them, ii. 214. Bartius, not represented as an open rebel in the Behistun inscription, i. 430. , question of his personal identity, ———_, his mysterious death, i. 434. INDEX OF Bassareus, ii. 246. Bassarides, ii. 246. Battus, probably the issue of a mixed marriage, i. 528. ———, statue of him at Delphi, i. 528. , Story of the recovery of his voice, i. 528. , an appellative taken for a proper name, i. 555. Bear, probably never known in Egypt, i. 215. ——, a sacred symbol of Artemis, i. 446. Bearded priestess, a figure of one in the temple of Bahbeit, ii. 373. Beauty, the Greek notion of it involved stature, i. 309. Bebistun inscription, i. 361. : —_——_—-___—__—_——, its account of the Magian usurpation and its causes, i. 362. rock-tablet, its great value for the early Persian history, i. 420. —————, description of it, , its inscriptions ti- i. 420. lingual, i. 421. , scale of the figures upon it, i. 421. ——____—___—__,, Rawlinson’s trans- lation of the inscription, i. 423. —___--_____—. exhibits the annals of Darius’s reign, i. 423, 424. evidences a religi- ous revolution in Persia, i. 424. ---- - to be regarded as an official statement, i. 425, 426. Bel, his te:nple at Babylon was standing in the time of Herodotus, i. 133. —_—————_——_—_—______—__——, its dimensions variously given, i. 133. ——_____-,, destroyed by Xerxes, i. 133. Belitanas, tomb of, at Babylon, opened by Xerxes, i. 138. Belus-worship, union of with a Mylitta- worship, i. 362. Bendidea, a festival perhaps introduced into Athens from Lemnos, i. 456. Bendis, the Thracian name of Artemis, i. 456. Ber, the Coptic root of Sapis, means “ to wattle,” i. 198. Berbers, perhaps the aboriginal popula- tion of Africa in the time of the first Hellenic settlements, i. 547. Berenice, the subsequent name of Eucs- peride, i. 537. Beasi, ii. 246. Bias, in what capacity at the Panionian congress, i. 124. —— of Priene expressed extreme con- SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. 539 tempt, without ill-breeding, in what | Branchide, double use of the word in Hero- way, i. 511. Bilbeys, its distance from Suez, i. 287. Bilingual populations, i. 38. Bird-cherry, the ποντικὸν δένδρον of He- rodotus, i. 450. Birket el Keroun, its dimensions, i. 304 —307. —_—____—__—__, ita water slightly brack- ish, but contains fresh-water fish, i. 304 — 307. Birth, a subject of lamentation in some tribes, ii. 3. Birthday of the Persian king a high festival throughout Asia, ii. 489. Bitterness of feeling exhibited in a play upon words, ii. 115. Bitumen springs near Babylon, i. 137. Black stone Strabo not a mistake, i. 267. Blind king of Egypt, his story of late date, i. 272. slaves in Scythia, why, i. 437. Blocks of stone of gigantic size, i. 297. Blood appearing in temples, a frequent portent in antiquity, ii. 262. Body-guard of the Lacedemonian kings divided into three watches, ii. 118. Boeotia, a great part of it must have been occupied by Mardonius’s army, 446. Boeotian confederacy, possible cause of its being forsaken by Platwa and Hysiz, ii. 464. eels sprinkled with silphium a celebrated dish, i. 537. Boges, his heroic conduct not mentioned by Thucydides, ii. 243. Bohemian , in sound, reminds a stranger of Italian, i i. 240. Bons Dea ae Latium conjoined with Mer- cury, as the Here Bunss of Corinth was with Hermes, i. 559. Bone plate (i.e. bound platte), a Hert- fordshire phrase for a boundary space between two parishes, i. 558. Bornouese said to have no proper names except nicknames, i. 545. Borysthenes, various accounts of the height to which it was navigable, i. 448; how far really, i. 448. Bosjemans, perhaps the diminutive race of men mentioned by Herodotus, i. 191. Bosporane Greeks, their traffic with the European and Asiatic nomads of the Don, i. 444. Bow, an efficient weapon for mariners in ancient naval warfare, ii. 154. Branchide, the temple burnt by the priests, i. 72. ie archaic character of the temple, i. 117. dotus, i. 117; ii. 96. , the priests probably more at- tached to Median than Hellenic inte- rests, ii. 22. ---------, gave place to the name Didymi, why, ii. 96. Brass armour, i. 283. Bread, with salt fish, the chief food of the bulk of the people, ii. 88. Briges, identical with the Brygi, ii. 228. Brooches, large ones worn by the Argive and Aginetan women, ii. 59. ae Egyptian name of Artemis, i. ———,, not equivalent to the Latin i. 286. (the city), Herodotus did not when there go beyond the temple, i. 271. ————-, the temple there perhaps an especial source of Herodotus’s informa- tion, i. 214. Budini, perhaps a Sclavonic race, i. 500. , their personal description like that which Tacitus gives of the Germans, i. 501. Buneea, her relation to the Oreads, i. 558. ——, is the Bona Dea of the Roman rituals, i. 559. Bunus, a mythical personage by the time of Pausanias, 558. Burning lamp, an ancient symbol belong- ing to Athene, i. 212. Busiris, means the “‘tomb of Osiris,” i 202. , the reputed birthplace of Osiris, i. 2ul. Bybassian peninsula, i. 129. Byssus, a kind of flax, i. 225. , where grown, ibid. » consumed largely in Egypt, and imported thither from His, j i. 289. Byzantium, Histius’s occupation of if s very important step, ii. 88. Cabeles of Herodotus the same as his Cahailii, ii. 230. Cabiri, i. 334. Cadastral scheme of Darius, is derived from a Hellenic source, i. 369. a , entirely dif- ferent from the Behistun inscription, 1. 369. --------- ----- implies a centralized government, i. 432. ————-—________,, as given by Herodotus, explained, ii. 204. Cairn by the side of the road from Perin- thus to Apollonia, i. 490. 322 540 Cairo, partly built of the stone from the pyramids, i i. 260. Cakes of peculiar form eaten on festivals, i. 217. Calacte adopted as a proper name by the Romans, ii. 98. Calaris not in Corsica, but Sardinia, i. 12]. Calaurea, traffic between Peloponnesus and the Euxine passed by it, ii. 267. , legend connecting it with Delos, , Amphictyonic congress formerly held there, ii. 339. Callias, son of Hipponicus, went to Susa really to negotiate a peace with Persia, ii. 269. Calmuck women extremely hardy, i. 504. Calmucks do not, strictly speaking, live ἐπ Calydna etymologically identical with Ca- lynda, ii. 363. Calymna, perhaps the same as Calydna, ii. 239 Camarina, its land received by Hippo- crates as a ransom for his Syracusan prisoners, ii. 272. Cambyses, varying accounts as to who his mother was, i. 310. , his proceedings in Upper Egypt rest on the local traditions of Thebes, i. 321. ———-, circumstances favourable to his invasion of Egypt, i. 322. ————-, his sister whom he married perhaps Atossa, i. 327. ----------- account of his excesses probably derived from the Hepheesteum at Mem- phis, i. 334. , cause of his death in the ac- counts followed by Ctesias, i. 350. ———_——., dramatic character of the de- scription of his death, i. 352. ————, varying accounts of the length of his reign, i. 354. in some sccounts made to die of grief, i. 354. ————, his wars in Asia not described by Herodotus, i. 367. » perhaps considered as the re- presentative of Apries by the Cyrenians, i. 535. Camel, belongs to the class of retromin- gente, i. 379. Canal through Mount Athos really made, although discredited by some of the ancients, ii. 201. traced at this day, ii. 201. _—— » its dimen- sions, ii, 201. ject, Hi 201. INDEX OF Canal through Mount Athos, its object misunderstood by the Greeks, ii. 201; their consequent fictions, ii. 201. -------.-.-.ο.-.ο.-- its _ real ob- ———-, required little labour in | in comparison with other known works, ii. 201. , became use- less when the chain of military posts in Thrace fell, ii. 201. an import- ant benefit to the Acanthians, i ti. 248. Candzeus, a deity identical with the Mars or Mamers of Italy, ii. 2. Candahar perhaps the same name as the Gandarii of Herodotus, ii. 225. Candaules, a name of Hermes or Hereeles, i. δ. ————, son of Myrsus, i. 390. ————., identified with Heracles or Hermes, ii. 82. Cannibalism connected with the doctrine of metempsychosis, i. 376. Canobic mouth of the Nile thought the only natural one by Aristotle, i. 181. — —___—___ ————— not entered by Herodotus, i. 181. Caphareus obtained the name of Xy/lo- phagus from the number of its wrecks, ii. 326. ar era its tribute paid to the king, —_—_—_——, com n of its resources with those of arte i. 369. Cappadocian kings descended from one of the seven conspirators, i. 365. —— mules not barren, i. 409. Caprification, i. 145. Capua, a staple of the silphium, i. 537. Caravan route, in early times, from Petra to the coast of the Mediterranean, i. 314. » from Olbia on the Bug to the emporium on the Don, i. 448. traffic from the Borysthenes east- ward passed through seven distinct tribes, i. 451. Caravanserais, not at uniform distances on the great route to Susa, ii. 31. Cardia, why spared on the suppression of the Jonian revolt, ii. 104. Caria, the boundary between it and Lycis not clearly defined, ii. 22. Carian islanders possessed Greek armour in the earliest times, i. 542. language used by the oracle of Apollo Ptoiis and understood by Mys, what, ii. 391. revolt against Darius a serious matter, ii. 84. Carian : sand Leleges, their mutual relation, i. 125. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Carians, affinity between them and the Lydians, ii. 22. , often acted as interpreters between the Greeks and the Persian officials, ii. 390. Carmanians, their language and habits re- sembled the Persian, i. 97. Carmel, a nest of pirates, i. 312. Carnea, nature of the festival, ii. 300. Carnival illustrates the ancient κωμασία, i. 204. Carthaginians exaggerated the formidable character of the country under their influence, i. 548. ——, their restrictive commercial policy, ii. 77. ——_————— defeated by Gelon about the same time as the battle of Salamis, ii. 280 Carystus, its dangerous coast, ii. 144. ——_———, now inhabited by wreckers, ii 144. -, its trade formerly in marble, ii. 144. , war between it and Athens not one of conquest, ii. 486. Cashmere, valley of, perhaps the founda- tion of a story in Herodotus, i. 386. Casium (Mount), important as a landmark for navigators, i. 171. 313. Caspian, once communicated with the sea of Aral, i. 151. » more erroneously conceived by Eratosthenes than by Herodotus, i. 152. , eastern traffic passed from it into the Koura, i. 81. —_—__——_,, origin of the name, i. 372. Caspians, singular custom of a people of that name, i. 376. , apparently inhabitants of a cold region, ii. 226. Cataract, the name given by Herodotus to the Marsyas of Xenophon, ii. 82. Caubul, its river the Indus of Herodotus, i. 463. Caucasus called by the natives Caspium, i. 372. , the quarter from whence slaves were brought in ancient as well as modern times, ii. 91. Caucones, their site in the Peloponnese, i. 523. ——_——_, their ethnical affinity with the Arcadians, i. 523. Causeway, Herodotus’s account of its di- mensions incorrect, i. 259. Cavalry, the strong arm of the early Lydians, i. 18. , the Scythian always superior to the Persian, i. 512. ν ὃ powerful arm at Eretria, ii. 145. Cean hostelry at Delos, i. 457. 541 Celene, the point where the details of the march of Xerxes commence, ii. 202. , its site, ii. 202. , its importance as a commercial town, ii. 202. , its population removed to Apa- mea by Antiochus Soter, ii. 202. Celese, orgies like those of the Eleusinian Demeter there, ii. 463. Celts of Herodotus to be looked for in Lusitania, i. 192. Cenotaphs made at Plateea by those cities whose contingents were not present at the battle, ii. 475. Ceos, Leake’s conjecture that it is a place in Salamis unfounded and unnecessary, ii. 357. Cercopes, legend of them variously given, ii. 304. Chain of posts established by the Persians in Europe, ii. 202. Chalcidian settlers reckoned as Athenians in the estimate of the confederate fleet, ii, 319. ° Chalcis, feud between it and Eretria ex- a a proceeding of Artabazus’s, ii. Chalybes, manufacturers of steel, i. 19. Change of construction explained, i. 324. of moods significant, ii. 122. Charcoal, Anacharsis wondered that the Greeks should use it, i. 481. Charon of Lampsacus, perhaps the autho- rity followed by Herodotus in some places, i. 107. Chémi, the native name of Egypt, whence derived, i. 176. Chemmis, a name applied both to a city and an island, i. 227. Chemmo or Khem, the Priapeian Osiris, i. 202. Chersonesus in the Crimea not mentioned by Herodotus, i. 499. Chests secured by cords before the inven- tion of locks, i. 391. Chios, probable cause of its war with Erythre, i. 12. Christmas brawns and pikes, analogous to certain gifts at the court of Persia, i. 374. Chronological difficulty of Solon’s story, i. 19. ------- ----Φ.ς--.--..--.-- got over in a very arbitrary manner, i. 99. Cilicia, a portion of Taurus called by that name, ii. 32. Cilicians, why not subject to Croesus, i. 18. , twofold, ii. 89. Cimbri of Roman history genuine Ger- mans, i. 143. , factitious identification of them 542 INDEX OF with the Cimmerians of Herodotus, i. | Cleomenes, story of his proposal for an 143. Cimmerian Bosporus, sometimes frozen in severe winters, i. 453. , breadth of, i. 453. ——_— invasions, i. 10. Cimmerians of Herodotus a distinct race, i, 442. , only memorials of them in his time, i. 442. ——_——, indefinite character of the traditions ‘Teapecting them, i. 443. a Thracian tribe in the opinion of Adelung, i i. 443. Cinnamon, course by which it reached the Greeks, i. 383. ————,, mode of obtaining it like that of obtaining diamonds at Golconda, i. 384. Cinyps, the occupation of it by Dorieus hindered, why, ii. 25. Circular pool, a feature in a religious ritual, i. 205. Circumcision attributed by Herodotus to the Philistines, i. 23%). ᾿ Cithseron, passes over it, ii. 448. Civilization of the Asiatic Greeks destreyed by the measures of Artaphernes, ii. 103. Classical writers, details wanting in their accounts supplied by the literary men of the Roman empire, ii. 361. Clauses ata τὶ with one another by re—Te, i Goes t his withdrawal from the isthmus misinterpreted, ii. 427. ——_————-, time of his death mistaken, ii. 427. , Rot engaged during the winter in completing the lines at the isthmus, ii. 427. Cleomenes, inherited the political feelings of his mother’s family, i. 132. , his traditional integrity, i. 407; ii. 31. ————,, his madness connected in Spar- tan traditions with the visit of some Scythians to Lacedsemon, i. 483. —— » probably not of Heraclide bloed by his mother’s side, ii. 24. ---- his evacuation of the acropolis Athens a popular topic in after times, ————, varying accounts of his expe- dition against Athens, ii. 50. » possible cause of his break with Demaratus, i ii. 50. , his plans involved the absorp- tion of the kingdom of Sparta in a higher power, ii. 129. -------.-- tried to organize the Arcadians and be appointed their dictator, ii. 129. alliance with the Scythians, ii. 135. . his madness reputed a judg- ment upon him, ii. 135. ——_———,, his story perhaps derived from Archias of Pitane, ii. 136. —————, his party powerful at Lace- dsemon even after his death, ii. 276. Cleopatra as Aphrodite κωμάζουσα, i. 14. Climate, rary aes of Herodotas on the subject, i. 381. Clisthenes (dynast of Athens), probably bestowed the civic franchise on several Metics at Athens, ii. 42. ——__—_—, his treatment of the rural po- pulation, how explained, ii. 43. ———, a decimal subdivision ran through his arrangements, ii. 45. ————, his revolution at Athens se- cured by new religious combinations, ii. 45. ————, effect of his policy in breaking up the Pisistratid party, ii. 146. —— Sard of Sicyon), ii. 160. ———, hostility to every thing Argive explained, i i 161. Club-houses, their representatives in an- cient times, ii. 467. Clytiads, their hereditary skill in divina- tion, ii. 444. Cnidus, its early connexion with Egypt, i. 128, 129. Codrus, different accounts of him, ii. 51. Cognate races represented as colonies, and their relation to each other reversed in current traditions, i. 383. » characteristic of their histo- rical traditions, ii. 356. symbolism a foundation for histo- ᾿ Fieal hypothesis, i. 238. Coins worn as ornaments by women, i. 374. Colonization, the early myths contain its history, i. 541. Colosse, origin of its name, ii. 205. » it as well as Laodices a great wool staple, ii. 205. Colossi in the Faioum, i. 307. , description of them lained, i. 307. der at Olympia, Column at Lacedsemon inscribed with the names of those who fell at Thermopyle, ii. 308. Combabus and Cybebe, i. 82. , the Afye of the Syrian mytho- logy, ii. "74. Combaphes, an Egyptian traitor according to Ctesias, i. 311. Comessatio, the Latin equivalent of the Hellenic κῶμος, i, 14. by Herodotus ex Colossus set up by Perian Periaa ii. 68. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. 543 Commerce, effects of ita transfer to another | Constancy of habits and manners in the locality, i. 284. East, i. 256. between Egypt and the Egean Construction, by inference, i. 450. 500; in early times, i. 284. of the Greeks confined to the ports of the Adriatic, i. 386. Commercial aristocracies, existed in Hellas until the Persian invasion, ii. 162. — enterprise of the Greeks in very early times, i. 190. — jealousy, traces of, i. 459. of the Carthaginians, between the Ionian li. 77. cities, ii. 95. ——_—————- league between Samoe snd Cyrene, its advantages, i. 527. —______—_—— , traceable in a religious myth, ii. 338. ——_——— navigators, trace of in the description of Herodotus, i. 171. rivalry, affected the sources of Herodotus’s information, i. 319. -------- - ---- explains some of He- rodotus’s omissions, i i. 499. route through Colchis to the Caspian, i. 459. up the Orontes, i. 459. from the Eurine towards up the Phasis in early India, ii. 91. times, ii. 230. —————— routes, instance of one being closed at the time Herodotus wrote, i. 449. —____-______—., the basis of the geo- graphical notices in Herodotus, i. 460. ——__——-— traveller, trace of in descrip- tion, i. 172. Common law of Persia violated by Cam- byses under shelter of a positive law, i. 329. Compacts by oath imply recognition of a common deity, i. 317. Compound verbs, singular use of them, often unnoticed by grammarians, ii. 100. —_—_—_—__—_—— used in the regimen of their simple elements, ii. 433., Compression of two propositions in one sentence, i. 252. 319; ii. 94. 278. Computation, rade method of it attri- buted to Darius explained, i. 496. ———_—_——, early practice of the Romans and Vulsinians, i. 496 Confederate Greeks, real cause of their re- tiring from Tempe, ii. 285. Confusion of several centuries in Hero- dotus’s Egyptian history, i. 272. Conium, in Phrygia, the only known town of the name, ii. 38. Coniston, its dialect unintelligible to an Kast Anglian, i. 39. ii. 143. 206. 242. 268. 421. 479. , mixture of explained, i. 151, ——_———-— modified by courtly etiquette, i. 91; ii. 37). 421. πρὸς τὸ σημαινόμενον, i. 201. 251. 401; ii. 23. Coptic superstition adopted by Maho- metanism, i. 227. Coptus, end of the caravan route from Mouse Roads on the Red Sea, i. 180. Corcyrean bra an important article of traffic, ii Corcyreans commercial monopolists, i. 119. Coressus, ita site, ii. 73. Corinth, Doric party predominant there at the time of the expulsion of the Pi- sistratids from Athens, ii. 50. , what part of it termed “ beetling ’’ (dppuders), ii. 64. Corinthians, occasion on which they sym- τῷ ‘strongly with the Athenians, Corn an ‘article of export from Egypt, i. 526 —. trade (Pontine), Xerxes too wise to interfere with it, ii. 267. Corocandame, its traffic with the nomads of the Don, i. 449. Coronea, its site, ii. 54. , ita connexion with Athens through the Athene-worship, ii. 54. Corporal punishment inflicted by the petty officers in the Persian army, ii. 200. Corsica, vague notion of, in the time of Herodotus, i. 121. Corslets of hemp probably of Egyptian manufacture, ii. 224. Corycian ate ‘description of its site and interior, ii Corys, the river, i. 315; no trace of it in Arabia, i. 315. Cos, a colony from Epidaurus, with As- clepius and Demeter for its principal deities, i. 107. Cothurnus, its thick sole made it prover- bial, i. 115. Cotton not cultivated in Egypt in the time of Herodotus, i. 225. as a material of dress, ii. 225. tree, probably not seen by Hero- dotus, i. 225. ——— trees of India, i. 381. Counter revolution of the Medes repre- sented as a merely personal usurpation by Herodotus, i. 393. Covenants not considered valid without some religious bond, i. 499. 544 Cow covered with a robe of black sym- bolical, i. 265. Cranai, a name of the Athenians, while Pelasgian, i. 37. Creston, the inhabitants of its neighbour- hood a peculiar people in the view of Herodotus, ii. 2. Cretans, their reputation as bold navi- gators, i, 621. Crete, direct lines of transit to it in the time of Strabo, i. 525. Crimea, isthmus of the, i. 438. , ite geological character, i. 438. ———, its exceeding fertility in ancient times, i. 470. , vague knowledge of its shape, i. 496 ———,, its southern point seen simul- taneously with Cape Carambis by vessels passing, i. 497. Critalla, the frontier town on the Halys, ii. 31. 202. ——-—, its possible etymology, ii. 31. 202. Crocodile quite erroneously described by Herodotus, i. 215. ————, mode of its capture taken ver- bally from Hecateeus, i. 216. ————, doubtful if produced in the Upper Indus, i. 463. ——_——- worship, its origin, i. 216. —______—_-, how interpreted by the Neoplatonists, i. 216. Croesus, list of his subject states explained, i. 19. -- ---- story of his “‘ bread-cutter”’ criti- cised, i. 34. ——— miraculously rescued by Apollo in Ctesias’s story, i. 67. ------ -, his feudal relation to the Persian court, 1. 69. -- ---- his relationship to Cyrus, i. 84. ------ - his ethical character in Herodotus, i. 154. —, his moralizings are derived from a Hellenic source, i. 333. -————-, feudal relation between him and Miltiades, ii. 106. , bis absurd project of creating a navy paralleled in modern times, ii. 229. Cromwell compared with Pisistratus, i. 41. Croton oil extracted from the kiki, i. 231. Crotona, part taken by it in the Persian war, of what kind, ii. 343. , statements respecting ite founda- tion and the character of the population reconciled, ii. 343. Cubit, royal, nearly identical with the Egyptian and Samian, i. 131. ——, relation of the royal to the common, i. 131. » length of the Egyptian, i. 293. ——,, of the Babylonian, i. 293. INDEX OF Curetes, their ritual, i. 15. ———., offered human victims to Cronus or Moloch, i. 316. Custody of wards, a prerogative of the Lacedsemonian kings, ii. 119. Customs, instance of varying traditions as to their origin, ii. 59. Cyaxares, analysis of the name, i. 81. Cybebe, not identical with Cydele in the time of Herodotus, ii. 74. , nearly identical with Astarte, ii. 74. Cyclical variation not understood by Hero- dotus, i, 275. Cydonia, the old city very ancient, i. 348. Cydrara, possibly a mere station for exact- ing transit duties between Phrygia and Lydia, ii. 205. Cylon, lustration of Athens after his murder, ii. 46. ——, had married the daughter of Thea- genes of Megara, ii. 46. , various accounts of his murder ex- plained, ii. 46. ——, his party recovered much power in course of time, and kept up an heredi- tary hostility to the Alemmonids, ii. 46. Cyneegirus, growth of his story in later times, ii. 154. Cynetes, probably the same as the Cy- nesii, i. 467. Cynosarges, the site of, ii. 39. ------ its excellent position for a corps of observation after the battle of Marathon, ii. 39. Cynosura, Leake’s conjecture that it is a point of Salamis unwarranted and un- necessary, li. 357. Cynurians, in what did their Zonism con- sist, ii. 356. Cypria, quoted by Herodotus, i. 249. Cyprus, its coast described, ii. 78. , how probably reduced by Amasis, i. 302. Cypselids, their influence extended to Thesprotia, ii. 66. ————-, their prodigal expenditure in religious offerings, ii. 67. Cypselus, varying accounts of the revolu- tion effected by him, ii. 65. Cyrene, description of the plain of, i. 530. , on the verge of the rainless dis- trict, i. 530. ,» its history, how perhaps brought to the knowledge of the Samians, i. 533. , ite political changes compared τ those of Clisthenes at Athens, ii. , expedition of Aryandes against it, how brought about, i. 535. » ἃ mixture existed between the Hellenic settlers and the aborigines there, i. 546. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Cyrnus, mythically connected with Triopas, Poseidon, and Demeter, i. 123. Cyrus (the Great), order of his campaigns variously related, i. 68. 114. , Herodotus’s criticism of his story, i. 76. ——, his story not derived direct from Persian sources, i. 76. ——-, alleged change of his name, i. 88. , story of his being suckled by a bitch criticised, i. 94. , varying accounts of his contest with Astyages agree in one point, i. 98. , three classes of authorities for the history of his elevation, i. 100. ——, his singular relation to Amytis, i. 100. ——, his capture of Babylon impossible as described by Herodotus, i. 14]. ——-, his capture of Babylon may be ex- plained from Diodorus and Strabo, i. 142. , his expedition against the Massagete of uncertain authority, i. 154. ——, various accounts of his death, 1. 158. ——, his tomb professedly visited by Aris- tobulus, i. 158. , described by Onesicritus, i. 158. ——— (the brother of Artaxerxes), had a palace at Celeene, ii. 203. Cythera, its facility for annoying the La- cedemonians taken advantage of, ii. 313. Cyzicus, its finest buildings constructed of marble from Proconnesus, i. 445. held as a fief of Darius, id:d. visited by Herodotus, i. 482. Deedala, a festival in honour of Here, ii. 456. Deedalus, tradition of him at Lebadea, i. 254. Dai, perhaps the same as the Dae of Strabo, i. 97. Damia the equivalent of Demeter, ii. 55. Danaus, the root of his name means water, and his legend points to the same thing, i. 385. Daphne, probably once a seat of Moloch- worship, i. 242. Darius, author of a religious revolution, i. 101. , his alleged violation of the tomb of Nitocris not mentioned by Ctesias, i. 138. , Various accounts of his relations with Egypt, i. 245. ————, his knowledge of the death of Smerdis very mysterious, i. 357. , Story of his groom how originat- VOL. I. 545 ing, i. 367; ingenious attempt to ex- plain it, i. 367. Darius, his accession to the throne brought about by the Achremenid in- terest, i. 367. probably established a national mint, i. 375. , his division into satrapies a of his system of centralization, i. a. , account of him by Herodotus compared with that of the Behistun In- scription, i. 425, 426. 7 ἜΗΝ a blood-relation of Cyrus, i. 427. , in what sense the ninth king of his race, i. 430. ges the seat of government, i. 433. » his struggles paralleled by the wars of the Roses, i. 433. » his early and subsequent policy in religious matters, i. 434. , extent of his intercourse with India, i. 464. —, his alleged march in force from Susa to the Bosporus criticised, i. 488. , an unique story of his barbarity is substantially an ethical tale, i. 488. , his monument set up at Byzan- tium of what nature, i. 490. » accompanied by no Phoenician force in his Scythian expedition, i. 492. —, his reputed monument at the springs of the Tearus criticised, i. 493. » his fleet called lonian, although really a mixed force, why, i. 496. , his Scythian expedition an insu- lated story, i. 495. —, possible source of the account of his Scythian expedition, i. 507. , his asserted marches in Scythia impossible, i. 508. 514. —-—, straits suffered by him in his Scythian expedition, i. 513. , his position very precarious at first, i. 535. , his financial talents earned him the nickname of ὁ κάπηλος, i. 535. , evidence of his system of cen- tralization, ii. 14. , his sons-in-law a check upon one another, and upon their uncle Arta- phernes, ii. 81. , parallel between him and the Emperor Napoleon, ii. 84. . his conciliating policy towards the Hellenic dynasts, ii. 109. , his genius for consolidation com- pared with that of Alexander and Na- poleon, ii. 110. ———, his policy one of imperial order, 11,111. 4a 546 Darius, his personal irritation against the Athenians an Athenian story, ii. 141. » his conciliatory policy towards the Asiatic Greeks, ii. 143. ———, his age at death and the length of his reign variously stated, ii. 183. , his relations with the Lydian capitalists, ii. 204. , table exhibiting his family rela- tions, ii. 316, seqg. Darius Nothus, supposed allusion to him, i. 99. Dascyleum, in Bithynia, the head-quarters of a Persian corpe d’armée, i. 389; ii. 75. , probably troops moved from thence on Sardis when taken by the Athenians, ii. 75. Date of certain mythical occurrences reck- oned backwards from the time of the writer, i. 277. Date harvest, its time, i. 538. Date-palm held to possess 360 useful qualities, i. 140. Datis and Artaphernes of the opposite party to Mardonius, ii. 14. —_—_—_—_—_—__——_-——— followed the plan of proceedings sketched out by Arista- goras, ii. 144. Dative case, anomalous form of, i. 27. , its so-called pleonastic use explained, i. 25. 353. 532; ii. 329. Day’s journey differently estimated by Herodotus, ii. 34. Dead, outrages upon them by Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes, i. 334. Dead Sea, a confusion between it and the Serbonian marsh, i. 313. Death a subject of rejoicing to some tribes, ii. 3. » mode of its infliction traditionally observed, i. 413. Decelea, its early mythical connexion with Lacedeemon, ii. 468. Deities, pairs of, i. 82. Delos, commercial importance of it, i. 173. , its purgation, i. 46. 125. stirred by earthquake for the first time, ii. 143. Delphi, probable source of the history of Halyattes, i. 17. , vestibule of the temple inscribed with gnomic sentiments, i. 24. , probable source of a story told by Herodotus, i. 31. » bot a city in the time of Hero- dotus, i. 36. , the Pisistratids accused of burn- ing the temple there, ii. 38. , two groups of sculpture there in commemoration of defeats of the Thes- salians by the Phocians, ii. 332. INDEX OF Delphi, the same story varied there be- tween the times of Herodotus and Pau- sanias, ii. 332. , the temple is said by Plutarch to have been burnt by the Medes, ii. 338. ———, ertinction of the sacred fire in the temple, at what time, ii. 338. Delphian oracle had the reputation in after days of being well-affected to the Persians, ii. 335. , its answers often had no reference to the question put, ii. 444. Demaratus, occasion of his breaking with Cleomenes, ii. 114. ------ - varying accounts of his joining the Persian court, ii. 127. ---.......0.:.ς. his relation to the Persian king after his flight from Sparta, ii. 127. Demeter, her priests at Rome fetched either from Elea or Naples, i. 123. ———, her ritual in Boeotia analogous to the Thesmophoria, ii. 37. » her ancient temple near Platea said to be opportunely discovered, ii. 458. ———— of Egypt not equivalent to the Roman Ceres, i. 258. ------ --------Φ-.--.-.. together with Diony- sus, held sway over the infernal re- gions, i. 258. Erinys, i. 26. ——_— Prosymna, i. 295. Democedes, the private physician of the Pisistratids, not of the state, i. 396. ——-——-, his story not a contemporary one, i. 396. » bis escape a current tale at Crotona, i. 399. not likely to be the authority for his own story, i. 409. Democratic feeling, falsification of history from regard to it, i. 41. 44, 45. Demonstrative pronoun has the force of the relative in Herodotus, ii. 123. Derceto and Dagon, i. 82. Derphys nearly inaccessible from its steep- ness, ii. 145. Desert, its substratum impregnated with salt, i. 243. ——, its phenomena such as to suggest, but not to warrant, Herodotus’s de- scription, i. 543. Deserters, Herodotus’s story about them examined, i. 188. Dialectal forms, uncertainty of them in Herodotus, i. 96. 203. 529, 530. Diana and Dianus, i. 82. Dictyne-worship indigenous in Crete, i. 348 Didymi the same as Branchidse, ii. 96. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Digamma, relic of it in the Greek nume- ral ς, ii. 35. Diogenes the Cynic, his sarcasm, i. 257. Dione a superadded deity at Dodona, i. 209. eae object of his discipline, ii. 92, Dia combined with Ares, not the god of the vintage, ii. 4. of Egypt not the rural wine-god, i. 258. , of the Thracians, united with the rustic wine-god since the time of Euri- pides, ii. 245. ——— identified with Osiris, ii. 246. Omestes, human sacrifices offered to him, ii. 297. Dioscuri, account of them, i. 334. , reputed to wander over the earth in the likeness of men, ii. 162. Dioscurias a great slave mart, ii. 91. Dislocation of the text, i. 228. 312. 320. 325. 337. 378; ii. 8. 33. 240. 328. 430. 483. Distances, reduction of, i. 174. along the seaboard of Egypt, i. 182. on land estimated by a run at sea, i. 313. on the great road to Susa esti- mated not measured, i. 487. —————- variously estimated by Hero- dotuz, i. 55. 187. 498; ii. 290. ———— erroneously given by Herodotus, i. 543. » variable rate of error in Herodotus’s assignment of them, i. 488. Distributive justice, what the ancients un- derstood by it, 11. 16. Ditbyramb, its nature, i. 14. , cause of the varying accounts of its invention, i. 14. Diverse traditions adopted by Herodotus, i. 35. 29]. 326. 339. 356. 367. 373. 389. 393. 398. 427. 458. 525. 526. 534. 536. 539. 546; ii. 99. 108. 123. 188. 230. 278. 388. attached to the same monument, ii. 349, 350. ——_———-, factitious agreement produced between them, i. 444. Diversity of accounts indicating the un- certainty of the facts related, ii. 220. Diving, power of, reputed peculiar to vir- gins, ii. 323. Divining rod, its forks twisted three times, i. 476. Dodona the great oracle of the old popu- lation of Hellas, i. 208. ——— compared with Pytho, i. 208. ——-—, mode of divination there, i. 210. 547 Dodona, religious ideas there cognate with those at Ammon, i. 30. Dog, why held sacred by the Magians, i. 105. Dog-star, called in Egypt 2eé@:s (or Thoth), which means ‘ dog,”’ i. 105. Domestic servants in antiquity how em- ployed, i. 408. Dorians came into Peloponnesus direct from Doris, but originally from Phthio- tis in Thessaly, ii. 334, in Asia, in what way spoken of as an aggregate, i. 108. in many instances not pure, i. 109. » commercial importance of some of their cities, i. 369, not reckoned with the Ionians and /®olians as slaves of the Persian kings, i. 369. --.------ not related to have acted as Persian auxiliaries, i. 369. —————— not mentioned in the ca- dastral scheme of Darius, i. 369. Dorieus, a name chosen by design, ii. 24. , his hostility to Sybaris accounted for, i ii. 26. Doriscus not so much a city as a military position, ii. 72. 75. Dove, a religious symbol in the Semiramis worship, i. 104. Dragoman of Herodotus, i. 261. Dry season is expressed by the Greek θέρος, i. 538. Dryopians, their origin, ii. 238. Dryops made an Arcadian by Aristotle, Dumbness suddenly removed, various ac- counts of, i. 66. Duodenary division of the Hellenic and Babylonian measures, i. 293. Dyed stuffs an article of traffic in an- tiquity, i. 74. Dying words considered to possess a su- power, i. 477. Dynasts in the early commonwealths were generally demagogues as com- manders, i. 13. ——, many of them popular in Greece, i. 392. E interchanged constantly with AI in the manuscripts, ii. 459. Early Christians, cause of their dislike to eat of victims offered to idols, ii. 125. Earth a plane surface in popular belief, i. 379. Earthquakes, their operation in forming the vale of Tempe, illustrated by other examples, ii. 256. East, practice of turning to it adopted by early Christians, why, ii. 219. 4a 2 548 Ecdippa supposed to be the Hellenic form of Akhzié, i. 415. Echemus, variation in his pedigree, ii. 43 7. Eclipse said to have taken place at the time of Xerxes’s passage of the Helles- pont, ii. 209. of the sun, mentioned by Hero- dotus as happening before the battle of Platsea, did not really occur till after- wards, ii. 427. Edessa (see Aige). Egypt, its connexion with Persia, i. 105. ——, discordant accounts of the cause of the Persian invasion, i. 114. -———-—, frequent reference to it in Hero- dotus, i. 144; ii. 35. , growth of its surface soil, i. 170. ————, limestone rock below the surface soil of it, i. 171. . ——-, ite coast west of Alexandria once full of small ports, i. 171. —, distances in it by the roads, how affected, i. 172. , striking blackness of its soil and greenness of its crops, i. 176. ———, surface overflowed has increased, i. 177. ————., well water in it brackish, i. 243. ------ condition of it in the time of He- rodotus, i. 263. ———, settlements of foreigners in it from the time of Solomon, i. 284. ———, its intercourse with Elis, i. 289. ———, its manufactures of linen and sail-cloth, i. 292. , its hostility to Assyria nearly con- tinuous from the time of Psammitichus, i. 418. Egyptian contingent in Xerxes’ fleet, how raised, ii. 238. -- τ Όο-ο-..-.--. , was perbaps a part of the Phoenician, ii. 327. deities described by the names of the corresponding Hellenic, i. 258. era, its beginning, i. 274. ———— legends received by Herodotus in a Hellenized shape, i. 200. —————_ manners diametrically different from Greek except in one point, i. 193. months, their order, i. 170. traditions reconciled with the Homeric poems by means of a new fiction, i. 253. Egyptianized Greeks, i. 128. Egyptians (The) of Herodotus probably naturalized foreigners, i. 200. not represented black in any paintings, i. 239. —————-, celebrated for their medical practice, i. 305. INDEX OF Egyptians, no commander of this nation in Xerxes’ fleet, ii. 238. Eion, its capture the first success of the allies under Athenian hegemony, ii. 243. ——, mode of its capture, ii. 243; later fictions on the subject, ii. 243. Eleeus, its site, ii. 199; probably head- quarters of the Persian fleet in the Hellespont, ii. 199. , & town, the whole of which belonged to Protesilaus, ii. 492. Elbo the island placed in lake Boorlos, i. 272. Eleans, their reputation for impartiality, i. 289. , varying accounts as to their participation in the Persian war, ἢ, 440. » community of feeling between them, the Arcadians, and Messenians, ii. 447. Electrum an article of traffic in antiquity, i. 74. Elemental religion, early prevalence of it in the Hellenic and Italian peninsulas, i. 35. Elephantine, the site of a camp, i. 180. —————— ποῖ spoken of as an island by Herodotus, i. 174. Elephants not now found in the pashalik of Tunis, but were so in the time of Pompey, i. 548. Eleusis seized by Cleomenes, under what circumstances, ii. 50. Elis, its production of byssus, i. 225. , intercourse between it and Egypt, i, 289. —— means the country, not the town called by that name, ii. 126. a combination of several hamlets subsequent to the Persian war, ii. 356. Elk unknown to Herodotus’s informants, i. 454. Eneti probably to be regarded as spread- ing over Carinthia, ii. 5; their Eastern origin, ii. 5. Enneacrunis anciently called Callirhoe, ii. 168 ; its site, thid.; beautified by the Pisistratids, ibid. Enyo, her ritual at Comana said to have been brought by Orestes froin the Tau- ric Chersonese, ii. 4. Epaminondas, his consolidation of the old Ante-Dorian race in the Peloponnesus, ii. 447. Epaphus the Hellenic equivalent of Apis, i. 196. 327. Ephesus the port through which the traffic between Europe and Asia passed, i. 71. 113. , Herodotus’s description of its vi- cinity that of an eye-witness, i. 72. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Ephesus probably not an active partici- rin the Ionian revolt, ii. 95. Ephoralty, Aristotle’s account of its in- stitution differs from that of Herodotus, i. 47. Ephorus, the popularity of his work, i. 37. Epimenides is by some placed among the seven sages, i. 204. , his lustration of Athens, ii 46. Epochs of popular traditions not constant, i. 263. Eponymous ancestor, family traditions connected with the religious ritual of, li. 42. Egquinoctial line, doubtful if really passed by the Phoenicians, i. 461. Erasinus, respect paid by Cleomenes to it explained, ii. 131. Eratosthenes, interpreted Nitocris, as meaning ᾿Αθήνη Νίκη, i. 236. Erclé, in Lycaonia, near a river mistaken for the Halys, i. 58. Erectheum, way in which the new one at Athens was laid out, ii. 53. Erectheus the Athenian Poseidon, ii. 46. , his temple united with that of Athene Polias, ii. 46. Eretria, Persian party in it, i. 44. , its great resources in its palmy days, ii. 146. attached to the Pisistratid cause, ii. 72. 146. , feud of, with Chalcis, ii. 72. 145. destruction of its resources by Datis and Artaphernes, ii. 146. Eretrians, reputed capture of, by the Per- sians, ii. 146. settled by Darius among the Kards, ii. 157. Eridanus, its root probably means wafer, and is traceable in the names of many rivers, i. 385. Erinys, original idea of, i. 524. Erinys-worship at Lacedsemon, ii. 25. Ermin the Teutonic war-god, i. 126. Erythre in Asia, probable cause of its dialect resembling the Chian, i. 12. in Boeotia in the immediate neighbourhood of Hysiee, ii. 430. Erythreans in the Ionian confederate fleet probably exiles, ii. 90. Estafette established by the Persian kings, i. 393. , Persian mode of estimating dis- tance in it, ii. 110. Etearchus, perhaps a Greek version of a native word, i. 190. Etesian winds, their use in the commerce of Egypt, i. 180. ——_——__——, a name applied to every monsoon, i. 183. 549 Etesian winds, the point Lectum afforded shelter from them, ii. 491. Ethical legend, i. 21. stories, variation in their details, ii. 65. Ethiopian women, their estimation for beauty, i. 323. Ethiopians of Herodotas, assignment of their locality a hopeless matter, i. 322. —_——_, oo notions of them confused, i. Ethiopic invasion on of Egypt as related by Herodotus unmanageable by chrono- logers, i. 272. Ethnical affinity put in the form of a his- torical narrative, i. 75. identity, how represented in early oral traditions, i. 38; ii. 7. Kthopeeic propriety prevails over histo- rical accuracy, i. 19, 20. Etiquette of the Persian court, i. 406. Etymological pairs, i. 236. 467. Eubcea, that part of it called τὰ κοῖλα not the same as τὰ ἄκρα, ii. 145. Euboic system of weights compared with the Babylonian, i. 368. Euelthon of Salamis in Cyprus perhaps connected with the Cypselids of Corinth, i. 532. Euhemerism, method of interpreting early myths called by that name, i. 541. Euphrates, trace of a belief in a commu- nication between it and the Mediter- ranean, i. 136. Europa, varying legends of, i. 2. Europe, antithesis between it and Asia, i. 4. , earliest use of the word in the hymn to Apollo, i. 465. ——— a surname of Demeter in the Tro- phonius legend, ii. 390. European, meaning of the word as applied to Mys, ii. 389. Kuropus in Macedonia, ii. 389; in Caria, ii. 390. Euxine, its dimensions much exaggerated by Herodotus, i. 488. ———, its dimensions probably estimated from the traditional time of the voyage, i. 439. , division into an Eastern Western sea, i. 497. , importance of its provision trade, and ii. 88. Evoking of the tutelary deities before taking possession of an enemy’s city, ii. 339; ancient formula for the pur- pose, ibid. Exaggeration, supposition of it cannot explain some of the errors of Herodotus, i. 172. 550 Exaggeration of anti-Persian feeling after the repulse of the invaders, ii. 399. ——_—_—-— of the dimensions of the Pro- ontis, i. 488; much greater of the uxine, iéid.; much greater still of the Meotis, i. 490. Exampeeus, its site between the Hypanis and Borysthenes, i. 486. Excavations in the pyramids by Colonel Vyse, i. 260. Extispicium practised at Olympia, ii. 390. Fables constituted the staple conversation of the old school of Athenians, i. 106. Factitious arrangement of local legends, i. 521; ii. 185. ———— genealogies, i. 464. — Apollodorus obscures the original variety of the Greek myths, ii. 341. union of diverse ritnals by a myth coined for the purpose, ii. 288. legend coined to account for a name, ii. 334. Faioum the Arsinoitan Nome of Strabo, i. 304. Fairs of the Middle Ages illustrate the commerce of the ancients, i. 173. False view taken of historical facts, ii. 143. oracles, check upon their publica- tion, ii. 119. Falsehood the lowest vice in the estima- tion of a Persian, ii. 301. Falsification of history by the Athenians, ii. 51. 307. poses, ii. 151. orators, ii. for special par- ----- τ τ “Ὁ gratify national vanity, ii. 70. 170. 392. ; Fauxbourgs appropriated to particular nations, i. 284. Felt the material of the Tartar tents, i. 451. a material for helmets, ii. 225. Ferry between the Pirseus and Salamis, i. 194. Fertility of Egypt during the reign of Amasis, how explained, i. 299. Fetialis at Rome sacrificed a swine with a knife of flint, i. 224. Fetishes in Scythia, i. 440. —_——-~—-— Jerusalem, ibid. Feudal allegiance, traces of, in the Persian monarchy, i. 69. ----...--.-ο of Hellenic dynasts to the Asiatic sovereigns, i. 517, 518. Figl is the συρμαίη of Herodotus, and INDEX OF much eaten by the lower classes in Egypt, i. 261. Filmer, his political philosophy traceable in early times, i. 329. Fire, the lighting of it symbolical of He- pheestus-worship, i. 521. ——, refusal of it or water an offence against which a commination was pro- nounced at Athens, ii. 311. Firmans used by Darius, i. 394. Fish, capture of, by .cel-pots, ii. 9 ——, food for cattle on the south coast of Arabia, ii. 9. Fish.eating population, i. 229. Fisheries in the Mzotis, i. 449. Five Rivers, valley of, i. 386. Flamen Vulcanalis sacrificed to the Earth at Rome on the kalends of May, i. 560. Food of the common people in the time of Herodotus, i. 447. Footmark of Heracles not near the bank of the Hypanis as supposed by Ritter, i. 486. Foreign guards of the later Egyptian kings, i. 316. Fountain of Ammon, physical fact giving rise to the story about it, i. 543. Four knees in the camel’s hind legs, cause of the appearance, i. 379. Frana found both at the beginning and end of Persian names, ii. 14. Frankincense, where grown, i. 381. Fresh water springs, instances of some rising out of fields of salt, i. 543. Funeral ceremonies not merely a tradi- tional custom, i. 480. Furs, mixture of, for the sake of decora- tion, i. 502. Gadara etymologically identified with Candahar, ii. 225. Ganges, doubtfal if known to Herodotus, i. 463. , its reputation perhaps transferred to the Indus, i. 463. Gephyra, its site, ii. 34. Garamantes, diverse accounts relative to them in Herodotus, i. 539. .----.-. » how ex- plained, i. 539. Gaza, a caravan route between it and ‘Elana on the Red Sea, i. 312. —— perhaps the Syrian Agbatana of Herodotus, i. 416. Gela, its etymology, ii. 270. ——, its proper ethnic Gel@an, not Ge- loan, ii. 270. Gelon, his connexion with Dorieus only gathered by inference from Herodotus, ii. 275. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Gender, change of, explained, i. 221. Genealogies (mythical), how constructed, i. 464. —_—_—____ —_—_—_—_-—-, genuine ones facti- tiously combined, i. 464. —_——_—-— sometimes factitious, i. 236; ii. 341. —————_—,, Hellenic, always ended with a deity, ii. 117. Generific light connected with the legend of Apis, i. 327. Genuine history undermined by the uncri- tical use of documents, i. 237. Geographical confusion of Herodotus, i. 151. 173. 186. 192. —————- knowledge of the north of the Ister due to the Romans, i. 446. Geography, as a science, later than the time of Herodotus, i. 452. Geological speculations of the ancients took a start with Straton, i. 176. Germanians not likely to be etymologi- cally the same with the Germans, i. 97. Germanicus at Thebes, i. 261. Gerrhzi, carriers of eastern spices on rafts up to Babylon, i. 383. , their habitation on the 5. coast of Arabia, i. 383. , great land carriers, i. 383. Gerrhus, its locality, i. 469. Gigantic blocks of stone, i. 285. Glass, sarcophagus made of, i. 138. Glaucus (the metal worker), i. 17. Glosses indicated by great variation of MSS, i. 318. "introduced into the text, i. 33. 39. 61, 62. 325. 366. 476; ii. 55. 63. 143. 152. 392. 482. Gnats, enormous swarms of, in the forests of Poland, ii. 5. Gnomic sentiments, Aristotle’s lost collec- tion of them, i. 24. . —__—___—_—_—-, the common property of all from very early times, i. 24. Gobryas, the Hellenic form of Gaubaruwa, i. 366. , his confidential relations with Darius, i. δ] 4. , Darius’s close attachment to him appears from the rock inscriptions as well as from Herodotus, ii. 1) 1. Gold an article of traffic in antiquity, i. 74. not used by Persians as the orna- ment of a dead body, i. 85. -——- from the Altai, i. 159. , its relative value to silver at different periods, i. 374; 11. 204. known by Herodotus probably came from central Agia, i. 386. —., pure, unfit for a coinage, i. 535. 551 Golden plane-tree of Pythius probably the work of Hellenic artists, ii. 203. Gomates the name of the pseudo-Smer- dis in the Behistun Inscription, i. 349. ee used in funerals at Lacedsemon, ii. wane its site and importance as a mili- tary position, ii. 254. misplaced by Hawkins, ibid. Gorgo, daughter of Cleomenes, married to Leonidas her uncle, ii. 136. Government, Persian method of, i. 368. Grandson named after grandfather both in Hellas and Persia, i. 80; ii. 237. Greeks accounted for all legends by a reference to their own mythology, i. 196. Grove essential to some religious rituals, 285. 446. Guards would naturally attend a satrap, li. 490. Guayaquil, navigation on it like that on the Nile, i. 233. Gyges, varying legends of, i. 9. Gymnastics introduced by the Cretans or Lacedzemonians, i. 8. Gymnopedia, a festival in the latter end of July, ii. 124. Haliacmon. See Lydias. Halys, probable confusion of Herodotus as to its course, i. 54. of Aristogoras’s map not the river flowing into the Euxine, ii. 3]. 202. Hamilcar, his sacrifice of himself a reli- gious one, ii. 280. Harems both in former and present times mainly supplied from Circassia, i. 3765 ; li. 492 Harpagus, the general of Cyrus of that name‘a Mede, that of Darius a Persian, li. 10). Harrows of iron, i. 72. Headless men, perhaps a fiction arising out of some symbolical representation, i. 548. Hearth-fire, its extinction a symbolical act, ii. 47. Hecatombs of every kind of animal sacri- ficed by the Lusitanians, i. 359. Hecatonesi not ‘the hundred islands,” but the “‘ islands of Apollo,” i. 112. Hecatzus, his reputed influence with a Persian satrap, ii. 110. » probable allusion to him, i 183; ti. 117. —————’s words probably copied by Herodotus, ii. 167. Hecatus and Hecate the names of Helios 552 and Selene on the Asiatic coast, i. 82. 312. Heiresses very numerous at Lacedsemon, ii. 119. Helen, her temple on the hill-top at The- rapne of great antiquity, ii. 122. Heliopolis, its site, i. 172. Hellanicus perhaps the authority for He- rodotus in the summary of the Ionian war, ii. 85. Hellas, late use of, as a collective name, 1. 3. Hellenes who took part against Persia, and in consequence had their names in- scribed on the base of Zeus at Olympia, ii. 440. Hellenic armour, Herodotus’s statements respecting it are difficult to understand, i, 542. channels of information give a colour to the facta, i. 200. features in a Lydian legend, i. 27. legends reproduced in Egypt, i. 254. Hellespont, the securing the means of transit there an important point with the Persian court, ii. 17. ———_—, story of the insults wreaked by Xerxes on it criticised, ii. 207. , its appearance that of a river, ii. 20 » ferries across it, ii. 208. , construction of the pontoon bridges across it explained, ii. 208. , its transit by Xerxes repre- sented in all accounts as inauspicious, ii. 210. , time of its transit by the army of Xerxes, ii. 344. Hellespontine dynasts vassals of the Per- sian court, i. 517. Helmet said to be introduced from Egypt, i. 642. , this statement opposed by facts, i. 542. Helmets, similarity of the Phoenician, Egyptian, Carian, and Greek, ii. 234. im into Assyria rather than brought from thence, ii. 234. Hemp, earliest notice of it, i. 480. grows in the north of Russia, i. 480. named κάνναβις perhaps by the merchants who bought it, not by its growers, i. 481. Hempseeds, their use as a narcotic in an- cient and modern times, i. 481. Hephesteum at Memphis, its propylea, i. 268. Hephestus, his reputed work in the Apollo temple at Patara, i. 33. —————— of Memphis identified with Osiris in later times, i. 273. INDEX OF Heracleotic Nome, i. 303. Heracles at Thebes consulted by dreams, ii. 306. —————, no Egyptian name like it, i. 200 ———— Thasius at Tyre, i. 201. Heraclides long resisted by the ancient inhabitants of the Peloponnese, ii. 47. Heraclitus, technical phraseology of his system, ii. 445. Hereeum at Argos burnt by the accident of a priestess who thereupon took sanc- tuary in Arcadia, ii. 133. ——___———— entered without hesita- tion ely Cleomenes, why, ii. 133. nearer to Mycense than to _ to Argon, ii. 138. originally belonged to ~ the fon former, ii. 133. ———__——_-—, fundamental character of the ritual Achzan, ii. 133. ———— at Samos probable source of the story of Polycrates, i. 391. ————_————— probable source of Herodotus’s story, i. 526. ——_——_—— built in the marshes, why, ii. 481. Here, dedication of the zone to her, iL 149. —— Bunea, her temple not outside the city of Corinth as implied by Herodo- tus, ii. 67. a χθονία θεὸς, ii. 67. ----.-- Ο of Corinth identical with the Bona Dea of Rome, i. 659. of Mycens perhaps an androgynous deity, i. 266. — a θεὸς γαμήλιος, i i. 274. — Parthenia at Samos, i. 342. —— of Platea, her temple enriched from the spoils of the town, ii. 455. --.------..-.--------, curious ritual performed in her honour, ii. 455. of Samos probably absorbed the ritual of Artemis and Aphrodite, ii. 481. Hermione, the old town inhabited by an antedorian population, ii. 340. ———, its site, ii. 340. Hermocrates, his assertion respecting the - race of the Sicilians explained, ii. 273. Hermopolis, three cities in Egypt of that name, i. 215. Hermus, its source how probably known to Herodotus, i. 61. Herodotus, remarkable omissions in his story, i. 34. 130. 239. 247. 275. 292. 298. 301. 334. 433. 449; ii. 91]. ———, traces of early variations in his text, i. 74. 79. 509. ΣῈ , vagueness of his information, i. 80. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Herodotus sometimes appears to follow heterogeneous traditions, i. 114. —, traces of an early draft of his work, i. 124. his description of Nitocris’s water-works unintelligible, i. 137, 138. , inaccurate topography of, i. 139. ——, limitation of his statements to the commercial track, i. 144. —————-, his confusion of astronomical notions, i. 169, 170. not an eye-witness of the Nile above Elephantine, i. 188. styled 5 μυθολόγος by Aristotle, i. 230. , his assertion of personal expe- rience qualified, i. 234. probably following a commer- cial authority, i. 240. 460. employed a dragoman in Egypt, and perhaps in Phasis, i. 240. ————— had no special standard of be- lief to guide him, i. 258. ————— gives numbers on an average calculation, i. 274. » some probable sources of his information, i. 278. — not an eye-witness of the head of the Suez canal, i. 287. ——, his “ Egyptians ” perhaps na- turalized foreigners, i. 288. ----ς--- - at the Labyrinth at the time of the waters being out, i. 307. --.----- his description of the Colossi in the Faioum explained, i. 307. —— probably saw the Faioum from the top of the Labyrinth, i. 307. — probably entered Egypt near Pelusium and left it near Papremis, i. 818. —_—§——- was in Egypt later than 460 B.c., i. 318. ——__——- visited Egypt after 449 B.c., i. 320. much read in the Roman schools, i. 339. ——, unfinished state of his work, i. 367, 368. 485. 503. 531; ii. 17. 85. 260. 373. not an eye-witness of Darius’s monument, i. 368. ---- -- extent of his knowledge of | — India, i. 377. rejects a true tradition on appa- rently satisfactory grounds, i. 385. ——, verbal similarity between him and Sophocles, i. 388. ——, caution requisite in combining his accounts with the Books of Kings and Chronicles, i. 419. has no system of geography, VOL. II. 553 but roughly combines diverse accounts, i. 452. Herodotus, extremely erroneous statement made by him, i. 467. ———_, indirect character of his infor- mation, i. 469. 524. , his fourth book the commence- ment of a new division of the subject, i. 487. ——— not in the Meotis, i. 490. , traces of his sojourn in Italy, i. 497. not likely to have been an eye- witness of Darius’s forts on the Oarus, i. 509. ————— probably followed a different tra- dition from Pindar respecting Battus, i, 525. ———— does not fulfil his promise of a detailed account of the Egyptian expe- dition against Cyrene, i. 531. ———, his information respecting Africa partly gathered from coasting navigators and partly from caravan travellers, i. 536. ————— perhaps confuses the greater Oasis with that of Ammon, i. 543. , his exactness very much over- rated by Heeren, i. 543. , the nature of the materials for his history illustrated, ii. 16. gives the term λογοποιὸς to both Esop and Hecateeus, ii. 2]. is coupled with Hecateeus as a λογοποιὸς, ii. 21. ———, nature of his sources as regards the neighbourhood of Susa, ii. 29. ——— confuses the branch roads of a district with the main line, ii. 32. ———, in his route to Susa, probably takes the distances from some current itinerary, ii. 32. ———_——, authority probably followed by him in the account of the expulsion of the Pisistratids, ii. 38. ——__——, his account of Cylon probably follows the traditions of a temple on the acropolis, ii. 46. ; inconsistency in his account of Cleomenes’s attack on Athens, ii. 50. ——--——— apparently has a navigator for the source of his information, ii. 78. 156. » existing division of his work not the original one, ii. 107. ———— at issue with Thucydides re- specting the first earthquake at Delos, ii. 143. » important variations in the text, ii. 146. 158. 368. 399. ———., the last three books present the appearance of having been at first intended as a separate work, ii. 181. 4B 554 Herodotus, his chronology between the times of Marathon and Salamis exa- mined, ii. 182. 186. ———— erroneously assumed to reckon from a fixed epoch, ii. 186. , nature of the sources of his narrative of Xerxes’s march to Sardis, ii. 206. —, error as to the position of Nisea, ii. 211. ———_—— shows that he is drawing from Hellenic, not Persian sources, ii. 223. ————,, his “‘ Medians ’’ not really such, i. 224. » lacuna in his text, ii. 229. ———— , Asiatic authority for one of his stories, ii. 244. , his description of the course of the Persian fleet criticised, ii. 250, 251. ——_— follows a Hellenic tradition in the Persian pedigree, ii. 269. --_———— perhaps unites two versions of the same story, ii. 308. — reconciled with Diodorus, ii. 319. 327. -- ----- great exaggeration in a state- ment of his, ii. 328. ----...--ἨἜ his account of the manceuvres at Salamis irreconcileable with the de- scription by Mschylus, ji. 362. » fictions to account for varia- tion in his copies, ii. 368. —, his story of the bridges at the Hellespont harmonizes ill with Thacy- dides, ii. 376. ———— accused of extravagant exagge- ration, unjustly, ii. 389. —————, Lucian’s story of his recitation at Olympia fails in an essential parti- cular, ii. 420. , impossible now to discover what special Ionic forms he used, ii. 429. — not guilty of simple exaggera- tion in his account of the public mourn- ing for Masistius, ii. 435. — indirectly confirmed by a state- ment of Thucydides respecting Decelea, ii. 468. Heterogeneous traditions followed by He- rodotus, i. 150. 164. 179. 208. 211. 245. Hexenpfad, perhaps the word of which pad ὁδοὶ is a translation, i. 469. Hides, an article of traffic in antiquity, i, 444. Hierapolis, the Syrian goddess there de- scribed by Lucian, ii. 74. Himantopodes, a fiction arising out of vr ie representations of Abraxas, 4 INDEX OF Hippias not lees than seventy-six or seventy-seven at the time of the battle at Marathon, ii. 149. ν his dream a parallel to that eg Cesar and some others, ii. , his operations on landing at Ma- rathon, ii. 150. ————-, his tactics at Marathon, ii. 176. Hippoclides, reasons suggested for Clis- thenes’s rising dissatisfaction with him, ii. 164. Hippocrates, his endeavour to get the Chalcidian population out of Sicily, ii. 273. Hippodamus of Miletus the builder of Rhodes (the city), i. 299. Histiseus, his power probably extended over several Ionian cities, i. 517. , his great resources, ii. 13. , his crafty policy with respect to Chios, i ii, 87. required specie to pay his mer- cenaries, ii. 101. hated by the Persian officials, why, ii. 102. » efficiency of his operations, ii. 164. Historical events both preserved and mo- dified in traditions, ii. 228. ——_—_— traditions shifting in their de- tails and actors, i. 157. History obscured by the toning down of mythical narratives, i. 242. of the Asiatic Greeks mainly reconstructed from recollection, ii. 103. Hit, the Je of Herodotus, i. 132. ——, bituminous springs at, idid. Hobbes, his political philosophy traceable in pagan times, i. 329. Holda, a Teutonic deity corresponding to the Latin Diana, i. 440. Homer and Hesiod, how come to be con- sidered as sacred books, i. 207. ————- ————_ incorrectly described as the prime authors of Hellenic mytho- logy, i. 207. Homicide, purification of some kinds of, i, 25. Homeeoteleuton deceives the eye of a transcriber, i. 264. 317. Honey a generic name with the ancients, as sugar is with us, to denote saccharine substances, ii. 205. Hophra of Scripture the Apries of He- rodotus, i. 290. Horned asses of Herodotus possibly the nyighau, i. 548. snakes common in Upper Egypt, i. 218. Horses sacrificed, ii. 246. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Huge birds, their agency usual in Asiatic traditions, i. 384. Human footstep of gigantic size, i. 227. life, prodigal ‘eames of it in balism, relic of, i. 477. —__—_—_—_—_——- in Chios and Tenedos, the victim being torn in pieces, ii. ————_—_—— belong to a very early system of religion in the Italian and Hellenic peninsulas, ii. 306. -- το»; reciprocally imputed to - another by Egyptians and Greeks, . 248. skin, its qualities when made into leather, i. 474. Huns worshipped a sword as the symbol of their deity, i. 473. Hunting, passion of the Persian kings for it, ii. 263. Hyacinthia, its nature, ii. 424. ————— celebrated at Amycls, ii. 424. Hydarnes of the story of Sperthias and Balis not regarded as the same with Hydarnes mentioned elsewhere, ἰΐ. 259. a (Elea), origin of its name, i. ΡΝ (the Bush) now bare of trees, i. Hyllwe combined with the Hermus in the Iliad, i. 61. Hypania, its brackish waters, how ex- plained, i. 468. Hyperanthes, perhaps the translation of a Persian name, ii. 308. Hyperboreans, offerings from them brought to Delos, i. 456. ——_——-—— in the original notion a mythical and Soe i. 462. _ to sacrifice asses to Apollo, i. iar. Hypothesis converted into history, i. 238. Hysiz, ita site, ii. 49. Hyspiratis, a region abounding in gold, i. 460. Iacchus, the name of the hymn which be- gan with the same word, ἢ. 350. Iamids, their hereditary skill in divina- tion, ii. 444. Iapygia, a place in Illyria so named, as well as in Italy, ii. 282. Ibis mummies, i. 215. ——— could never destroy snakes, i. 219. 555 Ichneumon when swimming mistaken for an otter, i. 217. Iconoclasm of the early Persians, i. 333. ————,, reputation of the Persians for it produced by Cambyses, but kept up by Greek statesmen, ii. 376. Ida crossed by Xerxes, why, ii. 253. Ideean deities, their ritual of an orgiastic character, i. 222. Identification of persons bearing the same name requires great caution, ii. 232. Idols, archaic form of, i. 52. 83. ——, influence of art upon them, i. δ]. Ienysus the modern Khan Jones, i. 313. at the edge of the desert, iid. ——-—a considerable distance from Ka- dytis according to Herodotus, i. 415. Ihad, its present division into twenty-four books not original, i. 249. llithyia of Manetho the equivalent of Persephone, i. 202. ΠῚ omen, words of, carefully avoided, i. SIL. 515; ii. 300. Immortals, the nature of the band so called, ii. 206. Impalement commonly represented in the Nineveh bas-reliefa, i. 413. Inarus, his operations against the Per- sians in Egypt, i. 318. India, early traffic between it and the Mediterranean, i. 381. Indian spices not grown in India, i. 240. Indo- Bactrian symbolism, supposed traces of it in Scythia, i. 484. Infant mummies very rare, i. 220. Inference, words to be supplied by, i. 27. 39 Inferential meaning of a word not to be confused with one resident in it, ii. 24. 197. Injustice, naked, an unbearable spectacle even to uncivilized races, i. 436. Inscription, said to have existed within a pyramid, i. 261. Inscriptions not always contemporaneous, i. 220. Instractors, qualifications demanded from them under the Roman empire, ii. 26]. Intaphernes, the Hellenic form of Vida- Jrana, i. 356. Intercalation, necessity of, i. 22. ————_— ractised — Pp by the Greeks, i. 170. Intercourse of the Hellenic race with Egypt, i. 284. Interpolation of the text probable, i. 9. 22. 192. 250. 460; ii. 162. — by an ancient editor, i. 277. ---.------Ξ perhaps introduced from the text of Diodorus, i. 29]. Ibycus, his story a parallel to that of | Inundation of the Nile probably existed 45 2 Arion, i. 15. when Herodotus visited Egypt, i. 234. 556 Invasion of Europe by the Mysians end Teucrians a comparatively recent le- gend, ii. 199. To, the Argive word for the moon, i. 197. Ioh, the Coptic word for the moon, i. 197. Ionian rock-monument mentioned by He- rodotus, i. 241. Tonians, name of them applied toa mixed multitude, why, ii. 19. 90. , the naval force of Darius so termed incorrectly, i. 517. , their vassalage to Persia not always involuntary, i. 130. in danger from the Persians after the battle of Mycale, ii. 486. ————, in what way injured the Phoe- nicians at Salamis, ii. 364. ~-——-—, 8 general phrase applied to the Asiatic contingent of Xerxes’s navy, ii. 365. , nothing d ry to those in Xerxes’s fleet expressed by Herodotus, ii. 371. of Asia, diverse opinions with re- gerd to them adopted by Herodotus, ii πὴ her ritual at Megara analogous to that of the Hyperborean maidens at Delos, i. 457. Iphitus, his discus at ἘΝ an important historical monument, i. 47. Iren, the term applied at Sparta to ape just emerging from boyhood, 474 Ironical expression, i. 516. Irrigation of the vallies of the Euphrates and Tigris, i. 140. Isagoras erroneously set down as of bar- barian extraction, ii. 42. ——— of Megarian connexions, ii. 42. ———— kept up the feud of Cylon at Athens, ii. 42. , why acceptable as a protégé to Cleomenes, ii. 49. , the Corinthians jealous of him, why, ii. 49. Isis, when symbolized by the milch-cow, i. 197 — identified with Athene in the time of Plutarch, i. 211. ——~, in her character of the moon, re- presented as Jo by the Greeks, i. 197. ----- not the whole earth, but the allu- vium of Egypt, i. 265. ——, ina late legend regarded as andro- gynous, i. 327. Isotherm, the same one passes through Jerusalem and Caubul, i. 380. Issedones, knowledge of them how pro- bably obtained, i. 451. INDEX OF Issedones, their probable ate on the Ural, i. 451. Issus, gulf of, not well ie to Hero- dotus, why, i. 459. Ister, number of its mouths, i. 466. , its tributaries, with the exception of the Pyretus (Prath), not identifiable with certainty, i. 466. ——, its comparison with the Nile criti- cised, i. 192. Isthmus, battle between the Spartans and Measenians there, ii. 446. » position of the lines drawn acroes it by the confederates, ii. 355. —————, the place of meeting for the Peloponnesian confederates, ii. 265. Itanus, probably a Phoenician settlement, i. 525. Jason, legend of his expedition to the lake Tritonis, how treated in later times, i. 541. ——, traditions of the extent of his ex- pedition, i. 237. Jaxartes, the boundary between Sogdiana and the land of the Sace, according to Eratosthenes, i. 372. Jerboas, the δίποδες of Herodotus, i. 549. Jerome, his dispute with Augustin on a translation from the Hebrew, i. 231. Jerusalem, by some thought to be Kady- tis, i. 288. ——— lies entirely out of the coast- road from Egypt, i. 312. » Perhaps confused with Joppa, i, 312. Jihon, its present and past course, i. 15). Joppa a nest of pirates, i. 312. , perhaps the Kadytis of Herodotus, i. 312. ——, probably avoided by Hellenic navi- gators, i. 312. Joseph, his seven barns, i. 263. Judah, kingdom of, humbled by the As- syrian monarchy shortly before the reign of Psammitichus in Egypt, i. 418. Julius Cesar consecrated several troops of horses on crossing the Rubicon, i. 213. Kadesh, numerous cities bearing the name, i. 312. Kadytis, its situation described by Hero- dotus as a navigator, not as a geogra- pher, i. 313. by some identified with Jerusa- lem, i. 288. has been supposed to be Kadesh Naphtali, i. 312. Hellenic form of the Assyrian Khazita, i. 415. supposed by Rawlinson to be the - “ἃ SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Kadytis is perhaps Jernsalem confused with Joppa, its port, i. 312. Kalendars, character of the ancient, i. 161. Khan of the Tartars, mode of his burial, i. 480. Khania, the Cydonia of Herodotus, i. 348. Khazita, the Assyrian form of Gaza, i. 415. --- ---Ῥ not likely to be represented both by Kadytis and Gaza in Greek, i. 416. Koumiss, mode of preparing, i. 437. Kublai Khan executed a relation by toss- ing him in a carpet, why, i. 477. Labradeus, the title of the Zeus Stratius, near Mylasa, ii. 83. --------Ἁ its origin, ii. 83. Labranda, a fane of Zeus Stratius, six miles from Mylasa, ii. 83. ort perhaps a title of dignity, i. 139. Labyrinth, a word of Hellenic origin, i. 278. Lacedeemon, the source, directly or indi- rectly, of much of Herodotus’s narra- tive, i. 341. —, Dorian and Achean parties in the government, i. 407. ———— —, Cleomenes’s attempt to make it the chief member of an Achzean confederacy, ii. 129. ——_—__— change of policy there imme- diately on the death of Cleomenes, ii. 136. —, Achsean party both strong and jealous there at the time just be- fore the battle of Plateea, ii. 426. —, resorted to by the Samian aristocracy opposed to Polycrates, i. 406 ‘ Lacedeemonian history, its uncertain cha- racter down to comparatively recent times, ii. 24. —_——_—- kings, their pedigree very uncertain, i. 47. .-----.-.ς-ς-. traditions in their genuine form, ii. 115. _ LLacedsemonians considered the head of the Hellenic confederates, ii. 274. ——__————— had a bad reputation in Hellas for double dealing, ii. 456. ————_, probable cause of this prejudice, ii. 456. Laconicism, failure of the Samians in it, i. 341. Lacuna in the text of Herodotus, i. 339 ; ii. 117. 229. » how originally filled, ii. 117. Ladice, ‘her story rests on a temple tradi- tion, i. 301. 557 Ladum, the name of a plant which grows in Naxos, i. 384. —_—____—___— is Arabic, i. 384. Lamp in the temple of Athene Polias, i. 212. Lampadephoria, practice for it took place in the academy, ii. 56. Lampsacus, its origin, i. 120. » formerly called Pityoéssa or Pityoéa, ii. 107. —————, a colony from Miletus, ii. 106. , its site, ii. 106. —_—, piratical warfare of Miltiades with it, ii. 106. Land, its tenure by ‘the military caste in Egypt, i. 293. Landmarks, notice of them by Herodotus, ii. 247. Landtax, a rent paid for usufruct in the East, i. 243. Language compared to the noise of birds, i. 544. —————, its forms continually undergoing a change, ii. 26. Languages, similarity of two to the ear no proof of identity, i. 240. Laodicea, its wools in great esteem, ii. 205. Lar, of the Italian religions, i. 472. ——, identical with the Ζεὺς ἕρκειος, ii. 125. Larissa, its siege by Antiochus, how raised, ii. 255. Lasso, a weapon used by some of the in Xerxes’s army, ii. 233. Latona, legend connecting the shrew- mouse with her ritual, i. 215. Law, positive, made a cloak for the viola- tion of moral law, i. 329. Laws of nature represented as early in- ventions, i. 6. Laxity of style, i. 3. Leagrus, his expedition to Edonis pro- bably of a piratical nature, ii. 469. ——— , circumstances attending its failure, ii. 469. Lectum, the westernmost point of Asia, ii, 491. Leeches not found in the Nile, i. 216. Legends, adaptation of them to different countries, 1. 92. , historical, some constant features in them explained, ii. 228. , varied in the course of time, i. 16. 22. ——_—., modified by works of plastic art, i. 16. , mythical, originating in religious symbols, i. 82 Legitimate succession, secured at any cost by aspirants to power, i. 434. Leleges, traces of them at Miletus, i. 129. 558 Lemnos, its seizure by Miltiades, how re- presented, ii. 167. 170. , 8 name of the great goddess, to whom virgins were habitually sacrificed, ii. 169. Leon, king of Sparta, i. 49. , the unsuccessful expedition against Tegea occurred in his reign, i. 49. Leonidas, his marriage with an act of conciliation, and perhaps of po- licy, ii. 299. ------Ο.-.--Ἅ, his bones brought home to Sparta forty years after his death, ii.308. , his absence from Lacedsemon at the time of the Carnea perhaps de- τ᾿ explained, ii. 806. ——— allowed access to a foreign temple as ἃ special favour, ii. 306. ———__——, the Hellenic Decius, ii. 306. , his stay at Thermopyle arising out of religious feeling, ii. 306. ————— seems to have shared the reli- gious predilections of his brother Cleo- menes, ii. 306. Leotychides probably lived in exile at Tegea for five years, ii. 128. ——_—_——-, chronology of his reign set- tled, ii. 128. --------- -,Ὄὅ, various dates of his death explained, ii. 128. ————— favourable to the peculiar policy of Cleomenes, ii. 128. Leprosy, a punishment inflicted by the gods, i. 104. Leto, the Egyptian deity, perhaps repre- sented as androgynous, i. 266. Leucadia not regarded as an island by Herodotus, ii. 341. ——-——- is so at the present day, and in the time of Strabo was counected by a bridge, ii. 342. Libyan mountain consists of limestone resting on clay, i. 260. Libyans, those found by Battus perhaps 8 mixed race, i. 547. Lindians, name given to a part of Gela, ii. 270. Linen manufacture of Egypt, i. 198. —— origin of the Egyptian practice to bury in it, i. 223. Linus, the name of a peculiar melody, i. l Lipsydrium, its site, ii. $7. Local accounts, traces of them observable in Herodotus’s narrative, i. 62. 88. 120. 214 hee 147. 156. 243. —_— itions indicated by a peculiarity of language, ii. 54. 57. 60. ---- ---- - evidence of their inaccu- racy, ii. 368. INDEX OF Local traditions of Thebes the source of Herodotus’s story of Cambyses’s cam- paign in Upper Egypt, i. 321. ——————— confuse the particulars of history, i. 299. ——_—_—_-——_, their differences masked by injudicious emendations, i. 525. Localities modify the features of a story, i. 811. Logical notions confused with realities, i. 156. 363. Long life attributed to the Ethiopians and Tartessians, i. 324. Lotophagi, consumers of the napeca, i. 232. Lotas, that of Egypt not the Cyrenian, i. 232. ——, modern use of the latter, i. 232. —— wine, how produced, i. 540. ———-—— would not keep, idid. Lustral fire connected with earth worship in very early times, i. 560. Lycanthropy prevailed among the Neuri, i. 500. Lycia anciently divided into north and south, i. 128. —-, partial account of its subjugation, i. 130. ——, Cretan customs existing in it, 1. 127. ——, the boundary between it and Caria not clearly defined, ii. 22. Lycians, the ‘ancient Lycians” of Fellowes, characterized, i. 127, 128 , why not subject to Croesus, i. 18 Lycidas, parallel narrative to that of his stoning, ii. 422. Lycomedes, various accounts of his naval feat, ii. 325. gibi a uncertainty of his history, espe- cially of the dates, i. 47. Lydia, results of the conquest by Cyrus, i. 115. Lydian capitalists useful to Darius, ii. 205. dynasty, the stories of it are all connected with offerings ἔπ certain temples, i. 9. kings claimed to be lords of the soil along the coast of the Troad and Propontis, ii. 106. ——_—_—_——, their relation to the Hel- lenic settlements there, ii. 106. ————— probably did not coin their own money, i. 74. Lydias, probable change of its embouchure between the time of Herodotus and Scylax, ii. 264. Lygdamis, Aristotle's account of his for- tunes, i. 45. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Lygdamis, approximate date of his dy- nasty, ii. 17. Lysida, the wife of Periander, called Me- lissa, i. 343. M the Hellenic representative of the Per- sian B, i. 356. Macedonia, its boundary, ii. 9. ——_—___—_—- kingsrepresented as wealthy in the text of Herodotus as it stands, Macedonian kings, their Hellenic blood disputed, ii. 12. ——_——, diverse accounts of their pedigree, ii. 393. contingent furnished to Mardo- nius at Platea, ii. 443. Macedonians pronounced ¢ as 8, ii. 228. Machlyes, perhaps a name descriptive of the habits of the people, i. 540. Macistius, the name given by the Hel- lenes to Masistius, why, ii. 434. Macrones, said td carry on a border war- fare with Cyzicus, i. 373. Mactorium, its etymology, ii. 271. ——_—_——, probably a city of refuge, ibtd. Madeira, aboriginal inhabitants of the island, i. 226. Meeander, its fountain in the court of a royal palace not noticed by Herodotus, ii. 203. Meeotis, navigation of, i. 453. , alteration in the depth of its water, how caused, i. 453. ——-—,, its traffic probably monopolised by the Bosporane Greeks, i. 499. Magdolus thought to be the Megiddo of Scripture, i. 288. Magian policy favourable to the inde- pendence of the outlying portions of the Persian empire, i. 408. ——— religion oppressed by Cambyses, i. 431. ——-— ritual, as described by Herodotus, alien to Persian habits, ii. 246. usurpation a counter revolution in favour of the Medes, i. 353. —_____-+-—_—_——,, its political signifi- cance appears incidentally in Herodo- tus, i. 431. Magians appear as influential in the court of Xerxes asin that of Astyages, ii. 198. Magians, said to have roused an icono- clastic spirit in Xerxes, ii. 346. ——_——., their dualistic system, i. 105. » Wide extent of them, #id. , attachment of Bactria to their system, i. 100. —, the Median dynasty of Asty- a Magian one, i. 100. Marian brothers, story of their death 559 passed through Hellenic channels to Herodotus, i. 358. Magnesia on the Hermus, not built in the time of Herodotus, i. 369. ----ς--- Meeander, i. 369. ---.-.. τττ-----ς- head-quarters of a corps d'armée, i. 369. —_—_—__—__, probably un- fortified, i. 369. » probably the point from which troops were moved on Sardis when it was taken by the Athenians, ii. 73. Magnesians, a powerful aristocracy in early times, i. 369. , their habits like those of the Thessalians or the modern Hungarians, i. 369. Magophonia, the festival commemorating the feat of the seven conspirators, i. 361. Malta, its linen manufactures, i. 240. Maneros, its meaning, i. 221. converted into a personage in the Osiris-cycle, i. 222. Mankat, the name of the Nogay and Crim Tartars, i. 439. Manceuvre of the Hellenic gallies ex- plained, ii. 324. Manuscripts of Herodotus, great variations in them, i. 29—31. 197. of Aristagoras not what we under- stand by a chart of the known world, ii. 28. Marathon, reasons for Hippias landing there, ii. 146. ————- , examination of the account of the battle, ii. 172, segg. ————, its adaptation for cavalry no- ticed, ii. 172. ————, yet apparently none employed there, ii. 174. ————, description of the topography, ti. 175. , the Persian army there said to ἘΝ consisted of forty-six nations, ii. ——_-—_—-, whenever mentioned in a mixed assembly of Greeks produced a hubbub, ii. 440. Mardonius the representative of Darius’s imperial policy, ii. 111. , remarkable fact of his standing higher than any other in Xerxes’s con- fidence explained, ii. 183. and Artaphernes represented two different schools of policy, ii. 184. , plan οὗ his campaigns con- 560 INDEX OF trasted with that of Datis and Arta- | Massagete represented as destroyed by phernes, ii. 184. Mardonius not likely to have been whole brother to Darius’s first wife, ii. 184. the commander-in-chief of the army of Xerxes, ii. 231. 352. —, his object in sending an agent to the Hellenic oracles, ii. 393. ————, consequences to him if defeated in the plain of Athens, ii. 429. when in Bosotia was near to his own magazines, ii. 429. irritated at the disappointment of his intrigues, ii. 450. ν , Plutarch’s account of his death in accordance with a dream in the cave of Tropbonius, ii. 462. Marea, its neighbourhood full of wine shops and public gardens in Strabo’s time, i. 181. ,is the key of the western entrance of Egypt, i. 161. , camp there not mentioned by Herodotus, why, i. 189. 290. Mareotis lake, its banks the only part of Egypt where wine was produced, i. 181. Mares habitually used by the Persians for ordinary purposes, ii. 380. —— spoken of as if used in drawing the Persian chariot of the sun, ii. 380. Marines, either Persians, Medians, or Sacans in all the Hellenic ships of Xerxes’s navy, why, ii. 237. Maris of Herodotus perhaps the Theiss, i. 467. Maritime trader, evidence of one in Hero- dotus’s description, i. 447. Marius, corporal punishment endured by him while in the ranks, ii. 200. Marked sticks, divination by means of them among the Germans, i. 475. Marshy character of the region between the rivers Wolga and Ural, i. 501. Marsyas of Herodotus not the same as that of Xenophon, ii. 82. ——-— of later times called Cataract by Herodotus, ii. 202. ——— supposed to rise from the same tarn as the Meander, ii. 202. , Site assigned to his musical con- teat with Apollo, ii. 203. ——_—, his skin preserved in the time of Xenophon, ii. 2038. Masista, its meaning in the Zend perhaps rendered by the Greek Μακίστιος, ii. 433. Masistes a lineal descendant of Astyages, ii. 490. Masonic brothers, Agamedes and Trophi- nius, i. 254. Massagete, their real character, i. 150. their intemperance, i. 157. , the name a comprehensive one in Strabo, i. 452. Matiene supposed to be an appellative, ii. 33 Meanee, numbers slain there no parallel to the alleged loss at Platea, ii. 466. Measures, Persian scale of them probably adopted from Babylon, and identical with the Egyptian and the Saman, iii. 110. ————., Attic scale of them used by Herodotus in describing a Lacedsemo- nian practice, ii. 119. Mecca, caravans to, i. 173. Mede, ‘‘ the Mede”’ is the Median power, i. 120. Medes, their supremacy restored by the Magian usurpation, i. 393. more civilised than the rest of Darius’s subjects, ii. 154. in western Asia on the same foot- ing as the European regiments in an Anglo-Indian army, ii. 154. not likely to have done garrison duty in Ionia, ii. 154. ——— and Persians not accurately dis- tinguished in Kuropean Greece when Herodotus wrote, ii. 154. Media said to be not far distant from Col- chis, in what sense, i. 81. ——,, its site mistaken, 1. 444. Median monarchy, various dates for its origin, i. 79. , ite duration, i. 99. strategics probably superior to Persian, i. 119. ——— garb of honour, i. 365. — ships, in what sense to be under- stood, i. 400. ——— religious rites revived in the court of Xerxes, i. 435. traditions, if genuine, never brought Medus from Athens, ii. 224. Medians, doubtful whom Herodotus in- tends by the name in some cases, ii. Medineh in the Faioum, i. 305. M , saying of his in later times attributed to the Delphic oracle, i. 520. ———, his acuteness, of what kind, ii. 112. Megabignes, the Hellenic form of the Persian Bagabigna, i. 356. Megabyzus, the Hellenic form of Baga- bukeha, i. 356. Megacreon, his witty saying misunder- stood, ii. 250. Megara, its acropolis formerly called Caria, ii. 42. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Megara once a dependency of Corinth, ii. 49. , nature of the revolution in which it became independent, ii. 50. » Varying traditions as to its early history, ii. 51. , meaning of the name, idid. , particulars of its war with Athens rest on popular traditions, i. 4l. Megiddo thought to be the Magdolus of Herodotus, i. 288. Melampygus a surname of Heracles, ii. 304, Melicerta and his dolphin, i. 16. the Corinthian form of the Phoenician Melkart, i. 201. Melissa, her tomb at Epidaurus, i. 343. , possible origin of the story making her the wife of Periander, i. 343. -——_—-, the female hierophants of De- meter and Persephone so named, ii. 67. Melkart (dominus urbis) became Meli- certa at Corinth, and there changed his character, why, i. 201. 502. the Tyrian equivalent of Heracles, i. 201. Meltem the modern Turkish name of the Etesian wind, ii. 144. Memnoneum the name of the acropolis of Susa, ii. 269. Mendes, doubtful if ever the Egyptian name for a goat, i. 203. Mendicant priests in pagan antiquity, i. 458. Mercenary soldiers, ii. 140. Merdis etymologically identical with Bar- tius, i. 328. 356. Meroé said to have been built by Cam- byses to commemorate his mother, sister, or wife, i. 310. Mesogsea probably a locality in which Pisistratid influence prevailed, i. 42. 44. Messenian nation, its curious palladium discovered by Epaminondas, ii. 447. ——_————- wars scarcely mentioned by He- rodotus, i. 48. a sore subject at Lacede- mon, i. 341. ——___—-——-, notice of the third of them, ii. 446. Messenians, a community of feeling be- tween them, the Eleans, and Arcadians, ii. 447. Meta Sudans at Rome, i. 173. Metempsychosis held in Egypt, i. 258. Meton, his chronological cycle, i. 163. ———,, its utility, i. 164, VOL. It. 561 Meton, his chronological cycle, its appa- rent irregularity, i. 165. Middle forms sometimes used in nearly the same sense as active, i. 54. voice, force of, i. 19. 283. Milesian women, probable origin of their custom to eat alone, i. 110. Milesians, of what race at the time of the battle of Mycale, ii. 483. Miletus, former power of, i. 12; ii. 16. το its population a most mixed one, i, 107. not averse to the overtures of Cyrus, why, i. 107. , predominating religion that of Apollo-Didymeus, i. 107. ———., its native traditions, i. 110. , next to nothing learnt of its his- tory from Herodotus, ii. 16. apparently the centre of the Ionian confederacy, ii. 89. , jealousy of its power, ibid. , its policy disapproved by Apollo, on what account, ii. 96. ——-—, its close connexion with Sybaris, ii. 97. Military movements, Herodotus’s account of some confused, ii. 39. road ran through Lycaonia, i. 54. caste in Egypt, i. 272. —— arrangements of the Persians strange to the Greek habits, ii. 211. rank in Persia not necessarily im- plying military service, ii. 223. distinctions in the Persian army, ii. 379. Miltiades, his hereditary attachment to the Lydian dynasty, i. 516. likely to be familiar with the navigation of the Euxine, i. 519. —————, why represented as the στρα- τηγὸς of the Ionian fleet of Darius, i. 519. ————, variation in the story of his going to Thrace, ii. 105. ————, his pedigree, ibid. ——_——-, confusion of several members of his family, ii. 106. , 8 vassal of Croesus, idid. ———, Herodotus’s account of him probably derived from two different sources, ii. 108. ————, supposed chronological difficul- ties in the account of him by Herodotus explained, ii. 108. — when calumniated to Hydarnes the Persian satrap, ii. 165. —, his narrow escape from capital punishment, ii. 167. —, light thrown upon his seizure of Lemnos by a fragmentary notice of Charax, ii. 170. 4c 562 Miltiades, his tactics at Marathon, ii. 177. -——__——-, his antipathy to Persia illus- trated, ii. 229. in later times said to have in- duced the Athenians to violate the law of nations, ii. 258. Mineral baths much frequented by the Persians, i. 493. Mines in siege operations familiar to the Persians, i. 552. —— probably learnt from the Assyrians, i. 552. Ministers sometimes called by the same name as that of their deity, i. 208. Minos recognized by Herodotus as ante- historical, i. 125. , his wrath against his countrymen, how caused, ii. 281. Miscalculation of numbers not mcommon in Herodotus, ii. 202. 44]. Miecellanies, a popular form of writing under the Roman empire, i. 34. Mithradates (foster-father of Cyrus), ex- planation of his being described as “‘a} herdsman,”’ i. 94. —— (king of Pontus), his pedigree went up to one of the seven conspira- tors, i. 94. , geography of Europe east of the Dniester known only since his time, i. 446. Mithras and Mithra, i. 82. , human sacrifices offered to him in later times, i. 68. Mitra alone would be equivalent to Aphro- dite Urania, ii. 143. Mitrabates and not Mitrobates the correct orthography, i. 389. Mixed construction illustrated, i. 10. 207. 249. 390. 412. 523; 11. 57. 59. ——___—_—_——__,, always a reason for it in the older writers, ii. 488. Mnevis, the Apis of Heliopolis, i. 292. Merris, the lake, not an artificial excava- tion, i. 303. , never for an instant supposed so by Strabo, i. 303. Mohammedans in India regulate the orientation of their compasses by Mecca, i. 209. Moloch identified with Poseidon, why, ii. 280. Moloch-worship at Carthage, i. 149. ———— probahly once existed at Daphne, i. 242. —_— , horrible practice of im- molating children in it, i. 472. Momemphis, its site, i. 291. Monarchies, the early ones always suc- ceeded by a military aristocracy of cavalry, ii. 52. INDEX OF Monarchies put down as 8 general rule by the Lacedsemonians, ii. 62. Monsoons in the Euxine Sea, i. 453. Month (lunar), its importance in ancient kalendars, 1. 160. Monuments, their connexion with tradi- tional history, i. 220. 273. 301. Moods, interchange of them explained, i. 252. —, use of subjunctive and optative after ὅπως, Iva, &c., i. 91. 578. Moon, its reputed influence on growth, i. 328. Morie stood in the Academy, ii. 55. -——, oil from them a prize for the vic- tors in the Panathenaic games, ii. 56. Morocco leather perhaps the red goat skins of Herodotus, i. 547. Mosquito curtains used in Egypt, i. 231. Mosquitoes, their astonishing numbers in Scythia, i. 481. Mosyneeci, their site and the origin of their name, i. 373. Mound, use of in besieging cities by the Persians, i. 119. ———,, probably derived from the Assy- rians, 1. }19. of Halyattes, varying accounts of its origin, i. 73. Mourning, manes of horses cut in sign of, ii. 435. Mummies not found with the African con- figuration of skull, i. 239. Municipal freedom favoured by Darius, a fact, but much perverted by Herodotus, i. 11]. Musical scale, extent of, i. 1]. Muster roll of the Persian army supposed to have fallen into the hands of the Greeks, ii. 239. Mutilation of dead bedies the punishment for rebellion, ii. 3} 4. Mycale, its description such as might be expected from a mariner, i. 111. Mycene a thorn in the sides of the Ar- gives, ii. 131. ——_———, its destruction by the Argives, ii. 135. ——_—, assistance given by it to Leo- nidas at Thermopyle induced the Ar- gives to destroy the city, ii. 268. Mylitta-worship of the Armenians a parallel to that of Sardis, i. 73. ——__——_ united with a Belus-wor- ship, i. 262. Myriandrus, a Phoenician town mentioned by Xenophon, but not by Herodotus, i. 459. Myrsilus, the Hellenic equivalent of the Lydian Candawlee, i. 5. Myrsus, possible reason of his death being particularly mentioned, ii. 84. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Mys, examination of the story of his con- sulting the oracle of Apollo Ptoiis, ii. 391. Mythical traditions pleaded in justification of political claims, ii. 170. Myths, factitious syncretism of them, i. 253. ---- —-, use of them in early times, i. 541. ———., how treated in after ages, ibid. , philosophical, conditions of their growth, ii. 256. Nabonasgar, epoch of his era, i. 170. Neenize of the Romans paralleled by a practice at Lacedsemon, ii. 120. Names originally denoting locality some- times lose that meaning, i. 241. , their effect on men’s minds, i. of places a foundation for histo- rical traditions, i. 444. ——~— of some of the tribes in the Iliad derived from the names of birds, i. 544. continually changed in the trans- mission of a story, ii. 214. 216. Nasamones, their route not that of Den- ham and Clapperton, i. 191. conducted the caravan traffic between the coast and the interior of Africa, i. 538. ————-, way they spent the year, i. 538. Naucratis, its site, i. 234. , the place where Rhodopis was founded, i. 268. , its proximity to Sais, i. 291. 294. , Various accounts of its being built, i. 299. an emporium in very early times, i. 300. Naval engagement, the most ancient on record, i. 125. Navigable rivers little known to the Greeks, i. 235. Naxos in the AEgean, Aristotle’s account of its revolution, i. 46. ——_—_—_—,, probable course of its fortunes, ii. 16. —_____ ——, severely treated by the Persians, ii. 18. 14]. ------.------ΞΦ its great resources as compared with those of Athens, in the time of the Pisistratids, ii. 48. , number of its ships in the confederate fleet at Salamis, ii. 342. in Sicily, the earliest of the settle- ments in the island, ii. 271. , its coins are never with- 563 out a Dionysiac symbol on one aide, and often on both, ii. 272. Naxos in Sicily, change in its tutelary deities, when introduced, ii. 274. Neco, complete account of his war with Assyria not given in the Old Testament nor in Herodotus, i. 312. enforced the submission of Jerusa- lem, i. 312. Negatives, accumulation of, i. 447. Neit etymologically identical with Anaitis, i. 236. Neleids said to have posseesed regal autho- rity at Athens to very late times, ii. 51. Nelumbium speciosum, a sacred plant, i. 229. Neon, a fair held there in honour of Isis in after times, the staple of which was perfumery, ii. 334. Neoplatonists, their absurd syncretism, i. 216. Neuri, perhaps a Sclavonic race, i. 500. New moon, both natural and conventional, i, 162. Nicknames, reputed ones of the Dorian tribes at Sicyon, ii. 44, Nictitating membrane of the crocodile the origin of its repute as blind, i. 216. Night watches, Greek and Roman division of, ii. 455. Nile, its mouth called βουκολικὸν by He- rodotus and φατνικὸν by Strabo, haunted by pirates, i. 181. ——, the White River supposed by the ancients to be the main branch, i. 183. -—— regarded by Herodotus as in its normal state at the time of inundation, i. 185. ——., its comparison with the Ister criti- cised, i. 192. ed as an emanation from Osiris, i. 265. ——,, its islands called by Hellenic names in early times, i. 284. —— receives its last tributary 600 miles south of the frontier of Egypt, i. 468. ——., population resident in the marshes of, ii. 8. — . boatmen, i. 292. —— geese, i. 217. —— valley, its narrowness striking when compared with the Delta, i. 173. water held to be a gentle laxative, i, 243. said to be introduced into a pyramid, i. 260. ————_, its impossibility shown, ibid. imrod, waterworks attributed to him, i. 137. Ninth book of Herodotus, ita close con- nexion with the eighth, ii. 420. Niseean horses, i. 381. 2 564 Niseean horses really natives of Khorassan, ii. 211. Nitetis, name (according to some accounts) of the mother of Cambyses, i. 311. Nitocris, her waterworks at Babylon, i. 137. - the hellenized form of Neit-okr, i. 236. Nogay Tartars afflicted with the same dis- ease as the Scythian ἐνάρεες, i. 475. Nomad races, their proverbial intempe- rance, i. 84. tribes in Africa to the east of the lake Tritonis, i. 546. Note of an ancient editor taken into the text, i. 281. 455. 551; ii. 187. Notes, apparent incorporation of them, i. 100. 147. 175, 176. 233. 263, 264. 270. 280. 295. 299, 300. 339. 348. 452. 524; ii. 6. 13. 15. 36. 45. 49. 56. 7). 87. 98. 130. 144. 150. 185. 270. 320. 355. 382, 383. Novogorod Chronicles give a parallel story to one of Herodotus, i. 438. Numbers, confusion of them in the MSS of Herodotus, ii. 33, 34. of Xerxes’s fleet variously given, ii. 234. of the confederate fleet at Sala- mis as given by Herodotus explained, ii. 344. variously estimated by Hero- dotus, ii. 443. Nymphi, monument there affords a test of Herodotus’s accuracy, i. 241. Oarus supposed to be the Wolga, i. 508. Oasis (El Wah) lies in the caravan track between Ammon and Thebes, i. 326. Oblique forms mixed with direct in con- struction, why, i. 40. Octaeteris, i. 162. (C&baras the brother of a Budarazs, ii. 104. ΤΕΡΟΝ vila at Sparta and Thera, i. 524. (noe, its site, ii. 49. Oéroe, site of the island formed by its branches, ii. 436. Offerings regarded as food for the wor- shippers of the deity to whom they were made, as well as for himeelf, ii. 339. Offices involving proximity to the person of the sovereign always rank high, ii. 212. Ogos, the native name of the Carian Zeus, i. 126. Olbia, its site the modern Stomogil (Hun- dred mounds), i. 448. Olbia identified with Borysthenes by Strabo, i. 448. INDEX OF Olbia the source of some of Herodotus’s topographical accounts, i. 448. Olen, his legend shows a connexion be- tween the Apollo temples of Patara and Delos, i. 457. Oligarchies always went together with the predominance of cavalry as a military arm, ii. 52. Olive grew in the Faioum in Strabo’s time, i. 304. —— trees, that in the Pandroseum reputed the oldest in the world, ii. 56. Olympia, treasury of the Sicyonians there, ii. 42. » mode of divination there was by inspection of the entrails of the burning victim, ii. $90. Olympian festival disregarded by the Sy- barites, ii. 25. Olympus, four peaks of Ida bore the name, i. 26. Olympus (the Mysian), i. 26. Omen, superstitious regard to, i. 83. 298. looked for in every thing by the ancients, ii. 30. ——— derived from arms being brought out of a temple, ii. 337. inseparable in ancient ways of thinking from the object which consti- tuted it, ii. 394. ——— suggested by a name, ἃ matter of great importance in the common esti- mation, ti. 478. ———, words involving an inauspicious one scrupulously avoided, ii. 486. , the ethnic Geloan preferred to Gelaean for the sake of one, ii. 270. Omissions in MSS from error of the eye, i, 253. On. See Heliopolis. Onesilus, his strategics baffled by the treachery of his ally, ii. 80. Onomacritus the introducer of some reli- gious rites into Hellas, i. 223. ———_— the reputed interpolator of a celebrated line in the Odyssey, ii. 185. —-__—_——, his object in so doing, tbid. Opis, τς site very indefinite πη Herodotus, i. 139 —, why, i. 140. ———, Alexander made the Tigris navigable up to it, i. 140. Optative mood, use of it after ὅπως, ὄφρα, &c., i. 7. Oracle, idea of it as a judgment-seat, i. 65. ——-—, 8 prophecy of one unremarked until after its fulfilment, i. 70. » ‘the Egyptian one,’’ is that of Leto, i. 284. 284. ,» its site, i. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Oracles, vagrant, ridiculed by Aristo- phanes, ii. 60. Oral traditions, some peculiarities of them, ii. 106. Orestes, the type of a homicide in the legend, i. 25. —, in a Spartan legend was king of Lacedsemon, i. 49. ———,in the Arcadian traditions migrates to Arcadia, not to Lacedsemon, i. 44. ———_, his ashe# one of the Roman sacred fetishes, i. 50. ——-—, political significance of the dedi- cation of his fane at Sparta, i. 51. Oresteum at first called Oresthasium, where situated, ii. 428. Oriental sovereigns always claim a sove- reignty over the whole earth, ii. 492. Orithyia, site of her rape by Boreas va- riously given, ii. 293. Ormuzd a personal deity, i. 101. ——--—— represented as an archer, i. 332. , doubtful if ever termed ‘‘ the horseman,” i. 367. Orcetes, his opposition to Darius explained, i. 367. favourable to the Medo-magian d » i. 390. ΠΡ policy during the Magian usurpation, i. 393. , his position described in terms of a later system, i. 393. Orontes, traffic with the east by it perhaps monopolised by the Phoenicians, i. 459. Orphic and Bacchic orgies of similar cha- racter, i. 222. Orthagoras founder of the dynasty at Sicyon, ii. 160. Orthagorids, long duration of their dynasty at Sicyon, ii. 42. -------.-.--- - -, their policy, ii. 43. Oscius probably a variety of Skius, i. 467. Osiris identified with Dionysus, i. 195; ii. 246. ——, his name and form assumed by his worshippers if worthy, i, 224. ——, considered as the sun, i. 265. » Herodotus’s scruples in naming him, of what kind, i. 265. the Egyptian Adonis, i. 265. » etymology of the word, i. 276. identified with Apis in the time of Strabo, i. 283. , his entrance into the moon, i. 327. , worship of the buried Osiris re- sented by Cambyses, i. 333. Dionysus equivalent to the Zagreus of Crete and the Adonie of Cyprus, i. 199. Ostrich feathers converted into a defen- sive armour, i. 539. 565 Otanes of superior rank and power to the rest of the seven conspirators, i. 354. 388. . , his great influence, i. 367. , his position under Darius, i. 403. the conspirator was perhaps the father of Amestris, ii. 15. 233. Othryades, progressive improvement of the features of his story, i. 63. Out of door life the habit of the ancient Greeks, ii. 466. Oxus the boundary between Bactria and on according to Eratosthenes, i. 72. —— the channel of commerce from Bac- tria in early times, i. 460. Pactyas, his duties as the commissioner of Cyruzg, i. 115. Pactyes, the mountaineers of the range between Caubul and Balk, i. 377; ii. 226. Pactyice, the modern Caubul, i. 377. Padzi perhaps a title, i. 376. Peeonians of the Strymon one tribe of a widely extended race, i. 456. Pagan traditions, desire of the early Chris- tians to bring them into agreement with the Old Testament, i. 273. Pagasee, a station for store-ships accom- panying Xerxes’s army, ii. 379. Paintings in the temples of Phoceea when stormed by Harpagns, i. 491. in the Hereum at Samos, idid. Pairs of deities, ii. 247. Palilia illustrated by the St. John’s Fire of Germany, i. 560. Palladia at Siris, Rome, Lavinium, and Luceria, each professed to be the origi- nal from Troy, ii. 349. Pallene, site of the Atheneum there, i. 42. Pallenis Athene, battle in the neighbour- hood of her temple, i. 44. Palm wine, i. 145. Pan identical with the Ζεὺς Avxaios, i. 554. ——, dedication of his fane at Athens an excellent stroke of policy, ii. 148. —-—, site of his shrine in the acropolis, ii. 148. ——, his shrine represented on a coin in the British Museum, ii. 149. —-— associated with Apollo, in the Athe- nian acropolis, ii. 148. in Arcadia, ii. 149. ——, probably the dedication of his fane the revival of an old ritual, ii. 148. ——, his cave illuminated with torches, : ii. 149. , at Acacesium 566 INDEX OF Pan, nature of the service rendered byhim { Miletus, ii. 97; attempt to explain the at Marathon, ii. 178. Pandroseum the same as the Cecropieum, ii. 53. ———— at Athens a temple belong- ing to the moat primitive times, ii. 125. circumstance, ibid. Pedigrees of the Lacedsemonian kings not to be altered from one another, ii. 123. Pelasgia the former name of Hellas, i. 209. Panionium, congress continued there after | Pelasgians, supposed immigration into the conquest of Ionia by Harpagus, ii. 89. Papremis probably the site of a camp, i. 211. mentioned by no other writer than Herodotus, i. 317. ———— in the western part of the Delta, i. 318. ———— lay between Memphis and Marea, i. 318. , its festival in honour of the mother of Ares illustrated by one at the lake Tritonis, i. 542. Parapotamians, the inhabitants of the banks of the Cephisus, ii. 335. Parasang, its variable magnitude explained, ii. 110. Parian marble, its use indicating great wealth, i. 347. Parsces of Bombay resemble the Magians in their treatment of the dead, i. 105. Pasargade, occasion of its being founded by Cyrus, i. 98. not noticed by Herodotus, i 96. Passage of arms, part of a religious festi- val in Egypt, and at the lake Tritonis, i. 542. Patagonians, their mode of burial, i. 480. Patree (the city), perhaps did not exist in Herodotus’s time, i. 109. Paullus, L. milius, omen received him from his little daughter, ii. 478. Pausanias, object of his manoeuvres at Plateea, ii. 461. , explanation of his conduct in putting the Theban oligarchs to death, ii. 476. addressed as king of Sparta, why, ii. 470. ——— apparently opposed to the po- licy of his uncle Cleomenes, ii. 426. —- said to have formed a Persian alliance, ii. 19. Peasantry of Crete, their extreme igno- rance, i. 263. Pebbles laid upon the altar in voting a significant act, ii. 383. Peculiar forms, Herodotus’s use of them very uncertain, i. 519. 529. 533. Pedasa, no longer standing in the time of Herodotus, i. 129. Pedasians said to be Leleges from Ida, i. 129. settled in the highlands about Attica, i. 206. ———_——, relics of them in the peninsula of Mount Athos, ii. 2. ——, character attached to them be- fore and since the time of Ephorus, i. 37. ————, cause of certain variations in the traditions about them, i. 38. --------- in what sense their language not Hellenic, i. 38. , their language the common parent of Latin and Greek, i. 39. Pelasgus, son of Triopas, i. 128. Peliades in the Thessalian language signi- fied ‘‘ prophetesses,”’ i. 209. Pella not Macedonian in the time of He- rodotus, ii. 252. Peloponnese, religious ideas prevalent there in the ante-dorian times, i. 128. Peloponnese, great part of it full of the old Acheean race in the time of Cleo- menes, ii. 129. Peloponnesian origin 8 matter of pride to the Greeks, ii. 273. Pelorus, his tomb on the Sicilian head- land with the legend attaching to it, ii. 289. Pelusiac branch of the Nile is now filled up, i. 287. Pelusium the nearest point to Ienysus, where potable water can be got, i. 313. ------Ξ the key of Egypt in the time of Herodotus, i. 316. Penas meant only “ deity,” i. 559. Penates at Rome, how represented, i. 559. ------- --.-- Lavinium, how represented, i. 560. Pengolin (or scaly ant-eater), probably the myrmex of Herodotus, i. 378. Pentalithal temple, i. 285. ——— dimension of its stones inconceivable, i. 285. rie an once used as ships of war, 1. 119. Pergamus of Priam not the same with the Pergamus of Lysimachus, ii. 214. Periander, bis intimate connexion with Thrasybulus, ii. 66. ———— dynast of Ambracia, ii. 66. Pericles, his administration marked by the advance of art and science, i. 244. Pericop, isthmus of, not noticed by He- rodotus, i. 496. Perinthus, its misfortunes, ii. 103. sh SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Perseus in the Persian legend had nothing to do with Acrisius, ii. 117. Persia not the seat of imperial govern- ment before the time of Darius, i. 328. the native country of the Ache- menid dynasty, i. 352. , subjection of Asiatic Greeks to it, after the close of the war, ii. 110. Persian aristocracy, i. 349. archers, way in which they acted, ii. 222. ------ --------- - their efficiency neutral- ised by Pausanias’s tactics, ii. 461. clans, i. 96. court, changes in its religion, ii dirk worn on the right thigh, i. 210. 352. empire, its consolidation the great work of Darius, i. 433. fleet, its estimate by the Asiatic Greeks, ii. 478. kings, their pomp and state, i. 140. never stept from their car- riages on to the ground, i. 406. ——_———— named a successor before commencing any important enterprise, ii. 182. ------.--- mode of reckoning the years of their reigns, ii. 186. —————, to sit even inadvertently on their seat a capital offence, ii. 195. ——_——_—, the office of charioteer to them a high one, ii. 212. ———~——, reversal of the arms of their guards symbolical, ii. 212. —, their slaves tatowed, why, ii. 322. considered themselves the representatives of the Assyrian and Median dynasties, ii. 492. war, justification of the Athenian part in it, ii. 70. , its beginning variously stated, , its effect in consolidating the constitution of Athens, ii. 148. names, their Hellenic represen- tatives all end in Σ, i. 105. _——— , caution requisite in iden- tifying those which appear in Hero- dotus, i. 520. traditions would not derive their ancestor from Argos, ii. 269. —_—_—_———— represent Alexander the Great as the son of Philip by a Persian princess, i. 310. Persians (The) received the legends of the Argonautic and Trojan expeditions as parts of one cycle, i. 3. » extraordinary length of their marches, i. 61. ae ii. 7 ——— 567 Persians (The) cited by Herodotus as his authorities, who, i. 366. ———, combined movements effected Ἀν their part by means of signals, ii. » seem to have been unable to sound m or » when followed by a mute, ii. 225. » ἃ custom attributed to them is really Thessalian, ii. 435. Personal — of antiquity how em- bodied, i. Peahawur, asta annual oscillation of temperature there, i. 380. Petalomancy of Italy, i. 475. Petersburg, loss of human life in its build- ing, i. 288. Petra (in Arabia), an important entrepdt, i. 383. ——__—__—_——, a caravan route from it to Gaza, and another to Rhinoco- lura, i. 383. —— (in Corinth), residence of the father of » ii, 64. Pheedime, perhaps the Hellenic equivalent of a Persian name, i. 355. Phaétontiades, how connected with the story of amber, i. 385. Phalantus and his dolphin, i. 16. Phalerum the only harbour of Athens at the time of the battle of Salamis, ii. 352. Phanagoria, its traffic with the nomads of the Don, i. 449. Phantasm of Helen carried off to Troy a factitious legend, i. 253. Pharos, isle of, consists of an elevation of limestone, i. 171. Phasian merchants are the source of some of Herodotus’s statements, i. 239. Phasis (the river), 8 commercial route passed along it, i. 81. Phayllus of Crotona probably an exile, and manning his galley with emigrants, ii. 343. Phidippides, growth of his story in latter times, ii. 148. Philaide, the deme of Pisistratus, where situated, i. 41. Philistine Pentapolis, i. 286. ——____—— towns crippled by the kings of Judah, i. 418. Philistines 8 very mixed race in the time of Herodotus, i. 239. united with the Phoenicians in the same nome by Darius, ii. 235. Philition the shepherd, i. 263. Phoczea, commercial jealousy of, i. 113. Phoceans, nature of their celebrated vow, i. 121. ——_———, those in the Ionian confederate fleet probably exiles, ii. 90. 93. 568 Phoceans (from Velia), Naples, i. 123. INDEX OF the founders of | why specially excepted from the num- ber by Pausanias, i. 41. Phocians, motive for their late zeal for | Pisistratus, Herodotus’s account of his re- Persia, ii. 432. Phocis, scarcity of water in it along the route said to have been taken by the Persian army, ii. 335. Phoebus and Pheebe analogues of the Mithras and Mitra of the Magian re- ligion, ii. 142. Phoenicia probably meant by “the sea- board,” i. 403. -—_—_—— distinguished from Philistia, ii. 234. —————— united in the same nome with it by Darius, ii. 234. Phoenicians monopolised the trade with the West of the Mediterranean, i. 120. Phoenix, its description taken verbally from Hecatseus, i. 215. derived from the Egyptian fenech, “ 8, secular period,”’ i. 218. symbol of a solar period, i. 275. Phoroneus is the Argive Prometheus, i. 22 Phraortes is found as Fraurtish in cunei- form inscriptions, i. 80. Physical knowledge, state of it shown in the current language of the time, ii. 62. theories in uncultivated races put in the form of history, i. 170; ii. 256. ——-— instances exemplifying the pro- cess, ii. 256. Physicians, professional, unknown in As- syria, i. 148. reckoned among the public of- ficials in the Homeric poems, i. 397. ———- are public functionaries Greece at this day, i. 397. Pi-beseth the Egyptian form of the Hel- lenic Bubastis, i. 271. Pierian pitch in great repute, i. 550. Pilot-crate, use of, in the Nile navigation, i. 233. Pines, their seeds an article of food in Greece, i. 501. Pireus, its inhabitants in the time of Aristotle more democratic in feeling than those of the upper town, ii. 165. Piremis,. its meaning misunderstood by Herodotus, i. 275. Pisistratids, circumstances of their expul- sion not a pleasing recollection at Athens, i. 341; ii. 40. , their mild sway before the as- sassination of Hipparchus, ii. 34. --------:- duration of their dynasty, ii. 41; contradictory accounts of it ex- plained, ii. 41. , their meant by the phrase οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, ii. 108. Pisistratus one of the Neleids from Pylos, in volution agrees well with Aristotle’s, but not with Plutarch’s, i. 41. ————-, the details of his war against Megaris most uncertain, i. 41. » explanation of his procession from Pallene, i. 42. ————,, limita of the date of his mar- riage with the daughter of Megacles, i. 43. ————., date of his first return from exile, i. 43. ———, efforts to extrude the recollec- tion of him from the Panathenza, i. 42. perhaps organised an infantry force, ii. 52. ———, probable date of his : with the daughter of Megacies, ii. 61. , his connexion with Macedonia, ii. 68; with Argos, ii. 69. , his asserted conquest of Si- geum, ii. 69. Pitanatian battalion, explanation of He- rodotus’s mistake with regard to it, ii. 456 Pitane, its site, i 346. Pithom, the Patunus of Herodotus, iL. 247. Pityea a former name of Lampeacus, ii. 107. Plastic works in temples had traditions attached to then, i. I 1. Pisteea, its independence guaranteed after the battle there, ii. 151. , seizure of, referred to by Hero- dotus, ii. 812. , Toad to it over Cithzron, ii. 436. » Athenian source of Herodotus’s account of the battle, i. 460. , barrows seen by Pausanias there probably those of the Lacedzemonians, li. 474. , Varying accounts of the bettle in later times, it. 475. Plateean alliance with Athens, how formed, ii. 161; various dates assigned to it, ibid. tradition relative to the battle of Plateea probably subsequent to the time of Herodotus, ii. 458. Plateeans in later times substituted for the Thespieans among the combatants at Thermopyle, ti. 307. Plato’s criticism of the early poets, i. 207. Pledges, humane Jewish law on the sub- ject, i. 380. Pleonasm of the negative particle ex- plained, i. 506. Pleonastic dative of the pronoun, falsely so called, i. 246. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Poetical phraseology of Herodotus, i. 66. Pointed arch in the rock-tombs of the an- cient Lycians, i. 128. Polagilis perhaps the old Bottizan name of Pella, ii. 252. Pole and bucket used at Ardericca at the asphalt springs, ii. 157. Polemarch, his proper place in the right wing, ii. 153. Polestar, si statement of Marco Polo with regard to it, i. 461. Poltyobria the native name of Anus, ii. 221 Polycrates, his obligations to Lygdamis, i. 46. perhaps organized the Samian commonalty as a new military force, i. ————— regarded as the champion of the commonalty, i. 338. ——_——-, story of his death not found by Herodotus in connexion with the thread of the Persian history, i. 389. —, his daughter’s prophecy ful- filled, i. 391. ———., his alliance with Amasis made after the expulsion of his brother Sy- loson, i. 402. ———— a member of the old aristocracy of Samos, which was overthrown by himself, i. 404. Polygamy said to be customary in Egypt, i. 228. Pomegranate a sacred emblem, ii. 212. a garland of the tree worn by the wife of the rex sacrificulus at Rome, ii. 212. —— probably symbolized the pro- ductive power of nature, ii. 212. — found in the sculptures at Nineveh, ii. 213. Ponies wild in Hungary and Transylvania in the time of Herodotus, ii. 5. Pontine Greeks not the sources of Hero- dotus’s Scythian accounts, i. 440. Pontoon bridges must have been familiar in Mesopotamia, i. 153. Pool of water a feature in several rituals, i. 260. Popular government came in with the employment of infantry as the principal arm in war, ii. 52. songs sometimes the origin of history, i. 100. traditions, their plastic character, i. 56. Portrait statues, their existence before the time of Alexander the Great doubtful, ii. 383. Poseideum, ite site inaccurately described, i. 370. Poseidon, both his name and office known VOL. 11. 569 to the Greeks before the intercourse with Libya, i. 206. Poseidonia, religious connexion with Elea, Cuma, and Naples, i. 123. Positive adjective in place of a compara- tive, ii. 438. Preesus a town of the Eteocretes, ii. 282. , & temple of the Dictean Zeus there, ii. 282. Preface to the History, doubtful if from the hand of Herodotus, i. 1. Preraspes, his recital of the genealogy of Cyrus usefal to Darius’s views, i. 359. Pride of wealth exhibited in the treatment of Dionysius by the Milesians, ii. 93. Priene colonised afresh after the conquest by Harpagus, probably from Miletus, ii. 90. ——— apparently a dependency of Mi- letus after the revolt of Aristagoras, ii. 90. Priesteeses at Thebes in Egypt, i. 208. Priestly office hereditary in certain fa- milies, i. 404; ii. 44. functions reserved to the royal house at Cyrene, i. 532. Priests of the χθόνιαι θεαὶ would be men of peace, ii. 271. Printed muslins perhaps known to Hero- dotus, i. 152. Prion, the ridge connecting Tmolus with the citadel of Sardis, i. 65. Procles the name of the leader of the Sa- mian colony from Epidaurus, i. 343. Proconnesus, its marble quarries, i. 445. — held as a fief from Darius, i. 445. Promiscuous intercourse said to be en- joined by some Asiatic religions, i. 538; possible explanation of this, ibid. Pronea Athene at Delphi and Thebes, i. 72. Propitiatory sacrifices of the pagans origi- nally rested on the idea of the envy of the gods, i. 216. 336, —_—_—___--——__ ,, the Assyrian Mylitta- worship one form of them, i. 149. Propontis, its dimensions exaggerated by Herodotus, i. 488. Propyleea built by Pericles, ii. 40. , their use as a fortification, ibid. Prosopitis, site of the island not made out, i. 198. Proverbial expression, ii. 86. Proverbs, Aristotle’s opinion of them, i. 24. Provincial words, i. 168. Provincialisms elevated to a court fashion at Alexandria, ii. 228. Psyttalea correctly described by Asachylus, ii. 357. 4D δ70 Pteria, doubtful if Herodotus was ever there, i. 50. Ptolemies, navigation of the Red Ses in their time stopped at Mouse Roads, i. 176. Ptolemy, son of Hepheestion, wrote some supplementary notes on Herodotus, i. 34 Public credit a modern creation, ii. 21. Purple dye an article of traffic in anti- quity, i. 74. , the fish producing it found in great numbers on the coast of Pelo- ponnesus, i. 522. Purveyances required by the Persian court, i. 374. Pyramid used as a stone quarry by the caliphs, i. 259. , Great, stands on more ground than Lincoln’s Inn Fields, i. 260. -----..-.-.--.-.---- its sides make an angle of 50° with the horizon, i. 261. ——— of Mycerinus, its dimensions in- accurately given, i. 266. brick one at Dashur inferior in size to ite stone neighbours, i. 269; its high antiquity, ibid. Pyramids were probably temples akin to that of Belus at Babylon, i. 260. ——_—_—, their exact measurement very difficult, i. 263. -——_—_——- seen by Herodotus before the Labyrinth, i. 279. Pyrene, vague notion of it in Herodotus, i. 192. Pythagoras of Miletus not of the party of Histiseus, ii. 88. Pythius, his probable relations with Da- rius, ii. 203. -- ---- his enormous wealth, ii. 204; how it may be accounted for, ibid. is paralleled by the Fuggers of Augsburg, ii. 204. , story of Xerxes’s cruelty to him ‘‘ improved ᾿ in later times, ii. 210. Pytho compared with Dodona, i. 208. Quilted cuirasses, i. 103. Rabdomancy of the Alans, i. 475. Races, physical superiority of some, i. 323. Rain supposed by Herodotus always to fol- low snow in five days, i. 184. Rainy season in Assyria, i. 143. -------ἁ--- on the west coast of India, i. 387. Rampsinitus a compound of Ramesee and Neit, i. 258. Rapsiani, the modern route from Mace- donia into Thessaly passes it, 1). 255. - ἰδ the way the army of Xerxes went, ii. 255. INDEX OF Rate of locomotion different for a caravan and an army, ii. 34. Raven a sacred symbol of Apollo, ii. 446. Ready money difficult to be obtained by the ancient states, ii. 21. Rebellion punished by mutilation of the dead body, ii. 314. Reckoning of an ordinary mercantile tra- veller, i. 55. Red men once sacrificed, as ἄνδρες Tv- φώνιοι, i. 202. Red Sea, traffic by it passed through Petra, i. 175. ———-, erroneous dimensions of it given by Herodotus explained, i. 175. ————, its distance from the Mediter- ranean as given by Herodotus explained, i. 461. —— salt rock in the neighbourhood of the lake Tritonis, i. 545. Reeds, layers of them in Babylonian and Egyptian buildings, i. 132. Reefing sails, comparison of the Egyptian and Hellenic methods, i. 194. Registan the limit of Herodotas’s know- ledge of India, i. 377. Register for good services kept st the Persian court, i. 410. Regular tazation much more productive than arbitrary imposts, i. 299. Reindeer unknown to Herodotus’s formants, i. 454. Religion of the Persian court not icono- clastic in the time of Xerxes, ii. 376. Religions, foreign ones introduced into the Persian court, ii. 247. Religious confiscation carried out by Clisthenes, ii. 43. ———__—_——— festivals, their commercial uti- lity in ancient times, i. 173. a very heavy expense in antiquity, ii. 118. ——— myth conveying an historical fact, ii. 391. -- symbolism in articles of food, i. 220. ———— symbols very generally regarded as themselves divine in antiquity, ii. 60. —————- syncretism between Egypt and Hellas, i. 275. Reproduction symbolized by the Nelws- bium speciosum, i. 146. Ce eee religious service, i. πον κως caravan route connected it with Petra, i. 175. Rhodes (the city) not existing when He- rodotus wrote, i. 109. Rhodope. See Rhodopis. oar called Rhodope by Strabo, i. . 267. of. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. 571 Rhodopis, Herodotus’s criticism of her ἐκ τὸν an effective arm in boarding, ii story, i. 267. ——_——-, called Doriche by Sappho, i. 268. Rheecus, the Samian metal-worker, i. 33. Rice possibly confounded with some other grain, i. 377. Ring of Polycrates existed only in a story, i. 337. Ritual an important point of public policy with the ancients, i. 205. ——-, traditions connected with, i. 157. , of a scenic description, i 295. , different forms of, all symbolizing the temporary suspension of the powers of nature, i. 222. Rituals, political ends obtained by modi- fying them, ii. 45. River-horse, its description taken verbally from Hecateeus, i. 216. never seen by Herodotus, i. 217. most erroneously described, perhaps from a traditional figure, i. 217. ——— traffic of Egypt in the hands of the natives, i. 292. Road, refusal to show the right one an offence against which a commination was pronounced at Athens, ii. 311. Rock sculpture ill described, i. 367. Rome, a portion of its early population ethnically identical with Arcadians, i. 50. ——, name of its tutelary deity, and of itself, carefully concealed, why, ii. 340. Rowing on the Swiss lakes like that on the Euphrates, i. 145. Royal gifts in Persia made in kind, i. 359. Russian army, mortality in it from the bites of mosquitoes, i. 481. Sabaco holds the place of a dynasty of three Ethiopian kings in Herodotus, i. 271. Sacans, Cyrus’s expedition against them, i. 68. acted as marines on board ship, ii. 154. Sacred olive on the acropolis, ii. 346. ——_———— story of its new shoot im- proved in later times, ii. 347. symbols suspended from the breast of an officiating priest, i. 482. Sacrifice always in its origin the accom- paniment of a flesh meal, i. 160. , the deity to whom it was offered supposed to participate with the wor- shippers in its consumption, ii. 125. Sacrifices in the Lacedemonian armies burnt with fire taken from the hearth of Zeus at Sparta, ii. 322. Sacrilege attributed to the Persians by the orators of Athens, ii. 398. Segatans their probable site, i. 97. St. Gall, his iconoclasm at Bregenz, i. 52. Sais in the neighbourhood of Naucratis, i. 291—294. —— the source of some of Herodotus’s history, i. 291. Salahiah the frontier of Egypt, i. 316. » why occupied in force by the French, i. 316. Salamis, critical discussion of the accounts of the battle, ii. 400, seqg. » proportion of the confederate fleet supplied by the Athenians, ii. 34). Salganeus, his tomb by the side of the Euripus, ii. 289. Salmydessus, its root the same as that of Zalmozris, i. 493. Salt, towns built of blocks of it, i. 545. fish an article of export from Egypt, i. 526. , factories for ita preparation, i. 179. Samian merchants possibly the authority for some of Herodotus’s stories, i. 302. settlement in the great Oasis (El Wah), i. 326. — in the Oasis of Am- mon, i. 190. pirates, i. 348. vessel accidentally reached Tar- tessus, then a virgin mart, i. 526; her course explained, idid. exiles became bucaniers, ii. 100. traders in early times with Elis, i. 225. Samos possibly in alliance with Apries, i. 302. —— possessed a Hereeum at Naucratis, i. 302. ——, the aristocratic party there recovered their power upon the Ionian revolt, i. —— the source of a story of Herodotus’s, i. 462. ——, its extraordinary resources at the time of the Ionian revolt, ii. 90. _—, why inclined to listen to Persian suggestions after the Ionian revolt, ii. 93. —— colonised afresh by Otanes probably before the Scythian expedition of Da- rius, ii. 93. Samothrace not certainly peopled with an Ionic race at the time of the Persian war, ii. 365. Sancroft Manuscript, important variations in it, i. 29—31. 35—37. δή. 60. 71. 74. 76. 81. 101—104. 130. 133. 148. 226. 229. 253. 392. 408; ii. 90. 243. 291. 358. 4p 2 572 Sancroft manuscript remarkable forchanges arising out of grammatical considera- tions, i. 214. Sane, in Athos, a purely Hellenic town colonised from Andros, ii. 200. ——-, its relation to Acanthus, idid. Sardinia, its commercial importance, i. 124. » little knowledge of it possessed by the Greeks of Herodotus’s time, why, ii. 77. , its great importance to the Car- thaginians, ii. 77. Sardis, varying accounts of its early cap- ture, i. 10. , ita site, i. 65. ———, various accounts of its capture by Cyrus, i. 65. ——-, tombs of the kings there not no- ticed by Herodotus, i. 73. ——-, Herodotus perhaps merely passed through it, i. 73. --- its advantages as an early com- mercial entrepét, i. 74. —— not a military head-quarters, i. 389 Sardyattes etymologically connected with Sardis, i. 11. Sarpedon, various traditions of him, i. 127. Saspires, their site, i: 82. , doubtful whether the same people are always meant by the name in Herodotus, i. 373. 460. Sasychis, not Asychis, the form warranted by hieroglyphics, i. 268. , alleged misplacement of his reign by Herodotus, i. 269. τὰν the king of Macedonia so termed, 11. Setraps, great power of them in the early part of Darius’s reign, i. 393. Scalping, practice of, peculiar to the northern nations, i. 474. Scamander, its head-waters confounded by Herodotus with those of the Gra- nicus, li. 213. Scape-goat, analogous practice to it in Egypt, i. 196. Scaptesyla the Latin form of Zxaxrh Ὕλη, ti. 113. Schoenus, its various magnitude explained, i. 172. Scironian road not the ordinary route into the Peloponnese, ii. 355. -——_———-— destroyed by the allies, idid. —————, its nature, ibid. Scolus, its site, ii. 430. Scopas, his statue of Apollo Smintheus at Chryse, i. 273. Scylax of Caryanda not spoken of by He- rodotus as an author, but as a dis- coverer, i. 463. INDEX OF Scylax (the naval captain), his panishment in what way novel, ii. 19. Scyllias, his statue at Delphi and the legend attached to it, ii. 323. Scyth, of cognate etymology with the English, Swedish, and old Norse words, signifying ἐο shoot, i. 440. : Scythes, conjectures respecting his pedi- gree altogether arbitrary, ii. 99. , tyrant of Zancle, how connected with the homonymous tyrant of Cos, ii, 278. Scythia, its rivers strangely compered with the canals of Egypt, i. 466. , its geography apparently proceeds from a different source to the story of Darius’s expedition, i. 495. Scythian expedition must have taken place later in Darius’s reign than Herodotus supposes, i. 436. ------. - οὗ Darius how repre- sented (if at all) in the Behistun In- scription, i. 436. ——— Zeus probably attired as a native warrior, i. 44]. winter reputed to last eight months, why, i. 453. gods, Herodotus’s list of them seems to be Achsean or Syrophecenician, i. 471. kings, their tombs not likely to have been seen by Herodotus’s infor- mant, i. 478. women falsely represented in the Amazon legend, i. 504. Scythians, the invaders of Cimmeria and of Media not the same, i, 82. —————, peculiar disease prevalentamong the higher classes of them, i. 475. --π----- ere of the introduction of civilisation, i. 484 Seals caught in the Wolga and Caspian, i. 454. Sealskins brought from the Caspian to Pontus, i. 501. —_—— used by the Germans to spot the fur of land animals with, i. 502. Sebastopol near the site of the temple of the Tauric goddess, i. 499. Sebennytic branch of the Nile the straight course from the sea, i. 174. Secret service money employed by Mar- donius, ii. 42]. Seignorial rights enforced by the Lydian sovereigns, ii Seleucus sent back the statue of Apollo to Branchide, i. 117. Self-government in foreign relations es- sential] to the Hellenic state, i. 125. Selli, the nature of them, i. 208. Selybria, significance of its name, ii. 104 shan SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Semiramis, her name popularly attached to great earth and water works, i. 135. , works formerly attributed to her now assigned to Nimrod, i. 135. said to have left a colony in Egypt, i. 284. Semitic alphabet similar to the earliest Hellenic, ii, 35. Sennacherib, destruction of his army as related in Scripture rashly identified with a story in Herodotus, i. 273. Sensible heat very different from tLat shown by the thermometer, i. 379. Septenary division of the Egyptian mea- sures, i. 293. Sepulchre, power in the owner to mort- gage it, i. 269. Serbonian marsh confused with the Dead Sea, i. 313. -- » its condition in the time of Herodotus, i. 313. Serpent, three-headed one set up at Del- phi is now at Constantinople, ii. 472. Serreum a landmark for navigators, ii. 222. Sesostris, his reputed endeavour to de- moralize his subjects, i. 193. said to be the commencer of the canal connecting the Red Sea with the Nile, i. 237. ——, traditions relative to his con- quests, i. 237. represented as parcelling out the land of Egypt, i. 243. said to have brought some cap- tives from Mesopotamia, and located them in Egypt, i. 284. Sestos, the head-quarters of the com- mander-in- chief of the Persian army ‘in the Hellespont, ii. 199. Seven a sacred number, i. 314. conspirators against the Magian, an aristocracy, i. 365. Seventh day of the month sacred to Apollo, ii. 118. Seventy a round number for 72, i. 225. Sharks meant by Herodotus where he speaks of a θηριώδης θάλασσα, ii. 112. Shield, said to be introduced into Greece from Egypt, i. 512; in what sense only this statement can be true, ibid. Ship-building, Egyptian mode of, i. 232. Ships’ log, the principle on which it acts applied in the Nile navigation, i. 233. Shofo, Suphis, and Cheops denote the same king, i. 261. Shrewmouse a sacred animal in Egypt, i. 215; different accounts of the reason, ibid. originally a symbol of fecun- dity, i. 273. 573 Shrewmouse, found on the oldest coins of Argos, i. 274. Siccee, a Carthaginian colony where My- litta-worship prevailed, i. 149. Sicyon, probable derivation of the name, i. 149. of the Orthagorids was the town on the sea coast, ii. 43. , a change in the form of govern- ment took place between the reign of Myron and his grandson Clisthenes, ii. 160. not one of the Orchomenian con- federacy, ii. 161. Sicyonian volunteers against Argos, ii. 140. Sieges, different methods adopted by Per- sians and Greeks, i. 119. , how conducted by the Greeks, i. 4ll. Sigeum, its site, i. 459. at present constitutes a landmark, i. 459. , ita favourable position for com- merce or piracy, ii. 68. , its conquest by Pisistratus un- noticed by Strabo, ii. 69. Sigynnes spoken of as Asiatics by Strabo, ii. 5 Silenus, legend of him, ii. 394. ———, alluded to by Aristotle, tid. Silphium, its high estimation and uses, i. 537. , Capua in after times a staple of it, i. 537. Silvanus, his grove in the vicinity of hot mineral springs, i. 123. Sind of Herodotus, its site, i. 489. Sindians, their site the s. of Meotis, i. 454. Sinope, a colony from Miletus, i 444. , its importance and site, ibid. , opposite to the mouth of the Ister, in what sense, i. 192. Siris in Italy, diverse traditions respecting it, ii. 349. Sirius, a name applied by Archilochus to the sun, i. 276. Siromus, perhaps a Hellenic form of Hiram, ii. 75. Sitalces, different ways in which he is mentioned by Herodotus, ii. 260. became a well-known name at Athens early in the Peloponnesian war, i. 485. Siuph, the modern Safi, its site, i. 295. Skins, floats made of inflated, (kelecks), i. 146. Slave trade, Dioscurias in the Euxine a great mart for it, ii. 91. Slaves, an important article of traffic in antiquity, i. 74. 444. ᾽ castle, i. 438, δ74 Slaves’ dyke, i. 438. Slovenly style of Herodotus, i. 24. 36. 39. 205; ii. 45, 48. 361. Smerdis, whole-brother of Cambyses, i. 328. ,» varying account of him in the Behistun Inscription, i. 328, 329. -——, his likeness to the Magian pre- tender a feature in all accounts, i. 349. ———, mysterious circumstances of his death, i. 359. Smindyrides of Sybaris, characteristic sto- ries of him, ii. 161. Smintheus, worship of Apollo under that name, i. 112. ———, his appropriate symbol a mouse, i. 273. ———___—-, an ancient title, i. 274. Smoke, its value to a Scythian, i. 481. Smyrna, history of, after its capture by the Lydians, i. 11. » Various accounts of its fortunes, i. 112. » perhaps a name of Ephesus in some stories, i. 75. Snow, its flakes represented as feathers, i. 440. Socatou, route to it from Mourzouk in Fezzan, i. 191. Soil, the sovereign in the East regarded as its absolute owner, i. 243. Soli in Cyprus cannot have been far from Salamis, ii. 79. Soloeis, last landmark known to the Phe- nicians, i. 190. Solon, chronology of him varies in dif- ferent passages of Herodotus, i. 299. —, his computation of time examined, i. 22. Solymi supposed to be the “ Ancient Ly- cians’’ of Fellowes, i. 127. Sophists, Plato’s description of their man- ner of treating a subject, i. 23. ————,, their influence on style, i. 3. 23. Sophocles, verbal similarity between him and Herodotus, i. 388. Sosicles, the Corinthian, representa the old oligarchal party, ii. 50. Sothiac period, or “ annus canicularis,”’ i. 218. 275. Sovereignty asserted by the issue of a coinage, i. 535. aT estimated by a reference to time, i. 2. Spain, trade with, i. 122. Spako not a Median word, i. 86. Spartan kings, variation in their pedigree, ii. 387, 388. ——_——_-___ regarded as equal to two ordinary men, ii. 241. arabe called Sperchis by other writers, ii. INDEX OF Spring, magical effects attributed to it, i. 324 of salt-water in the Erectheum, ii. 346. Stades, to be reckoned roughly at ten to a geographical mile, i. 488. Stamata, in the direct road from Mars- thon to Athens, i. 44. Standard of wealth high in Lydia, i. 20. State religions of antiquity illustrated, i. 223. Statues, their sweating considered a por- tent, ii. 262. —— — of brass, i. 21. marble more modern than the time of Solon, i. 22. Stenyclerus, action there in the third Messenian war, ii. 462. ——_——~ important as a military posi- tion, ii. 463. Stomogil the site of the ancient Oldia, i 448. Stone, use of one in steering a barge in the Nile navigation, i. 233. ——, supply of, near Hit, on the Eu- phrates, i. 137. —— with inscription in Assyrian charac- ters seen by Herodotus at Byzantium, i. 490. —— chairs in the open air, sometimes consecrated, ii. 214. —— knives an indication of antiquity, i. 224. Strategics on the Oriental scale, unfamiliar to the Greeks, i. 59. 183. stood by Herodotus, i. 487. Strymon, bridge over it at the time of Xerxes’s retreat, ii. 38]. Sturgeon, species of, in the rivers of the Euxine and Meeotis, i. 469. Styrax grows in Africa, but arrived in Kurope through the Arabians, i. 382. Styx, the locality for the meeting of the Arcadian townships, ii. 129. ——, modern notions relative to the water of it, ii. 129. Sub-infeudation probably prevailed in the Persian system of government, i. 368. Subjunctive mood, use of it with the par- ticle εἰ, i. 35. 247; ii. 344. ------:- -.: after ὅπως, ὄφρα, ἄς,, i. 7. Subscription throughout Hellas for re- building the Delphic temple, ii. 37. Saccoth (καμάραι), i. 149. Suez canal, variation in the accounts of its excavation, i. 288. —————, its mouth not seen by Hero- dotus, i. 287. , if made did not continue long open, i. 287. not under- τῳ SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Suez canal, its direction and length, i. 287, 288. Sumptuousness the distinctive virtue of a sovereign in Hellenic estimation, i. 392. Sun, alleged change in its position ex- plained, i. 274. ——, protection from it a requisite in Egyptian buildings, i. 279. ——, why reputed hot at its rising in the East, i. 379. ——-, legend of the hissing sound made by it on setting in the ocean, i. 379. , not always represented as the deity of the Hellenes, and the Moon as that of the Persians, ii. 210. Sundial, its original form, i. 244. Sun-god, his ritual perhaps introduced into Asia Minor and Delos from Babylon through Patara, i. 244. Sunrise a sacred time with fire-worship- pers, i. 365. Sun-worship a snare to the early Chris- tians, ii. 219. ————— complained of by Leo the Great, ii. 219. Supremacy of Sparta, why rejected by the allies, ii. 320. Susa, amount of the knowledge of it, pos- sessed by the Greeks in the time of Herodotas, i. 487. Suslic, the local name for the Scythian mouse, i. 513. , its habits, idzd. Swine, probable origin of Herodotus’s of their use in threshing, i. 178. Swineherds of Egypt, Wilkinson’s attempt to reconcile the accounts of them a fail- ure, i. 179. Swiss, their conduct after the battle of Granson illustrates that of the Spartan helots after Plateea, ii. 472. Sword the symbol of the deity among the Huns, i. 473. Syagrus, the envoy to Gelon, represented the party of Cleomenes, ii. 276. Sybaris, various accounts of the circum- stances leading to its destruction, ii. 25. , ita close connexion with Miletas, ii. 97. , ita relations to Crotons explained, ii. 343. Syene (Assouan) opposite to the island Elephantine, i. 186. falsely supposed to be under the tropic, i. 187. , celebrated well there, i. 187. Syenite granite, i. 263. Syennesis possibly a title, ii. 82. Sylla carried off the last of Croesus’s tubs from Delphi, i. 34. 575 Sylla, his army corrupted by the pleasures of Asia, i. 266. Symbols, sacred, i. 146. Synchronism, instance of a factitious, i. 10. ------..----- of two events denoted by the copulative conjunctions, i. 543; ii. 58. 304. Syncretism of diverse deities, ii. 245. Syrgis probably the same river as the Hyrgis, but the text not to be altered, i. 509. Syrians, the Hellenic phrase for the Cap- padocians, i. 5. 58. , wide extent of the name as applied by the Hellenes, ii, 22. Tachompso, erroneous description by He- rodotus, i. 188. Tadjik (Tedesci), perhaps the same name as Dadica, ii. 225. Tadmor on the road from Damascus to on the Euphrates, i. 312. Taking away the cloak an act of mili- tary requisition in Judeea, i. 380. Talking oaks of Dodona, i. 210. Talthybius, his tomb shown not only in Laconia, but also in Achaia, why, ii. 258. Talus, the man of brass, tutelary deity of Crete, i. 316. Tanais, its mouth reminded Clarke of the Nile, i. 466. Tanyoxarces, a name of the younger bro- ther of Cambyses, i. 328. Tar of Zante very celebrated in antiquity, i. 550. , its present yield very small, i. 550. ———-—, the springs from whence it is produced described, i. 551. —_——_ —, origin of some fictions respecting them, i. 551. Tarentum, its constitution changed in con- sequence of the loss sustained by the aristocracy in a battle, ii. 283. Targitaus the ancestor of the Scythians, i. 439. Tartessian brass, ii. 43. Tartessians, their long life proverbial, i. 120. Tartessus, obscure notions of it, i. 120. of Stesichorus probably a con- fusion of the Guadiana and Guadal- quiver, i. 386. Tatowing, a mark of nobility in some tribes, ii. 4. of slaves originated in the case of hierodules, ii. 312. Taurians thrown out of consideration in 576 Herodotus’s topography of Scythia, i. 498. Taurians, their common estimation as wreckers and pirates, i. 499. Tchad (lake), not a series of swamps, i. 191. Tearus, its springs how approached from the Propontis and the Euxzine, i. 492. , various accounts of its course ex- plained, i. 492. -———-——, its mineral springs perhaps visited as a bath by Persians of rank, i. 493. Technical phrases, i. 145. 169. 178. rules probably a part of Da- rius’s system of centralisation, ii. 8. Teeth, reported instances of them without a division, ii. 474. Tegea closely allied with Sparta just before the battle of Plateea, but after- wards alienated, ii. 446. alienated from the Lacedsemonians, at what time, ii. 448. Tegean influence at Lacedeemon, ii. 425. tradition, evidence of, i. 49. Tegeans, possible nature of their privileges at Lacedsemon, ii. 437. ———, jealousy against them felt by the inferior Lacedsemonians, ii. 438. -----. --- termed in contempt “ Arcadians,”’ ii. 440. united with Argives in a war against Sparta, ii. 445. Tel Basta the site of Bubastis, i. 287. Telesilla, her skill the probable cause of the reputation of Argos for music, i. 397. ——_—, Argive tradition relating her bravery, ii. 133. Tellias, the great object of his stratagem the dispensing with a watch-word, ii. 332 Telmessian oracle, its bearing from Sardis, i. 60. Telmessus, several places of that name, i. 60. ——_————-, coins of, have the head of the Sun-god on them, i. 60. Tempe, effect of its closure, ii. 256. , description of the gorge now called Bogaz, ii. 284. ———, the actual gorge required no amount of force to defend it, ii. 284. Temperature, its variation enormous in lower Asia, i. 380. Temple at Jerusalem, its position supposed to be intended as a testimony against sun-worship, ii. 219. — offerings spoken of as if well known, i. 71. — traditions affected by extrinsic causes, i. 33. INDEX OF Temple traditions a source of history, i. 72. -----.---..--..--..---.--, their mechanical ar- rangement a most uncertain basis for history, i. 272. in differed enormously from each other, i. 272. Temples a fertile source of history, i. 17. 419. 491. —————- associated with one another like the chapels in Roman Catholic churches, i. 295. — performed the office of banks in antiquity, ii. 21. ————., toleration for them and their worship existed in the Persian court of the time of Xerxes, ii. 346. Tenderness of foot a characteristic of luxury, i. 34. Tenedos, character of its population, i. 113. Teos colonised afresh after the conquest by Harpagus, probably from Miletus, ii. 90. ——, why proposed by Thales as the seat of a federal government, ii. 89. Terillus supported by the influence of Carthage, ii. 279. Termilz, the “‘ancient Lycians ” of Fel- lowes, spoke an Indo-Germanic lan- guage, i. 127. Teucri first represented as located in Asia by Callinus, i. 251. Teucrian names correspond widely with Thracian, ii. 7. Teucrians the same race with the Euro- pean Thracians, i. 456. ———-——, a name more recent than the Thiad, ii. 199. Text confused, i. 368. 371. Thales, how described by Herodotus, i. 124. , in what capacity at the Panionian congress, i. 124. did not belong to the party of His- tizeus in Miletus, ii. 89. , object of his advice to the Ionians, ii. 89. Thapsacus, the Hellenic form of 7¥phsach, the place of crossing the Euphrates, i. 312. 383. Theagenes, dynast of Megara, was father- in-law of Cylon, ii. 42. Thebais probably meant by Herodotus under ‘Opuhpera ἔπη, i. 455. Thebes (Boeotian), its early connexion with Phoenicia, ii. 36. —______- -_—_—__—_., traces of intercourse with Egypt there, i. 236. —____-—__—_,, growth of a powerful oligarchy there, ii. 464. SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Thebes (Boeotian), its government a close oligarchy at the time of the Persian in- vasion, ii. 431. —_——____-——_—_—, its government a de- mocracy at the time of the battle of CEnophyta, ii. 43). ———____-—__———, the democratic form of government changed by the result of the battle of Cinophyta, ii. 431. (Egyptian), not without rain, i. 816. ——_—_—_ —__,, special visit to it by Herodotus, i. 169. , Herodotus’s account of it not to be explained as a simple exaggeration, i. 180. Themis said to be etymologically connected with the Coptic root Time, i. 205. Themistocles, varying accounts of his con- duct with respect to the Hellespontine bridges, ii. 376. —————, why taunted by Polycritus, the son of Crius, an ginetan, ii. 367. ------ -- the money extorted by him from the Carystians and Parians not a public contribution, ii. 378. --.---- his character uniformly re- presented, but the details of the trans- actions he engaged in variously put, ii. 321. ——_——_, his offering at Delphi from the Persian spoils rejected, ii. 335. ——, his relation to the Persian king after his flight, ii. 127. Theodorus the Samian, time at which he lived, i. 33. Thera, Phoenician settlement there, i. 522. ——, some exiles from Cyrene find refuge there, i. 533. Therapne, in Laconian traditions made a daughter of Lelex, ii. 122. Thermopyle, water there of an extremely bright blue, ii. 286. ———__——, ethopeeic stories referred to it, i. 311. ——_—_-—__—_—, varying accounts of the death of the Greeks there, ii. 309. ——__——, in the apprehension of He- rodotus the Spartans there must have been accompanied with their helots, ii 331. Theron connected by descent from Ther- sander with the Heraclide kings of Lacedeemon, ii. 279. Thesmophoria, symbolism proper to it, i. 2 1. 238. Thessalonica, its foundation by Cassander, ii. 252. Thessaly composed of two great levels separated by a low range of hills, ii. 256. VOL, II, 577 Thessaly, passes between it and Macedonia, ii, 254, 255. Thornax, the Apollo there resembled that at Amycle, i. 52. Thrace of Herodotus involved a larger tract than that of Thucydides, ii. 2. , the Persian occupation of it pro- bably only a military one, ii. 244. Thracian chiefs probably of a different race from their subjects, ii. 4. names correspond widely with Teucrian, ii. 7. Three, a sacred number in many nations widely separated from each other, i. 47 Thriasian plain, how an advantageous place to engage Mardonius in, ii. 425. Thucydides, his topography of Pieria has- tily condemned, ii. 254. ———— reconciled with Herodotus, ii 254. ———, his chronology between the battles of Marathon and Salamis recon- ciled with Herodotus, ii. 182. 186. Thurii, part of Herodotus’s work perhaps written there, ii. 97. Thyni in the list of Croesus’s subjects are probably Europeans, ii. 229. —, Asiatic, of doubtful authority, ii. 229, ——, their absence from the roll of Xer- xes’s army explained, ii. 229. Thynias Acte, its site, ii. 229. Thyree, narrative of the battle perhaps a subsequent addition to Herodotus’s work, i. 62. ‘the Hellenic “ Otterburn,’’ i. 64. Tibboos hunted for slaves, i. 544. Tigranes the Cyrus of the Armenian tra- ditions, i. 100. Timbuctoo, river there flows to the east, perhaps reached by the Nasamones, i. 91. Time, its accurate division not to be looked for in the phrases denoting the several sections of the day, ii. 324. Timesitheus, a Delphian who had a statue at Olympia, ii. 48. Tin, that known by Herodotus probably came from Spain, i. 386. Tirynthian fishermen alluded to by Hero- dotus as if their story was notorious, ii. 260. Tisamenus, the seer of Lysander, brought about the destruction of the Athenian fleet, ii. 445. Titles, germs of them in the courts of Persia and Macedonia, ii. 204. Titormus in later stories is made a giant herdsman, ii. 162. , trial of strength between him and Milo, ii. 162. 45 578 Tmolus, Persian station on ite summit, ii. 73 Tonsure practised by the Calmucks in the case of those destined for the priest- hood, i. 450. Tupography of Herodotus inconsistent, i. 448. 448. Torch-race. See Lampadephoria. probably the last part of the proceedings in the Hepheestus ritual at Athens, ii. 370. Towing, Egyptian mode at Bain οἱ Hagar, i. 187. asa ee a the jurisdiction of an Aga, i. Trade aaa by barter and signs, i. 551. Traditions, varying nature of them, i. 121. , attempt to explain this, i. attached to local phenomena, i. 237. ——-——— shaped by the current ideas of each locality, i. 263. ———— preserve accurately their ethical features while their details vary, i. 311. ———-, growth of them as time ad- vances, ii. 323. , those of the Greeks varied much, especially in the pedigrees, ii. 437. —_———.,, union of independent ones, i. 82. 206. , mechanical combination of them an uncritical proceeding, i. 38. , Hellespontine origin of one shown, i ii. 15. » Greeco-Lydian origin of one shown, i i 5. Trausi, their probable site, ii. 2. Travellers’ stories reduced by Erato- sthenes, but only combined by Hero- dotus, i. 452. Tremile. See Termile. Triballus, the barbarian god in Aristo- phanes, a representation of the clown. ishness of ἃ savage, i. 511. Tributary nations of the Persian king ac- cording to the Behistun Inscription, i. 373. Tribute, an intolerable name to Hellenic ears, i. 534. , how masked, i. 634. Triopas the colonizer of Cnidus in the local traditions, i. 128. Triopium, its ritual one adapted for stanch- ing blood-feuds, ii. 271. —— at Cnidus, i. 108. Tripod the symbol of a tutelary deity, i. 541. ᾿ , importance attached to it, i. 541. INDEX OF Tripod, that set up at Delphi originally had reference to Platea, ii. 360. Triremes not to be supposed used by Psammitichus, i. 287. ———-, those used for the war not decked throughout, ii. 265. Tritanteechmes, bis father’s name doubtful, ii. 231. —- —— — , perhaps closely connected with Darius, ii. 23]. ————_——, a doubtful reading in viii. 26, ii. 331. Troezene resorted to by the Athenians on the destruction of their own city, why, ii. 338. ἀγα πεικὴ population of Sybaris expelled by their Acheean fellow-citizens, ii. 26. Troglodyte of Herodotus are the 7¥dd00s, i. 539. Trona the νίτρον of Herodotus, i. 225. Trophonius and Agamedes the masons, legend of them, i. 2}. Troy, nature of the siege of, i. 119. True tradition rejected by Herodotus, i. 385. Tunny-fish, abundance of the smaller kind at Sinope, i. 444. , factory for salting it in the Euxine, i. 12. Turban probably meant by a head-dress described by Herodotus, ii. 224. Turk, syniology of the name doubtful, i. 439. —, favourite designation of the Tartars north of the Euxine, i. 439. Tutelary deities of any locality regarded as inseparable from the soil, ii. 45. supposed to leave a city before it could be taken by the enemy, li. 339. Twelve Gods had an altar in the agora at Athens, i. 170. Two mine the ransom of a man-at-arms, ii, 133. Typbon represented under the form of a river horse, i. 217. said to be overwhelmed in the Serbonian marsh, i. 313. Tyre and Aradus, two islands s. of Gerrha, i. 383. Tyrio-Egyptian deity described by 8 Hel- lenic equivalent, i. 246. ae the Pelasgians of Mount Athos, ———— (Italian), probable origin of the story of their Lydian extraction, i. 75. ------- Ἐ of the historical times discovered by the Phoceeans, i. 75. oe Uaphris of Manetho the Apries of Hero- dotus, i. 290. -»/ bs SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Ukraine, horrible practice of the banditti there, i. 474. Uncial MSS, peculiarities of, i. 5. . —— rarely have the I adscript, i. 101. Undergarb reputed a sign of effeminacy, i. 116. Unknown gods an object of vague fear, ii. 46. Usnufract the early tenure of land in the East, i. 243. Vagrancy indirectly discouraged by Ama- sis, i. 299. Vagrant oracles, ii. 396. Variation of early MSS, i. 138. 168. 175. 211. 225; ii. 247. 491. ——_———— names in stories which are mainly ethical, ii. 347. particulars in local traditions, i. 237. ————-—. statements between the time of Herodotus and that of Strabo, i. 279. Vegetable dyes of the Phrygian Hiera- polis, i. 74. Velia, origin of its name, i. 123. Viceroys, the only form of Oriental go- vernment known to the Greeks, i. 333. Victim, its unwillingness to be sacrificed regarded as inauspicious, i. 47]. Vienna manuscript (V), for important variations in this MS, see the Index, under the head “ Sancroft MS,’’ with which it generally agrees. Vine cultivated in Persia, i. 53. grew in the Faioum, i. 221. Virgin (The) worshipped by the Taurians, i. 499. ——_—-—,, site of her temple, i. 499. Vitriol (not alum) used by the ancients in dyeing wool, i. 300. . ,its crystals abundant in Melos, i.300. Vivisepulture, doubtful if a general Per- sian practice, i. 332 ; ii. 247. Wadi Halfa, place of, i. 188. Wandering gods, a legend old in the time of Pindar, ii. 163; its extremely wide prevalence, ibid. ‘Warlike tutelary deity of a mercenary army, i. 316. Water, importance attached to its quality by Asiatica, i. 139. , its supply an article of taxation in hot countries, i. 386. ----- Herodotus’s story of its extreme rarity originates in the greater specific agg of the wood thrown into it, i. 24. -- --- signified by the root dn or tn, ob- servable in the names of many rivers, i. 385. 579 Water supply of Cambyses’s army, how effected, i. 315. Waterworks of Mesopotamia, i. 137. ——_———-— in the Faioum described by Strabo, i. 306. Wer-wolf, origin of the superstition, i. 500. ———, different animals take the place of the wolf in different countries, i. 500. Westernmost point of Europe reached by Mardonius, ii. 430. Westphalian saw illustrated by a practice of the Caunians, i. 126. White animals regarded as Jusus nature, i. 104. Wicker huts on wains in the Crimea, i. 477. Wild boars abound in Biledulgerid, i. 549. —————_—, the error of Herodotus re- specting them is followed by Aristotle, i. 549. | Wind instruments alone allowed at the festival celebrated by Epaminondas on re-establishing the independence of Messenia, ii. 447. Wine an article of traffic in antiquity, i. 444. ——, reputed abstinence of the Egyptians from it, i. 195. -—— imported into Alexandria from Lao- diceea, i. 314. —— Jars collected at Memphis, i. 314. Winged snakes, reputed bones of them seen by Herodotus, probably the re- mains of bats, i. 219. Winking statue at Siris in Italy, ii. 349; the single point common to discordant traditions, ii. 340. Witchcraft, belief in, prevalent in Pontus, i. 500 i. 500. Wives, immolation of them at the death of their husbands a widely-extended custom, ii. 3. Wolf in Egyptian paintings, i. 258. Women in antiquity performed the duty of water-carriers, ii. 168. Wood, some African kinds heavier than water, i. 324. Words of ill omen carefully avoided, ii. 152. 233. Woronetz, site corresponding with that of the Budini, i, 508. Xanthian monument discovered by Fel- lowes, i. 130. Xanthippus, fictions of later times to ac- count for his being in command instead of Themistocles, ii. 388. Xanthus probably reduced by Greek troops in the Persian service, i. 130. Xenophanes, his saying with regard to rituals of a mournful character, i. 265. 580 Xerxes regarded as the lineal descendant of the Assyrian dynasties, ii. 193. , his pedigree explained and re- conciled with the Behistun Inscription, ii. 193. » table exhibiting his family rela- tions, ii. 316, segq. , various accounts of the circum- stances attending his succession, ii. 182. , his asserted vindication of the wrongs of the Sardian goddeas Cybebe shows a great change of religious feel- ing in the Persian court, ti. 137. his hero-worship at Ilium ex- plained, ii. 214. , in his route to Sardis, all the points named have a mercantile inte- rest, ii. 206. takes a course over the top of Ida, ii. 213. , his course traced from the river Caicus to Abydos, ii. 213. , course of his fleet and army on leaving Sestos, ii. 221. , his route from the Hellespont to the Strymon along the line of lakes, ii 245. ———_—_—— army, moves in three divi- sions, ii. 231. 250. —————-- could not all have gone to Acanthus, ii. 252. ———_-————, course probably taken by the main body, ii. 252. ——-—, his route from Acanthus to the Echedorus not particularised, ii. 253. , number of his fleet at Phalerum enormously exaggerated, ii. 352. , the movements of his fleet at Salamis are understood by Leake in ac- cordance with the view of Herodotus, li. 354. ———, manoeuvres of his fleet unintelli- oo as Herodotus describes them, ii 57. , his reputed seat during the battle of Salamis variously assigned, ii. 365. ———, the details of his retreat highly uncertain, ii. 381. Year, Babylonian and Egyptian, i. 140. ——, its seasons originally defined by terrestrial phenomena, i. 16]. 169. ——, its length how determined, i. 169. Yuruk (wanderers) perhaps the Jyrce of Herodotus, i. 450. THE INDEX OF SUBJECTS ILLUSTRATED. Zalmoxis identified with the Hellenic Cronus, i. 493. Zanole, its name Oscan, ii. 272. , bow colonized, idid. ’ its site, ii. 98. a confused accounts of its settle- ment, ii. 99. Zela, in Pontus, 8 society of hierodules of Anaitis, i. 157. Zemindars in India, their position that of Themistocles and Demaratus in Asia, ii. 127 Zeus, Scythian insignia of him probably suggested Heracles to the Pontine Greeks, i. 441. —— Carius, very different from Zeus Stratius; substantially identical with Erechtheus and Triopas, i. 126. —— Herceus, his altar at Athens in the Pandroseum, ii. 125. —— Lacedemon not mentioned by any other writer than Herodotus, ii. 117. » his probable natare, ii. ——-, 8 deity of the ruling class, ii. 118. —— Lephystius nearly the same with Dionysus &pnorhs or ὠμάδιος, ii. 297. ——- Lyczus, nature of the ritual to him, ii. 297. —— Panhellenius, perhaps the deity in ZEgina, ii. 424. —— Samius not the Olympic deity, but the elemental Aether, i. 391. —— Stratius, his fane at Labranda, ii. 83. , how represented, bid. , his ritual common to the inhabitants of Mylasa and the rural population, ii. 83. —_—————— called 83. 118. Labradeus, why, ii. , not to be confounded with ayes nee whose local name was Ogos, ---- ᾿ὕπω, site of his temple, i. 490. Zigeuner perhaps etymologically connected with the Sigynnes of Herodotus, ii. 5. Zophorus, its architectural sense, i, 52. Zopyrus, his story has 8 genuine Asiatic character, i. 414. » Yash identification of persons bearing this name, il. 232. Zoster, its site, ii. 374. ; derivation of the name in the local legend, ii. 374. , the fish consumed at Athens de- rived chiefly from about it, ii. $74. END. GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, 8T. JOHN’S SQUARE, LONDON. March 1881. A CLASSIFIED LIST ΟΣ EDUCATIONAL WORKS. GEORGE BELL & SONS. Full Catalogues will be sent post free on application. BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA. A Sertes of Greek and Latin Authors, with English Notes, edited by eminent Schelars. S8wo. Z=schylus. By F. A. Paley, M.A. 18s, Cicero’s Orations. ByG. Long, M.A. 4 vols. 16s., 14s., 16s., 18, Demosthenes. By R. Whiston, M.A, 2 vols, 16s. each. Euripides. By F. A. 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